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Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
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https://archive.org/details/historyofcentral03banc 


HISTORY 


OF 

CENTRAL  AMERICA 


BY 


/ 

HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT 


VOLUME  III 


NEW  YORK 

THE  BANCROFT  COMPANY 


CONTENTS  OF  THIS  VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  I. 

LAST  DAYS  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 

1801— ISIS. 

r 

Popular  Feeling  in  Central  America — Effect  of  Events  in  Spain — Recog- 
nition of  American  Equality— Representation  in  the  Spanish  Cortes 
— Delusive  Reforms — End  of  Saravia’s  Rule — President  Jose  Busta- 
mante— His  Despotic  Course — Demands  in  the  Cortes — Constitu- 
tional Guarantees — Official  Hostility — Campaign  in  Oajaca — Revolu- 
tionary Movements  in  Salvador — War  in  Nicaragua — Conspiracy  in 
Guatemala — Treatment  of  the  Insurgents — Disrespect  to  the  Diputa- 
cion — The  Constitution  Revoked — Royal  Decrees 

CHAPTER  II. 

INDEPENDENCE  ACHIEVED. 

1818-1821. 

President  Carlos  Urrutia — His  Liberal  Views — Colombian  Assaults — 
Spanish  Constitution  Restored — The  Gazistas,  or  Bacos — The  Cacos 
— Jos6  del  Valle — Pedro  Molina — Liberal  Institutions — Extent  of 
the  Political  Government— Ecclesiastical  Administration — Work  of 
American  Deputies — Party  Excitement  in  Guatemala — Urrutia  Dele- 
gates His  Powers — Substitute  President  Gavino  Gainza — Chiapas  and 
Her  Government — She  Secedes  from  Spain  and  Joins  the  Mexican 
Empire — Guatemala  Declares  for  Independence — Junta  Gubernativa 
— Convocation  of  a Congress 

CHAPTER  III. 

UNION  WITH  MEXICO. 

1821-1S22. 

First  Acts  of  Guatemalan  Rulers — Intrigues  of  Parties — Their  Evil  Con- 
sequences— Gainza’s  Intrigues — Independence  in  the  Other  Prov- 
inces— Rewards  to  Gainza — Troubles  in  Salvador — Dissensions  in 
Honduras — Local  Squabbles  in  Nicaragua — Predilection  for  Imperial- 
ism —Costa  Rica  Neutral — Condition  of  Various  Sections — Seceding 
Districts  of  Guatemala — Perplexities  of  the  Junta  Consultiva — Itur- 
bi  le’s  Devices — Military  Pressure — His  Proposals  Accepted — Illegal 
Annexation — Protests  and  Resistance — War  Begins 


(v) 


vi  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

CENTRAL  AMERICAN  CONFEDERATION. 

1S22-1S25. 

PAG  K 

Secession  from  Mexico — Arzti's  Campaign — Prevarication  of  Salvador — 
Filisola’s  Victory — His  Subsequent  Course — Liberal  Triumph  in 
Costa  Rica — Honduras  Favors  Union — National  Independence  Se- 
cured— Labors  to  Organize  a Nation — The  Constituent  Assembly — 
Provincias  Unidas  del  Centro  de  America — Abolition  of  African 
Slavery — Provisional  Government — Moderados  or  Serviles  — Libe- 
rates or  Fiebres — Principles  and  Aims  of  Parties — Mexican  Forces 
Retire — Seditions  Begin — Salvadoran  Force  in  Guatemala — Confed- 
eration de  Centro  America — Fundamental  Law — Finances — Adjourn- 
ment of  the  Constituent  Assembly 60 

CHAPTER  V. 

CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 

1S25-1S30. 

General  Elections — Meeting  of  the  First  Congress — Manuel  Jos6  Arce, 
First  President  of  the  Republic — Foreign  Relations — Arce’s  Pre- 
varications— Conflict  with  Guatemala — Party  Bickerings — Liberals 
Quarrel  with  Arce. — He  Joins  their  Opponents — Bitterness  Engen- 
dered— President  versus  Guatemalan  Rulers — Arrest  of  Jefe  Juan 
Barrundia — Riots  at  Quezaltenango — Murder  of  Vice-jefe  Cirilo 
Flores — Arce  as  Dictator  in  Guatemala — War  against  Salvador — Arce 
Defeated — He  Gives  up  the  Presidency,  and  Cannot  Recover  It — 
Bloody  War  of  1S26-9 — Morazan  the  Victor — Jose  Francisco  Bar- 


rundia, Acting  President  — Liberal  Measures  — Peace  Restored — 
Spanish  Schemes 79 


CHAPTER  VI. 

CIVIL  WAR. 

1S29-1S38. 

Revolution  in  Honduras — Conservatives  Invade  the  State — Second  Gen- 
eral Elections — Francisco  Morazan  Chosen  President— Plots  of  the 
Serviles — Arce’s  Invasion  from  Mexico — Occupation  of  Honduras 
Ports  by  Exiled  Rebels — Spanish  Flag  Hoisted  in  Omoa,  and  Aid 
from  Cuba — Salvadoran  Authorities  in  Rebellion — Third  General 
Elections — Morazan  Reelected — Failure  of  Colonization  Plans — Rav- 
ages of  Cholera — Indian  Revolt  under  Carrera — His  Early  Life 108 

CHAPTER  VII. 

DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

1S37-1S40. 

Campaign  against  Carrera — Several  Departments  of  Guatemala  in  Re- 
bellion— Jefe  Galvez  Deposed — Carrera  Takes  Guatemala — Murder 


CONTENTS. 


of  Salazar — Carrera  Accepts  Money  to  Leave  the  City — Dictatorship 
Offered  Morazan  by  the  Aristocrats  and  Refused — Carrera’s  Second 
Rebellion — The  Republic  in  Peril — Morazan ’s  Efforts  to  Save  It — 
Nicaragua  and  Honduras  Forces  Invade  Salvador — Morazan  Defeats 
Them — His  Retreat  to  San  Salvador — He  Embarks — Is  Refused 
Hospitality  in  Costa  Rica — Goes  to  South  America — The  Republic  is 
Dead — Salvador  at  the  Mercy  of  Carrera 127 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

GUATEMALA  AND  HONDURAS. 

1824^1840. 

State  Government  of  Guatemala — Barrundia’s  Radicalism — His  Over- 
throw— Vice-jefe  Flores  Assassinated  in  Quezaltenango — Downfall  of 
the  Liberals  in  Guatemala — Aristocratic  Leaders  Exiled — Jefe  Mo- 
lina— His  Differences,  Impeachment,  and  Acquittals — Rivera  Ca- 
beza’s  Reforms — Earthquakes— Galvez’  Rule  and  its  Benefits — Party 
Opposition  to  Him — Indian  Outbreaks — Carrera  Captures  Guatemala 
— Galvez  Resigns — Subsequent  Rule  of  the  Aristocrats — Guatemala 
again  Independent — Honduras’  State  Government — Jefe  Dionisio 
Herrera — Early  Dissensions — Comayagua  Assaulted  by  Rebels — 
Morazan  in  the  Field — Honduras  Secedes  from  the  Central  American 
Confederation — Federalism  Rooted  out  of  her  Territory 145 

CHAPTER  IX. 

SALVADOR,  NICARAGUA,  AND  COSTA  RICA. 

1824-1840. 

Salvador  State  Government — Liberals  Overthrown — Secession  from  the 
Union — San  Salvador  as  the  Federal  Seat  of  Government — Guate- 
mala Imposes  her  Will — Jefe  Canas  and  Comandante  Malespin — Nic- 
aragua’s Early  Troubles — Siege  and  Bombardment  of  Leon— Organ- 
ization of  State  Government — Dissensions  and  Warfare — Eruption  of 
Cosigiiina — Secession  from  the  Confederation — Costa  Rica  as  a Con- 
federated State — Juan  Mora's  Administration — Towns’  Bickerings 
Settled — Braulio  Carrillo’s  Rule — Final  Secession  from  the  Central 
American  Republic — Prosperity  of  the  State 165 

CHAPTER  X. 

DISSOLUTION  OF  TJIF.  UNION. 

1839-1S52. 

Interstate  Dissensions — Pacto  de  Chinandega  — Confederacion  Centro 
Americana — Supremo  Delegado  Chamorro — Hostility  of  Guatemala 
and  British  Officials — Arce  Invades  Salvador — War  of  the  Confeder- 
acy against  Guatemala — Helplessness  of  Chamorro — End  of  the 
Pacto  de  Chinandega — Condition  of  the  States — Ferrera's  Bad  Faith 


CONTENTS. 


viii 


— Salvador  and  Honduras  against  Nicaragua — Horrors  of  Leon — 
Vice-president  Joaquin  E.  Guzman — Honduras  and  Salvador  at  War 
— Guardiola’s  Vandalism— Malespin  Overthrown — Renewed  Efforts 
to  Confederate — Guatemala  an  Independent  Republic — Costa  Rica 
Follows — Salvador,  Nicaragua,  and  Honduras  a Confederacy — Its 
Short  Life — Further  Unsuccessful  Attempts 186 

CHAPTER  XI. 

REPUBLIC  OF  COSTA  RICA. 

1841-1856. 

Rule  of  Carrillo  Continued — Plots  for  its  Overthrow — Invasion  of  Mora- 
zan — Change  of  Government — Morazan’s  Policy — Opposition — Re- 
volts— Morazan’s  Defeat  and  Death — Satisfaction  of  the  Oligarchs — 
Measures  of  the  Victors — New  Constitution — Subsequent  Amend- 
ments— Sedition — Castro’s  Administration — Costa  Rica  Declared  a 
Republic — Recognition  by  Spain — Relations  with  Other  Powers — 
Boundary  Questions  with  Nicaragua  and  Colombia — President  Juan 
Rafael  Mora — His  Repressive  Measures 215 

CHAPTER  XII. 

REPUBLIC  OF  NICARAGUA. 

1838-1855. 

State  Government — Director  Buitrago’s  Conservatism — British  Aggres- 
sion— Director  Sandoval's  Rule — Internal  Troubles — Guerrero’s  Ad- 
ministration— The  Mosquito  Kingdom — Its  Origin  and  History- 
Bubbles- — British  Pretensions — Seizure  of  San  Juan  del  Norte — Dip- 
lomatic Complications — Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty — Nicaragua  Recovers 
her  Own — Relations  with  Foreign  Powers — An  American  War  Ship 
Bombards  San  Juan  del  Norte — Pineda’s  Government — Establish- 
ment of  the  Republic — Party  Dissensions — Legitimists  versus  Demo- 
crats— Chamorro  and  Castellon— Civil  War — Death  of  Chamorro — 
Estrada  Succeeds  Him 238 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

REPUBLIC  OF  GUATEMALA. 

1S40-1865. 

President  Rivera  Paz — Carrera’s  Course — Pretended  Sedition — Dissolu- 
tion of  the  Assembly — A Consejo  Constituyente  Created — Carrera 
Becomes  President — Attempt  against  his  Life — Revolt  of  Monter- 
rosa — Carrera’s  Despotism — The  Republic  Established — Relations 
with  Other  Powers — Revolution  of  the  Mountain — Constituent  As- 
sembly Convened — Carrera’s  Forced  Resignation  and  Exile — Liberals 
Triumphant — Their  Squabbles  and  Disintegration — The  Moderado 
Party — Revolution  of  Los  Altos — Intrigues  of  the  Serviles — Presi- 


CONTENTS. 


IX 


dencies  of  Martinez  and  Escobar — Causes  of  their  Resignations — 
Paredes — Recall  of  Carrera — Deeds  of  Vengeance — Carrera  again 
President — Partial  Restoration  of  Peace 264 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

REPUBLIC  OF  SALVADOR. 

1839-1865. 

Malespin’s  Acts — Lindo’s  Coup  d’Etat  and  Deposal — Jefe  Guzman — ■ 
Revolt  at  Santa  Ana — President  Aguilar — The  Bishop  Expelled — 
Viteri’s  Alliance  with  Malespin  and  Honduran  Oligarchs — President 
Vasconcelos— British  Hostilities — Salvador’s  Relations  with  Foreign 
Powers — San  Martin’s  Administration— Destruction  of  San  Salvador 
- — President  Campo — Campaign  against  Walker  in  Nicaragua — Estab- 
lishment of  the  Republic — Santin’s  Overthrow — Presidency  of  Ge- 
rardo Barrios — War  of  Salvador  and  Honduras  against  Guatemala 
and  Nicaragua — The  Latter  Victorious — Barrios’  Flight — Restoration 
of  Peace — Duenas  as  President — Barrios’  Subsequent  Return — His 
Capture  and  Surrender  by  Nicaragua — His  Execution  in  San  Salva- 
dor   285 


CHAPTER  XV. 

REPUBLIC  OF  HONDURAS. 

1840-1865. 

President  Ferrera — Revolutionary  Movements — Political  Executions — 
Presidency  of  Juan  Lindo — New  Constitution — Lindo  Overthrown — 
Belize — Honduras’  Troubles  with  Great  Britain — British  Occupation 
of  Tiger  Island — Bombardment  of  Omoa — Bay  Islands — President 
Cabanas — War  with  Guatemala  — Guardiola’s  Assassination— Pro- 
visional Rules  of  Castellanos  and  Montes — Alliance  with  Barrios — 
Unsuccessful  War  with  Guatemala  and  Nicaragua — Montes  Deposed 
— Establishment  of  the  Republic — Jose  M.  Medina  Chosen  President 
— Amendment  of  the  Constitution 309 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

walker’s  CAMPAIGN  IN  NICARAGUA. 

1855-1856. 

Kinney’s  Expedition — William  Walker  Joins  the  Democrats — Failure  of 
his  Expedition  to  Rivas — Cholera  Decimates  the  Legitimists  at  Ma- 
nagua— Death  of  Munoz — Walker’s  Victories  at  La  Virgen  and  Gra- 
nada— Execution  of  Minister  Mayorga — Walker’s  Convention  with 
Corral  — Provisional  Government  Organized  — President  Patricio 
Rivas — Commander  of  the  Forces,  Walker — Minister  of  War  Corral 
Put  to  Death  for  Treason— Recognition  by  Salvador  and  Honduras 
— Seizure  of  the  Transit  Company’s  Steamers — Costa  Ricans  on  the 
War-path — Havoc  of  Cholera . . » ^ 327 


X 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

END  OF  FILIBUSTERING  IN  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 

1856-1867. 

PAG  K 

Recognition  of  President  Rivas  by  the  United  States — Walker’s  Hostile 
Attitude — Flight  of  Rivas — Walker  Makes  Himself  President — Alli- 
ance against  Him — Death  of  Estrada — The  Legitimists  Accept  Rivas 
— Costa  Ricans  and  Nicaraguans  in  Rivas — Destruction  of  Granada 
— It  is  Occupied  by  Allied  Forces — Walker  Reoecupies  Rivas— Where 
He  is  Besieged — Successes  of  the  Costa  Ricans — Failure  of  Lock- 
ridge’s  Expedition — Surrender  of  Walker — War  of  Nicaragua  and 
Costa  Rica — Commodore  Paulding  and  Walker’s  Second  Attempt — 
Walker’s  Invasion  of  Honduras,  Capture,  and  Execution — Govern- 
ment Reorganized — President  Martinez’  Administrations 347 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

POLITICAL  EVENTS  IN  COSTA  RICA. 

1856-1886. 

Rewards  to  Walker’s  Conquerors — Reelection  of  Mora — His  Downfall  and 
Exile — His  Return,  Capture,  and  Execution — Montealegre’s  Admin- 
istration— Violence  of  Parties — Compromise  on  Jesus  Jimenez — His 
Peaceful  Rule — President  Jose  M.  Castro — Charges  against  Him — 

His  Overthrow — -Several  New  Constitutions — Jimenez  again  Presi- 
dent— His  Arbitrary  Acts — How  He  was  Deposed — President  Car- 
ranza— Other  Temporary  Rulers — President  Guardia’s  Despotism — 
Failure  of  his  Warlike  Plans — His  Death — Administration  of  Pros- 
pero  Fernandez — Preparations  to  Defend  Independence — His  Sudden 
Death— Bernardo  Soto’s  Peaceful  Rule 371 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

DEMOCRATIC  INSTITUTIONS  IN  SALVADOR. 

1865-1885. 

Rule  of  President  Dueiias — His  Conservatism — Quarrel  with  Honduras — 

The  Latter  Allied  with  Salvadoran  Liberals — Battle  of  Santa  Ana — 
Dueiias  Deposed — -His  Impeachment,  Release,  and  Temporary  Exile 
— Santiago  Gonzalez  Provisional  President — Gonzalez  Elected  Chief 
Magistrate — Guatemala  and  Salvador  at  War  with  Honduras — 
Murder  of  Vice-president  Mendez — Earthquakes — President  Valle — 
Trouble  with  Guatemala — Exeunt  Valle  and  Gonzalez — Zaldivar’s 
Long  Rule — Constitutional  Changes — Alliance  with  Nicaragua  and 
Costa  Rica — Resistance  to  Barrios’  Plan  of  Conquest — Salvador  Vic- 
torious— Restored  Peace  — Zaldivar  Eliminated  — Revolution — F. 
Menendez  Made  President 31)2 


CONTENTS. 


xi 


CHAPTER  XX. 

DEMOCRACY  RESTORED  IS  GUATEMALA. 

1S65-1S73. 

PAGE 

President  Cerna's  Rule — Partial  Revolts — Liberals  in  the  Assembly — 
Cerna’s  Reelection — Riots  in  the  Capital — Zavala's  Course — Cruz 
Rebellion,  Defeat,  and  Death — Arrests  of  Liberals — Moderation  of 
the  Government — Revolution  of  Garcia  Granados  and  Barrios — 

Plan  of  Patzicia — Cerna  Defeated  and  Overthrown— Granados  as 
Presidente  Provisorio — Seditious  Movements  Quelled — Abolition  of 
Priestly  Privileges — Prelates,  Jesuits,  and  Capuchins  Expelled — 

War  with  Honduras — Barrios  as  Substitute  President — His  Sever- 
ity— Elections — Barrios  Chosen  Constitutional  President 413 

CHAPTER  XXL 

RENEWED  EFFORTS  FOR  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  UNITY. 

1S73-1S85. 

President  Barrios  of  Guatemala — End  of  Reactionary  War — Guatemalan 
Progress — War  with  Salvador  and  Honduras — Barrios’  Successes 
and  Generosity  to  the  Vanquished — Constitutional  Regime  in  Guate- 
mala— Barrios’  Reelections- — His  Visit  to  the  United  States — Peace- 
ful Effort  to  Unite  Central  America — Resort  to  Arms — Alliance  of 
Guatemala  and  Honduras — Barrios  Attacks  Salvador — His  Defeat 
and  Death-  -His  Plan  Abandoned — M.  L.  Barillas,  Provisional  Presi- 
dent of  Guatemala — Restoration  of  Peace 431 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

HONDURAS  AFFAIRS. 

1805-1886. 

National  Flag  and  Escutcheon — Order  of  Santa  Rosa — Medina’s  Long 
Rule — His  Differences  with  Duenas,  and  Triumph — War  with  Salva- 
dor and  Guatemala — Medina  Defeated  and  Overthrown — Celeo  Arias 
Succeeds  Him— His  Liberal  Policy — He  is  Beset  by  the  Conserva- 
tives— His  Former  Supporters  Depose  Him — Ponciano  Leiva  Becomes 
President — His  Course  Displeases  Barrios,  Who  Sets  Medina  against 
Him — He  is  Forced  to  Resign — Marco  Aurelio  Soto  Made  President 
by  Barrios — Attempted  Revolt  of  Ex-president  Medina — His  Trial 
and  Execution — Soto’s  Administration — He  Goes  Abroad — His  Quar- 
rel with  Barrios,  and  Resignation — President  Bogran — Filibustering 
Schemes 453 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  IN  NICARAGUA. 

1867-1885. 

President  Fernando  Guzman— Insurrection— Misconduct  of  Priests — 
Defeats  of  the  Insurgents — Foreign  Mediation — Generosity  of  the 


CONTENTS. 


xii 


Government — President  Vicente  Quadra — Inception  of  the  Jesuits — 
Aims  of  Parties — Internal  and  Foreign  Complications — Costa  Rica's 
Hostility  and  Tinoco's  Invasion — Presidents  Chamorro  and  Zavala — 
More  Political  Troubles — Jesuits  the  Promoters — Their  Expulsion — 
Peace  Restored — Progress  of  the  Country— President  Adan  Car- 
denas— Resistance  to  President  Barrios’  Plan  of  Forced  Reconstruc- 
tion  470 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  ISTHMUS. 

1801-1822. 

Administration  under  Spain — Influence  of  Events  in  Europe  and  Spanish 
America  on  the  Isthmus — Hostilities  in  Nueva  Granada — Constitu- 
tional Government — General  Hore's  Measures  to  Hold  the  Isthmus 
for  Spain — MacGregor’s  Insurgent  Expedition  at  Portobello — Re- 
establishment of  the  Constitution — Cap  tain -general  Murgeon’s  Rule 
— The  Isthmus  is  Declared  Independent — Its  Incorporation  with 
Colombia — Jose  Fabrega  in  Temporary  Command — Jose  Maria  Car- 
reno  Appointed  Intendente  and  Comandante  General — Abolition  of 
African  Slavery 48S 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

DIVERS  PHASES  OF  SELF-GOVERNMENT. 

1S19-1S63. 

Panama  Congress — Provincial  Organizations — Alzuru’s  Rebellion  and 
Execution — Secession  from  Colombia  and  Reincorporation — Differ- 
ences with  Foreign  Governments — Crime  Rampant  — Summary 
Treatment  of  Criminals — Riots  and  Massacre  of  Foreign  Passengers 
- — Attempts  to  Rob  Treasure  Trains — Neutrality  Treaties — Estab- 
lishment of  Federal  System — Panama  as  a State— Revolutionary  Era 
Begins — A Succession  of  Governors — Seditious  Character  of  the 
Negro  Population — Revolution  against  Governor  Guardia  and  his 
Death — Another  Political  Organization — Estado  Soberano  de  Pana- 
ma— Liberal  Party  in  Full  Control — Stringent  Measures 510 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

FURTHER  WARS  AND  REVOLUTIONS. 

1863-1885. 

Presidents  Goitia,  Santa  Coloma,  and  Calancha — Undue  Interference  of 
Federal  Officials — Colunje’s  Administration — President  Olarte’s  En- 
ergy— Enmity  of  the  Arrabal’s  Negroes— Short  and  Disturbed  Rules 
of  Diaz  and  Ponce — President  Correoso — Negro  Element  in  the 
Ascendent — Conservatives  Rebel,  and  are  Discomfited — Armed  Peace 


CONTENTS.  xiii 

PAGE 

for  a Time — Feverish  Rules  of  Neira,  Miro,  Aizpuru,  Correoso,  and 
Casorla — Cervera’s  Long  Tenure — Temporary  Rule  of  Vives  Leon — 
President  Santodomingo  Vila — Obtains  Leave  of  Absence — Is  Suc- 
ceeded by  Pablo  Arosemena — Aizpuru’s  Revolution  — Arosemena 
Flees  and  Resigns — Outrages  at  Colon — American  Forces  Protect 
Panama — Collapse  of  the  Revolution — Aizpuru  and  Correoso  Im- 
prisoned— Chief  Causes  of  Disturbances  on  the  Isthmus 53 2 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

CENTRAL  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 

18SG. 

Extent  of  the  Country — Climate — Mountains  and  Volcanoes — Earth- 
quakes— Rivers  and  Lakes — Costa  Rica’s  Area,  Possessions,  and 
Political  Division  and  Government — Her  Chief  Cities — Nicaragua, 
her  Territory,  Towns,  and  Municipal  Administration-— Honduras’ 
Extent,  Islands,  Cities,  and  Local  Government — Salvador,  her  Posi- 
tion, Area,  Towns,  and  Civil  Rule — Guatemala’s  Extent  and  Posses- 
sions— Her  Cities  and  Towns — Internal  Administration — Isthmus  of 
Panama — Area,  Bays,  Rivers,  and  Islands — Department  and  District 
Rule — The  Capital  and  Other  Towns — Population — Character  and 
Customs — Education — Epidemics  and  Other  Calamities 500 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

THE  PEOPLE  OF  COSTA  RICA,  NICARAGUA,  AND  SALVADOR. 

1800-1887. 

Central  American  Population — Its  Divisions — General  Characteristics  and 
Occupations — Land  Grants — Efforts  at  Colonization — Failure  of  For- 
eign Schemes— Rejection  of  American  Negroes — Character  of  the 
Costa  Rican  People — Dwellings — Dress — Food — Amusements — Nica- 
raguan Men  and  Women — Their  Domestic  Life — How  They  Amuse 
Themselves — People  of  Salvador — Their  Character  and  Mode  of 
Living 587 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

THE  PEOPLE  OF  HONDURAS  AND  GUATEMALA. 

1800-1887. 

Amalgamation  in  Honduras — Possible  War  of  Races — Xicaques  and  Payas 
— Zambos  or  Mosquitos — Pure  and  Black  Caribs — Distinguishing 
Traits — Ladinos — Their  Mode  of  Life — Guatemala  and  her  People — 
Different  Classes — Their  Vocations  — Improved  Condition  of  the 
Lower  Classes — Mestizos — Pure  Indians — Lacandones— White  and 
Upper  Class — Manners  and  Customs  — Prevailing  Diseases — Epi- 
demics— Provision  for  the  Indigent 608 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

INTELLECTUAL  ADVANCEMENT. 

1800-1887. 

PAGE 

Public  Education — Early  Efforts  at  Development — Costa  Rica’s  Measures 
— Small  Success — Education  in  Nicaragua — Schools  and  Colleges — 
Nicaraguan  Writers — Progress  in  Salvador  and  Honduras — Brilliant 
Results  in  Guatemala — Polytechnic  School — Schools  of  Science,  Arts, 
and  Trades — Institute  for  the  Deaf,  Dumb,  and  Blind — University — 
Public  Writers — Absence  of  Public  Libraries — Church  History  in 
Central  America  and  Panama — Creation  of  Dioceses  of  Salvador  and 
Costa  Rica — Immorality  of  Priests — Their  Struggles  for  Supremacy 
—Efforts  to  Break  their  Power — Banishments  of  Prelates — Expulsion 
of  Jesuits — Suppression  of  Monastic  Orders — Separation  of  Church 
and  State — Religious  Freedom 621 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

JUDICIAL  AND  MILITARY. 

1S87. 

Judicial  System  of  Guatemala — Jury  Trials  in  the  Several  States — Courts 
of  Honduras — Absence  of  Codes  in  the  Republic — Dilatory  Justice — 
Impunity  of  Crime  in  Honduras  and  Nicaragua — Salvador’s  Judiciary 
— Dilatory  Procedure — Codification  of  Laws  in  Nicaragua — Costa 
Rican  Administration  — Improved  Codes  — Panama  Courts — Good 
Codes — Punishments  for  Crime  in  the  Six  States — Jails  and  Peniten- 
tiaries— Military  Service — Available  Force  of  Each  State — How 
Organized  — Naval  — Expenditures  — Military  Schools  — Improve- 
ments  638 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

INDUSTRIAL  PROGRESS. 

1800-1887. 

Early  Agriculture — Protection  of  the  Industry — Great  Progress  Attained 
— Communal  Lands — Agricultural  Wealth — Decay  of  Cochineal — 
Development  of  Other  Staples — Indigo,  Coffee,  Sugar,  Cacao,  and 
Tobacco — Food  and  Other  Products — Precious  Woods  and  Medicinal 
Plants — Live-stock — Value  of  Annual  Production  in  Each  State — 
Natural  Products  of  Panama  — Neglect  of  Agriculture  — Mineral 
Wealth — Yield  of  Precious  Metals — Mining  in  Honduras,  Salvador, 
and  Nicaragua — Deposits  of  Guatemala  and  Costa  Rica — Mints — 
Former  Yield  of  Panama — Mining  Neglected  on  the  Isthmus — In- 
cipiency  of  Manufactures — Products  for  Domestic  Use 650 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 

1801-1887. 

PAGE 

Early  State  of  Trade — Continued  Stagnation  after  Independence — Steam 
on  the  Coasts — Its  Beneficial  Effects — Variety  of  Staples — Ports  of 
Entry  and  Tariffs — Imports  and  Exports — Fairs — Accessory  Transit 
Company  — Internal  Navigation  — Highways  — Money — Banking  — 
Postal  Service — Panama  Railway  Traffic — Local  Trade  of  the  Isth- 
mus— Pearl  Fishery — Colonial  Revenue  in  Finances  of  the  Federa- 
tion — Sources  of  Revenue  of  Each  State  — Their  Receipts  and 
Expenditures — Foreign  and  Internal  Debts 668 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 

1801-1887. 

Ancient  Ideas  on  the  North-west  Passage — From  Peru  to  La  Plata — 
Cape  Horn  Discovered  — Arctic  Regions  — McClure’s  Successful 
Voyage  — Crozier’s  Discovery  — Franklin’s  Attempts  — Finding  by 
Nordenskidld  of  the  North-east  Passage — Projects  to  Unite  the  At- 
lantic and  Pacific  Oceans  across  the  Isthmuses — Plans  about  Tehuan- 
tepec-— Explorations  for  a Ship-canal  Route  in  Nicaragua,  Panama, 
and  Darien — The  Nicaragua  Accessory  Transit  Company — Construc- 
tion of  the  Panama  Railway,  and  its  Great  Benefits — Further  Efforts 
for  a Canal — Organization  of  a French  Company — A Ship-canal  under 
Construction  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama — Difficulties  and  Expec- 
tations— Central  American  Railroads  and  Telegraphs — Submarine 
Cables 688 


HISTORY 


OF 

CENTRAL  AMERICA 


CHAPTER  I. 

LAST  DAYS  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 

1S01-1818. 

Popular  Feeling  in  Central  America — Effect  of  Events  in  Spain  — 
Recognition  of  American  Equality — Representation  in  the  Spanish 
C6ktes — Delusive  Reforms — End  of  Sara  via ’s  Rule — President 
Jose  Bustamante — His  Despotic  Course — Demands  in  the  Cortes- 
Constitutional  Guarantees— Official  Hostility — Campaign  in  Oa- 
jaca — Revolutionary  Movements  in  Salvador — War  in  Nicaragua 
— Conspiracy  in  Guatemala — Treatment  of  the  Insurgents — Dis- 
respect to  the  Diputacion  — The  Constitution  Revoked  — Royal 
Decrees. 


The  opening  century  was  pregnant  with  important 
events  both  in  Europe  and  America.  By  1808  affairs 
in  Spain  culminated  in  the  French  emperor’s  deten- 
tion of  the  king  and  other  members  of  the  royal 
family  at  Bayonne,  where  he  forced  them  finally  to 
resign  in  his  favor  their  rights  to  the  Spanish  crown. 
The  circle  surrounding  the  captain-general,  audien- 
cia,  and  archbishop  of  Guatemala  was  made  up,  not 
only  of  European  Spaniards,  but  of  Guatemalans 
belonging  to  the  so-called  noble  families.  Popular 
displeasure  was  manifested  both  against  the  Span- 
iards and  against  the  provincial  aristocracy.1  The 

1 See  History  of  Mexico , this  scries.  The  masses  of  the  people  were  kept 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  1 


2 


LAST  DAYS  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 


oligarchy  was  hated  throughout  the  province  of  Gua- 
temala proper,  and  still  more  in  the  other  provinces 
of  the  presidency. 

However,  when  the  news  of  Napoleon’s  usurpation 
reached  America,  it  caused  a strong  revulsion  of 
feeling  in  Central  America,  as  well  as  elsewhere  in 
the  Spanish  dominions,  even  among  the  large  class 
which  had  hitherto  secretly  fostered  a warm  desire 
for  independent  national  existence.  Creoles  of  pure 
Spanidi  descent,  though  yearning  to  be  free  from  the 
old  thraldom,  could  not  bring  themselves  to  discard 
the  country  which  gave  them  blood,  religion,  and 
civilization.  As  to  the  educated  Indians,  who  were 
also  among  the  wishers  for  independence,  like  all  of 
their  race,  they  looked  up  to  the  ruling  power  with 
reverence  and  fear.  Thus  arose  a struggle  between 
the  old  veneration  and  the  love  of  freedom;  a strug- 
gle which  was  to  last  in  Central  America  a few  years 
longer,  though  the  people  were  becoming  more  and 
more  impatient,  while  leaning  to  the  side  of  indepen- 
dent nationality.  Circumstances  seemed  to  demand 
that  the  old  connection  should  not  be  ruptured  till 
1821,  when  decisive  results  in  New  Spain  brought  on 
the  final  crisis  here.  When  the  news  of  Napoleon’s 
acts  of  violence  and  usurpations  reached  Guatemala, 
popular  loyalty  was  aroused,  and  showed  itself  in 
various  ways.  Manifestations  by  the  authorities,  ex- 
pressive of  fealty  to  the  mother  country  and  the  royal 
family,  met  with  an  apparently  hearty  response  from 
the  people. 

Advices  came  on  the  30th  of  June,  1808,  of  the 
occurrences  at  Aranjuez  of  March  19th.2  July  passed 
amid  much  anxiety  about  affairs  in  Spain,  and  the 
public  mind  became  depressed  by  unfavorable  news 
received  on  the  13th  of  August.  Next  day,  at  a 


in  utter  ignorance,  to  be  used,  if  necessary,  as  the  blind  tools  of  the  ruling 
oligarchy.  Montufar , Resefia,  llist. , i.  6. 

1 1 have  told  in  my  History  of  Mexico  how  Cdrlos  IV.  was  forced  to  abdi- 
cate, and  his  son  Fernando  raised  to  the  throne. 


SARAVIA  AND  FERNANDO  VII. 


3 


meeting  of  the  authorities,3  the  state  of  affairs  was 
anxiously  discussed.  The  mariscal  de  campo,  An- 
tonio Gonzalez  Mollinedo  y Saravia,  had  succeeded 
Dolmas  on  the  28th  of  July,  1801,  in  the  offices  of 
governor,  captain-general,  and  president  of  the  au- 
diencia. He  had  seen  forty  years  of  service  in  the 
royal  armies,4  and  had  with  him  his  wrife,  Micaela  Co- 
larte,  and  offspring.5 

President  Saravia  read  to  the  meeting  a despatch 
from  the  viceroy  of  Mexico,  and  a copy  of  the  Gaceta 
giving  an  account  of  the  abdication  of  Fernando  "V II., 
and  of  the  surrender  by  other  members  of  the  rojml 
family  of  their  rights  to  the  Spanish  crown.  After 
due  consideration,  the  meeting  declared  these  acts  to 
have  resulted  from  violence,  being  therefore  illegal 
and  unjust,  and  not  entitled  to  recognition.  It  was 
further  resolved  that  the  authorities  and  people  should 
renew  their  allegiance  to  the  legitimate  sovereign, 
continue  upholding  the  laws  hitherto  in  force,  and 
maintain  unity  of  action,  for  the  sake  of  religion, 
peace,  and  good  order.  Instructions  were  received8 
to  raise  the  standard  of  Fernando  VII.,  and  swear 
allegiance  to  him,  which  were  duly  carried  out.' 

The  opportunity  has  now  arrived  for  a radical 
change  in  the  political  status  of  Spanish  America. 
The  colonies  have  hitherto  had  no  government,  save 

5 There  were  the  governor,  archbishop,  oidores  of  the  real  audiencia, 
Marquds  de  Aycinena,  high  officials  of  the  treasury,  dean  and  chapter  of  the 
archdiocese,  alcaldes  and  regidores  of  the  ‘ muy  noble  ayuntamiento,’  officers 
of  the  university,  prelates  of  the  religious  orders,  prior  and  consuls  of  the 
real  consulado,  intendente  of  Comayagua,  temporarily  sojourning  in  the  city, 
secretary  of  the  audiencia,  commandant  of  the  artillery,  and  colonels  of  the 
militia  regiments.  Diario  Mix.,  ix.  316-18;  Guat.  por  Fern.  VII.,  2-6,  83-94; 
Saravia,  Manif. 

1 llis  last  position  in  Europe  had  been  that  of  teniente  de  rey  of  Palma,  in 
the  island  of  Majorca.  J narr os,  Guat.,  i.  273. 

t’Guat.  por  Fern.  VII.,  50.  In  1S66  their  descendants  were  living  in 
Guatemala. 

6 Dec.  13,  1808. 

1 The  acts  were  performed  with  great  solemnity  and  magnificence,  the  peo- 
ple manifesting  much  joy.  This  evidence  of  loyalty  was  warmly  acknowl- 
edged, May  27,  1809,  by  the  Junta  Suprema  Gubernativa  of  Spain,  sitting  at 
Seville  and  acting  for  the  imprisoned  king.  Most  glowing  descriptions  of  the 
ceremonies  appear  in  Diario  Mix.,  xi.  279-S0;  Guat.  por  Fern.  VII.,  7-82, 
94-101,  15S-9. 


4 


LAST  DAYS  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 


that  of  rulers  set  over  them  by  a monarch  whose  will 
was  absolute,  whose  edicts  constituted  their  code  of 
laws;  the  subject  being  allowed  no  voice  in  public 
affairs,  save  occasionally  as  a timid  petitioner.  But 
troubles  beset  Spain  at  this  time.  Her  king  is  pow- 
erless; the  friends  of  constitutional  government  have 
now  the  control,  and  proceed  to  establish  the  desired 
liberal  regime.  In  order  to  be  consistent,  and  to  some 
extent  satisfy  the  aspirations  of  their  fellow-subjects 
in  America,  the  provisional  government  decrees,  and 
the  cortes  upon  assembling  confirm,  all  the  rights 
claimed  for  Spaniards  dwelling  in  Spain,  together 
with  representation  in  the  ebrtes  and  other  national 
councils. 

The  Junta  Suprema  Central  Gubernativa  in  the 
king’s  name  declares  on  the  ‘22d  of  Januar}r,  1809,  the 
Spanish  possessions  in  America  to  be,  in  fact,  integral 
parts  of  the  monarchy,8  and,  approving  the  report  of 
the  council  of  the  Indies  of  November  21,  1808,  in 
favor  of  granting  to  the  American  dominions  repre- 
sentation near  the  sovereign,  and  the  privilege  of 
forming  by  deputies  a part  of  the  aforesaid  junta, 
issues  to  the  president  of  Guatemala  an  order  to  invite 
the  people  of  the  provinces  to  choose  their  deputy  to 
reside  at  court  as  a member  of  the  governing  junta.9 


8 ‘No  son  propiamente  colonias,  6 factorfas,  como  los  de  otras  naciones, 
sino  una  parte  esencial  6 integrante  de  la  Monarqufa  Espaiiola.’  GucU.  por 
Fern.  VII.,  163-6;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex. , i.  326-7. 

* Ayuntamientos  of  head  towns  were  to  choose  three  honorable  and  compe- 
tent men,  from  among  whom  each  ayuntamiento  had  to  draw  by  lot  one  elec- 
tor, whose  name,  country,  age,  profession,  and  political  and  moral  qualifications 
must  be  at  once  made  known  to  the  president  of  the  audiencia.  After  the 
names  of  all  the  nominees  were  in  his  possession,  he,  jointly  with  the  electors, 
had  to  select  by  secret  ballot  three  candidates  of  the  highest  recognized  char- 
acter and  ability,  out  of  which  three  the  audiencia,  presided  over  by  the 
governor-general,  was  to  choose  the  deputy,  to  whom  all  the  ayuntamientos 
must  forthwith  send  their  powers  and  instructions.  The  deputy,  duly  pro- 
vided with  means  to  journey  decorously,  was  required  to  embark  for  Spain, 
his  yearly  pay  being  fixed  at  $6,000.  Alaman , Hint.  Mtj.,  i.  291-2.  A later 
order  of  Oct.  6,  1809,  required  the  deputy  to  be  a native  of  Spanish  America 
and  a resident  of  the  province  choosing  him;  he  was  not  to  be  the  holder  of 
an  { of  the  chief  offices  therein,  such  as  governor,  intendente,  oidor,  etc.,  nor 
a debtor  to  the  royal  treasury.  The  right  of  election  was  also  given  to  minor 
ayuntamientos:  and  for  the  choice  by  plurality  from  among  the  candidates  of 
cities  a board  was  constituted,  with  two  members  of  the  audiencia,  two 


DIPUTACION  AMERICANA. 


5 


On  the  3d  of  March,  1810,  the  electors  assembled  in 
Guatemala  and  chose  for  deputy  the  colonel  of  militia, 
Manuel  Jos6  Pavon  y Munoz.10  The  powers  given 
him  by  his  constituents  were  general,  but  enjoined 
allegiance  to  the  king  and  permanent  connection  with 
the  mother  country.11 

The  supreme  government,  early  in  1810,  in  its  anx- 
iety to  be  surrounded  by  the  representatives  of  the 
people,  hastened  the  convocation  of  cortes  extraor- 
dinary. Fearing,  however,  that  there  might  not  be 
a sufficient  number  chosen  for  their  timely  attendance 
at  the  opening  of  the  session,  it  apprised  the  provin- 
cial authorities,  reiterating  the  decree  a little  later,13 
that  deficiencies  would  be  temporarily  supplied  until 
regularly  elected  deputies  presented  themselves  to 
occupy  their  seats  in  the  chamber.  Guatemala,  in 
common  with  the  rest  of  America,  was  unable  to  send 
her  deputies  in  time,  and  had  to  be  represented  at 
the  inauguration  by  suplentes,  or  proxies.  These13 
were  Andres  del  Llano,  a post-captain,  and  Colonel 
Manuel  del  Llano.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  c6r- 
tes14  was  to  confirm  the  principle  that  all  the  Spanish 
dominions  possessed  the  same  rights,  promising  to 
enact  at  an  early  day  laws  conducive  to  the  welfare 
of  the  American  portion,  and  to  fix  the  number  and 
form  of  national  representation  in  both  continents. 

At  the  suggestion  of  the  diputacion  americana,  as 
the  body  of  American  members  was  called,  a general 
amnesty  for  political  offences  was  decreed,  with  the 

canons,  and  two  citizens  named  by  the  ayuntamiento.  Guat.  por  Fern.  VII. , 
165-6. 

10  His  competitors  were  Jos<$  de  Aycinena  and  Lieut-col  Antonio  Juarros. 

11  He  was  not  to  give  assent  to  the  transfer  of  the  Spanish  dominions  to 
any  foreign  power;  the  nation’s  rights  must  be  upheld  at  all  hazards;  and 
the  last  drop  of  blood  shed  for  the  catholic  religion,  and  for  king  and  country. 

12  Feb.  14  and  June  26,  1810.  Dinrio  Mex.,  xiii.  549-51. 

13  The  American  suplentes  were  lawyers  or  ecclesiastics  seeking  preferment 
at  court,  or  military  officers  with  a long  residence  there.  Alarnan,  Hist.  Mej. , 
iii.,  ap.  4;  Bustamante,  De/ensa,  16;  Dispos.  Varias,  ii.  fol.  10;  Zamacois, 
Hist.  Mej.,  viii.  450-1.  The  second  named  proxy  in  Nov.  1811  gave  up  his 
seat  to  the  regularly  chosen  deputy.  Cdrtes , fjiario,  1811,  93. 

14  October  15,  1810.  Alarnan,  Hist.  M6j. , iii.  10;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej., 
viii.  458-9. 


6 


LAST  DAYS  OF  SPANISII  RULE. 


expectation  of  its  yielding  the  best  results  in  favor  of 
peace  and  conciliation.  Promises  of  reform,  and  of 
better  days  for  Central  America,  were  held  out,  but 
the  provincial  government  paid  little  attention  to 
them.  Meanwhile  a jealous  and  restless  police  con- 
stantly watched  the  movements  of  suspected  persons. 
Informers  and  spies  lurked  everywhere,  seeking  for 
some  one  against  whom  to  bring  charges. 

The  promised  blessings  proved  delusive.  Instead 
of  reforms,  the  people  witnessed  the  installation  of  a 
tribunal  de  fidelidad,  with  large  powers,  for  the  trial 
and  punishment  of  suspected  persons.15  This  court 
was  short  lived,  however,  being  suppressed  about  the 
middle  of  the  following  year,  under  the  order  of  the 
supreme  government,  dated  February  20,  1811.  And 
thus  Guatemala  was  kept  quiet  and  apparently  loyal, 
when  the  greater  part  of  Spanish  America  was  in 
open  revolt. 

Saravia’s  rule  came  to  an  end  on  the  14th  of  March, 
1811.  He  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  lieutenant- 
general,  and  appointed  by  the  government  at  Cddiz 
to  the  command  in  chief  of  the  forces  in  Mexico.  On 
his  arrival  in  Oajaca,  the  viceroy,  who  was  chagrined 
at  his  powers  having  been  thus  curtailed,  detained 
him  at  that  place.  In  November  1812,  the  city  be- 
ing captured  by  the  independents,  Saravia  was  taken 
prisoner  and  shot.16 

The  successor  of  Saravia  was  Lieutenant-general 
Jose  Bustamante  y Guerra,  appointed  by  the  supreme 
council  of  regency,  and  soon  after  confirmed  by  the 
cortes  generales  extraordinarias.  He  was  a naval 


15  Installed  June  9,  1810.  Its  first  members  were  the  Spaniards  Jos4 
Mendez,  an  artillery  officer,  Oidor  Joaquin  Bernardo  Campuzano,  and  Auditor 
de  Guerra  Joaquin  Ibanez.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  5. 

16  Saravia  died  like  a soldier,  and  his  fate  was  deplored  even  by  the  ene- 
mies of  his  cause.  Hist.  Mex. , iv.  486,  this  series.  The  Mexican  writer  Bus- 
tamante, who  was  not  prone  to  praise  Spanish  officers,  said  of  Saravia,  ‘ hom- 
bre  de  bien,  liumano,  religioso,  de  un  corazon  recto,  digno  de  mejor  fortuua.' 
Cuadro  Hitt.,  ii.  217;  Alarnan,  Hist.  Mej.,  iii.  325.  lie  was  accused,  how- 
ever, though  it  is  believed  the  charge  was  slanderous,  of  having  connived  at 
smuggling  by  the  treasury  officials.  The  charge  appears  iu  Cancelada,  Tel. 
Mex.,  107-9. 


BUSTAMANTE  Y GUERRA. 


7 


officer,  and  had  made  several  important  cruises  in  the 
cause  of  science,17  and  latterly  had  been  civil  and  mili- 
tary governor  of  Montevideo,  a position  that  he  filled 
efficiently.  His  zeal  against  the  independents  in  that 
country  pointed  him  out  as  the  one  best  fitted  to  re- 
tard the  independence  of  Central  America.  On  his 
return  to  Spain  from  South  America  he  refused  to 
recognize  Joseph  Bonaparte. 

Bustamante  is  represented  to  have  been  an  inflex- 
ible, vigilant,  and  reticent  ruler.  He  lost  no  time  in 
adopting  stringent  measures  to  check  insurrections, 
and  displayed  much  tact  in  choosing  his  agents  and 
spies.  No  intelligent  native  of  the  country  was  free 
from  mistrust,  slight  suspicion  too  often  bringing  upon 
the  subject  search  of  domicile,  imprisonment,  or  exile. 
He  never  hesitated  to  set  aside  any  lenient  measures 
emanating  from  the  home  government  in  favor  of  the 
suspected,  and  spared  no  means  that  would  enable 
him,  at  the  expiration  of  his  term,  to  surrender  the 
country  entire  and  at  peace  to  his  superiors.  He  was 
successful,  notwithstanding  there  were  several  at- 
tempts at  secession. 

Meanwhile  the  American  representatives  had  been 
permitted  to  lift  their  voice  in  the  national  councils. 
They  had  called  attention  to  the  grievances  of  their 
people.  In  a long  memorial  of  August  1,  1811,  to 
the  cortes,  they  had  refuted  the  oft- repeated  charge 
that  the  friends  of  independence  in  America  were  or 
had  been  under  Napoleonic  influence.  They  set  forth 
the  causes  of  discontent,18  which  they  declared  was  of 
long  standing,  and  called  for  a remedy.  Reference 
was  made  to  Macanar’s  memorial  to  Felipe  V.,19  where- 
in he  stated  that  the  Americans  were  displeased,  not 

17  One  was  a cruise  round  the  world  under  Malaspina,  being  the  next  in 
rank  and  commanding  the  corvette  Atrevida.  Juarros,  Guat.,  ii. , adv.  ix.; 
Alarure,  Bong.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  6;  Zamaeois,  Hist.  Alej.,  vi.  134;  viii.  509; 
Los  Anales,  Sept.  1872,  30;  Salv.,  Diario  OJic.,  1874,  ap.  1. 

18  These  were  restrictions  enforced  by  the  crown  against  agriculture,  min- 
ing, fisheries,  manufactures,  and  commerce,  despotism  of  rulers,  and  disre- 
gard of  the  merits  of  Americans,  in  keeping  them  out  of  public  offices.  See 
Hist.  Alex.,  iv.  441-67,  this  series. 

19  In  the  first  half  of  the  18th  century. 


8 


LAST  DAYS  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 


so  much  because  they  were  under  subjection  to  Spain, 
as  because  they  were  debased  and  enslaved  by  the 
men  sent  out  by  the  crown  to  fill  the  judicial  and 
other  offices.20 

The  organic  code  was  finally  adopted  on  the  18th 
of  March,  18 12. 21  The  instrument  consisted  of  ten 
titles,  divided  into  chapters,  in  their  turn  subdivided 
into  sections,  and  might  be  considered  in  two  parts: 
1st,  general  form  of  government  for  the  whole  nation, 
namely,  a constitutional  monarchy;  2d,  special  plan 
for  the  administration  of  the  Indies.22 

In  lieu  of  the  old  ayuntamientos,  which  were  made 
up  of  hereditary  regidores,  whose  offices  might  be 
transferred  or  sold,  others  were  created,  their  mem- 
bers to  be  chosen  by  electors  who  had  been  in  their 
turn  chosen  by  popular  vote.  The  ayuntamientos 
were  to  control  the  internal  police  of  their  towns, 
their  funds,  public  instruction  within  their  respective 
localities,  benevolent  establishments,  and  local  im- 
provements. They  were  to  be  under  the  inspection 
of  a diputacion  provincial,  formed  of  seven  members, 
elected  by  the  above-mentioned  electors,  in  each  prov- 
ince, under  the  presidency  of  the  chief  civil  officer  ap- 

20  In  the  matter  of  appointments  to  office,  an  early  royal  order  prescribed 
that  American  descendants  of  Spaniards  should  have  the  preference  for  the 
position  of  curate;  and  yet,  during  the  last  thirty  years,  the  most  lucrative 
curacies  were  given  to  European  Spaniards.  Of  the  170  viceroys  that  ruled 
in  America,  four  only  were  of  American  birth,  and  those  were  reared  or  edu- 
cated in  Spain.  Out  of  602  captain-generals,  governors,  and  presidents,  only 
14  were  Americans.  Of  9S2  bishops  and  archbishops,  703  were  Europeans, 
and  279  creoles.  Most  of  the  latter  were  nominated  in  early  times,  when 
Europeans  were  few,  navigation  difficult,  and  mitres  afforded  more  work  than 
money.  Guerra,  Jlev.  N.  Esp. , i.  27S-85. 

21  \Ve  are  assured  that  Antonio  Larrazdbal,  a clergyman,  Antonio  Juarros, 
and  Jos <5  M.  Peinado  were  the  chief  authors  of  the  instructions  for  Central 
American  deputies  in  Spain.  The  Central  American  deputies  whose  names 
were  appended  to  the  constitution  were:  Larrazdbal  for  Guatemala;  Josd 
Ignacio  Avila  for  Salvador;  Josd  Francisco  Morejon  for  Honduras;  Jos<5  Anto- 
nio Lopez  de  la  Plata  for  Nicaragua;  and  Florencio  Castillo  for  Costa  Rica. 
Cdrtes,  Col.  Dec.,  ii.  158-62;  iii.  201-2;  Cdrtes,  Diario,  1813,  xvii.  240;  Pap. 
Var.,  ccx.  no.  1,  109-17;  Const.  Polit.  Afonarq.,  1-134.  Larrazdbal  ably  de- 
fended in  the  cdrtes  the  rights  of  the  Americans,  specially  of  the  aborigines, 
and  above  all,  the  national  sovereignty.  For  this,  after  Fernando  VII.  re- 
turned to  Spain  in  1814,  he  was  denounced  by  the  absolutists,  Conde  de 
Torre  Muzquiz  and  Marqnds  de  Mata  Florida,  and  confined  in  a fort  in  Spain. 
Pineda  de  Mont. , in  Gnat,  llccop.  Leyes,  iii.  348. 

22  Mix.,  Col.  Ley.  Fund,  34-91. 


NEW  ORGANIC  CODE. 


9 


pointed  by  the  king;  the  chief  and  the  diputacion 
were  jointly  to  have  the  direction  of  the  economical 
affairs  of  the  province.  No  act  of  either  corporation 
was  final  till  approved  by  the  national  cortes.  In 
America  and  Asia,  however,  owing  to  great  distances, 
moneys  lawfully  appropriated  might  be  used  with  the 
assent  of  the  chief  civil  authority;  but  a timely  re- 
port was  to  be  made  to  the  supreme  government  for 
the  consideration  of  the  cdrtes.  Such  were  the  chief 
wheels  in  the  machinery  of  provincial  and  municipal 
administration.  Now,  as  to  popular  rights,  equality 
of  representation  in  the  provinces  of  the  Spanish 
peninsula,  Asia,  and  America  was  fully  recognized. 
The  descendants  of  Africans  were  alone  deprived  of 
the  rights  of  citizenship.  This  exclusion  was  combated 
with  forcible  arguments  by  many  of  the  American 
deputies  setting  forth  the  faithful,  efficient  services 
colored  men  had  repeatedly  rendered  and  were  still 
rendering  to  the  nation,  and  their  fitness  for  almost 
every  position.  Many  of  them,  they  said,  had  re- 
ceived sacred  orders,  or  had  been  engaged  in  other 
honorable  callings,  in  which  they  had  made  good  rec- 
ords; besides  which,  they  comprised  a considerable 
portion  of  the  useful  mining  and  agricultural  popula- 
tion. Unfortunately  for  the  negro  race,  the  American 
deputies  were  not  all  of  one  mind.  Larrazdbal,  from 
Guatemala,  probably  acting  both  on  his  own  judgment 
and  on  the  opinion  expressed  in  1810  by  the  real  con- 
sulado,  asserted  the  black  man’s  incapacity,  advocat- 
ing that  persons  of  African  blood  should  be  conceded 
only  the  privilege  of  voting  at  elections.  This  motion 
was  supported  by  a Peruvian  deputy.  The  peninsular 
members  favored  the  admission  to  full  rights  of  colored 
priests,  and  all  colored  men  serving  in  the  royalist 
armies.  The  measure  was  lost,  however;  but  the 
article  as  passed  authorized  the  admission  to  full 
political  rights,  by  special  acts  of  the  cdrtes,  of  colored 
men  proving  themselves  worthy  by  a remarkably  vir- 
tuous life,  good  service  to  the  country,  talents,  or  in- 


10 


LAST  DAYS  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 


dustriousness,  provided  they  were  born  in  wedlock, 
of  fathers  who  had  been  born  free,  married  to  free- 
born wives,  and  were  residents  of  Spanish  possessions, 
practising  some  useful  profession  and  owning  property. 

Pursuant  to  the  constitution,  the  cbrtes  ordered, 
May  23,  1812,  elections  for  members  to  the  ordinary 
cbrtes  of  18 13. 23 

The  constitution  was  received  at  Guatemala  on 
the  10th  of  September,  1812,  proclaimed  on  the  24th, 
and  its  support  solemnly  sworn  to  by  the  authorities 
and  people  on  the  3d  of  November,  with  great  satis- 
faction and  evidences  of  loyalty.  Gold  and  silver 
medals  were  struck  oft*  to  commemorate  the  event.21 

The  installation  of  the  cbrtes  took  place,  with  the 
apparent  approval  of  Guatemala.  The  president, 
members  of  the  audiencia,  and  other  dignitaries  who 
had  thriven  under  absolutism,  looking  on  Americans 
as  ‘our  colonists,’  became  at  once  liberals  and  con- 
stitutionalists, pretending  to  recognize  the  wisdom  of 
the  national  congress  in  declaring  that  the  Americans 
were  no  longer  colonists,  but  citizens  of  one  common 
country.  Their  manifestation  of  September  15,  1812, 
was  followed  three  days  after  by  one  from  the  ayun- 
tamiento  of  Guatemala  to  Deputy  Larrazabal,  in  the 
same  strain,  su£<mstiii£  the  creation  of  a board  ad- 

7 OO  o 


23  The  junta  preparatoria,  Nov.  12,  1812,  designated  only  12  deputies  to  the 
Spanish  cbrtes  from  Central  America  (Chiapas  included),  based  on  the  inac- 
curate census  of  1778,  which  gave  the  whole  country — with  101,-000  for  Chia- 
pas— 949,015  inhabitants  in  S81  towns.  It  was  fixed  that  the  12  provinces  of 
Guatemala,  Chimaltenango,  Quezaltenango,  Ciudad  Real  de  Chiapas,  Vera 
Paz,  San  Salvador,  San  Miguel,  Chiquimula,  Sonsonate,  Leon,  Costa  Rica, 
and  Comayagua  should  each  choose  one  deputy;  and  Guatemala,  Ciudad  Real, 
Leon,  and  Comayagua  the  four  suplentes.  Only  two  diputaciones  provin- 
ciales  were  at  first  established,  one  in  Guatemala  and  one  in  Leon.  C&rtea, 
Act.  ord.,  i.  1813,  Oct.  12,  62;  Mendez.  Mem.  in  Pap.  Var.,  eexv.  no.  17,  16- 
17;  Conder’s  Mex.  and  Gual.,  ii.  310;  Modern  Traveller's  Mex.  and  Gnat.,  ii. 
309-10.  Later,  under  the  constitutional  regime,  Chiapas  was  represented  in 
the  Spanish  eortes,  and  had  a diputacion  provincial.  Larralnzar,  Discurso, 
12.  In  1812  a census  was  formed  to  ascertain  how  many  deputies  Chiapas 
should  have  in  the  eortes.  Pineda,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.  lioletin,  iii.  400. 

24  Quezaltenango  had  already,  by  its  ayuntamiento  of  Aug.  12,  1812,  ex- 
pressed approval  of  the  provisions  of  the  instrument,  promising  loyal  obedience 
to  it.  In  Honduras  Gov.  Juan  Antonio  Tornos  granted  leave  for  the  erection 
of  a monument  in  the  plaza  of  Comayagua,  which  was  carried  out.  Cortes 
JJiario,  ii.,  March  17,  18,  1S22. 


EXPEDITION  TO  OAJACA. 


11 


visory  to  the  cdrtes,  on  the  reino  de  Guatemala  legis- 
lation. 

After  the  fall  of  Oajaca  during  the  Mexican  war  of 
independence,  the  patriot  chief  Morelos  regarded  the 
rear  of  his  military  operations  as  secure.  Sympathiz- 
ing messages  had  reached  him  from  men  of  weight  in 
Guatemala,  which  lulled  him  into  the  belief  that  at- 
tack need  not  be  apprehended  from  this  quarter.  To 
Ignacio  Rayon  he  wrote:  “Good  news  from  Guate- 
mala; they  have  asked  for  the  plan  of  government, 
and  I’ll  send  them  the  requisite  information.”  It  was 
all  a mistake.  His  cause  had  friends  in  Central 
America,  and  enemies  likewise.  Among  the  most 
prominent  of  the  latter  were  Captain-general  Busta- 
mante and  Archbishop  Casaus.  The  ecclesiastic,  with 
a number  of  Spanish  merchants  from  Oajaca  who  had 
sought  refuge  in  Guatemala,  prompted  the  general, 
then  anxious  to  avenge  the  execution  of  his  pre- 
decessor, to  fit  out  an  expedition,  invade  Oajaca,  and 
harass  the  insurgents  even  at  the  gates  of  the  city. 

About  700  men,  mostly  raw  recruits,  were  accord- 
ingly  put  in  the  field,  early  in  1813,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Lieutenant-colonel  Dambrini,  a man  of 
little  ability  and  unsavory  record,  and  crossed  the 
line  into  Tehuantepec.  Dambrini  could  not  aban- 
don his  money-making  propensities;  and  having  been 
led  to  believe  he  would  encounter  but  little  or  no 
resistance,  took  along  a large  quantity  of  merchandise 
for  trading.  On  the  25th  of  February  a small  in- 
surgent force  was  captured  in  Niltepec,  and  Dambrini 
had  its  commander,  together  with  a Dominican  priest 
and  twenty-eight  others,  shot  the  next  day.  This  was 
the  usual  treatment  of  prisoners  by  both  belligerents. 
But  on  April  20th  the  Guatemalans  were  flanked  and 
routed  at  Tonald,  by  the  enemy  under  Matamoros. 
Dambrini  fled,  and  his  men  dispersed,  leaving  in  the 
victors’  possession  their  arms,  ammunition,  and  Dam- 


12 


LAST  DAYS  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 


brini’s  trading  goods.  The  fugitives  were  pursued 
some  distance  into  Guatemalan  territory.25 

Germs  of  independence,  as  I have  said,  were  fos- 
tered in  secret  by  the  more  intelligent,  and  slowly 
began  to  develop,  the  movement  being  hastened  by  a 
few  enthusiasts  who  were  blind  to  the  foolhardiness 
of  their  attempt.  The  government  tried  all  means  to 
keep  the  people  in  ignorance  of  the  state  of  affairs  in 
Mexico  and  South  America,  and  when  unsuccessful, 
would  represent  the  royalist  army  as  victorious.  Other 
more  questionable  devices  were  also  resorted  to.26 

Undue  restraint  and  ill  treatment,  as  practised  un- 
der the  stringent  policy  of  Bustamante,  soon  began 
to  produce  effects.  Restiveness  and  despair  seized  a 
portion  of  the  people;  the  hopes  for  a government 
more  consonant  with  the  spirit  of  the  age,  which  had 
been  held  out  from  Spain,  evaporated.  Men  were 
unwilling  to  live  longer  under  the  heel  of  despotism; 
and  the  more  high-spirited  in  Salvador  and  Nicaragua 
resolved  to  stake  their  fortunes  upon  a bold  stroke 
for  freedom.  It  was,  indeed,  a rash  step,  undertaken 
without  concert,  and  almost  without  resources.  It 
could  but  end  as  it  did  at  every  place  where  a revo- 
lutionary movement  was  initiated. 

Matfas  Delgado  and  Nicolds  Aguilar,  curates  of 
San  Salvador,  Manuel  and  Vicente  Aguilar,  Juan 

25  Some  authors  give  the  19th  as  the  date  of  this  defeat.  Ataman,  Hid. 
M6j. , iii.  343-4;  Bustamante,  Cuad.  IHst.,  ii.  209-73;  Zamaeois,  Hist.  Hej., 
ix.  9-10,  110-11.  The  last-named  authority  asserts  that  Dambrini  again 
invaded  and  took  the  town  of  Tehuantepec,  February  1S14.  During  the 
revolutionary  wars  of  Mexico,  Chiapas,  owing  to  her  isolated  position,  was 
not  a seat  of  war;  and  even  when  Morelos’  troops  from  Oajaca  visited  Tonald, 
as  above  stated,  there  was  no  resistance.  This  country  enjoyed  peace  during 
the  struggle  in  New  Spain.  Larrainzar,  Chiapas,  in  Soc.  Hex.  Ueo/j.  Boldin, 
iii.  100. 

26  Letters  w’ere  constantly  sent  to  the  Spanish  government,  and  to  private 
persons,  which  were  published  in  the  newspapers  friendly  to  the  Spanish 
cause,  representing  the  independents  as  banditti  and  murderers,  and  the 
Spaniards  as  exemplars  of  moderation.  It  was  the  emissaries  of  Bonaparte 
who  had  induced  the  Americans  to  rebel,  they  said.  Trumped-up  miracles 
and  punishments  from  heaven,  anathemas,  and  every  means  suggested  by  foul 
fanaticism  were  used  to  make  the  friends  of  freedom  odious.  Archbishop 
Casaus  granted  80  days’  indulgences  to  Guatemalans  not  participating  in  the 
revolutionary  movements  of  Mexico.  Puerto,  Convite,  pt  iii.,  2-3. 


AYCINENA  IN  SALVADOR. 


13 


Manuel  Rodriguez,  and  Manuel  Jose  Arce  were  the 
first  to  strike  the  blow  for  Central  American  indepen- 
dence. Their  plan  was  carried  into  execution  on  the 
5th  of  November,  1811,  by  the  capture  of  3,000  new 
muskets,  and  upwards  of  $200,000  from  the  royal 
treasury  at  San  Salvador.  They  were  supported  by 
a large  portion  of  the  people  of  the  city,  and  in 
Metapan,  Zacatecoluca,  Usulutan,  and  Chalatenango. 
But  other  places  in  the  province  of  Salvador,  namely, 
San  Miguel,  Santa  Ana,  San  Vicente,  and  Sonsonate, 
renewed  their  pledges  of  fealty  to  the  government, 
declaring''  the  movement  for  freedom  a sacrilege.27 

The  promoters  of  the  revolt,  which  had  been  started 
in  the  king’s  name,  became  disheartened  and  gave  up 
further  effort,  and  with  the  dismissal  of  the  intendente, 
Antonio  Gutierrez  Ulloa,  and  other  officials,  peace  was 
soon  restored.  San  Salvador  had  been  quiet  without 
other  government  than  that  of  alcaldes  during  the 
disturbance. 

Upon  the  receipt  of  the  news  of  these  occurrences, 
Bustamante  despatched  Colonel  Jose  de  Aycinena 
with  ample  powers  to  take  charge  of  the  intendencia, 
and  restore  quiet.  He  had  been  getting  troops  ready 
to  send  down,  but  by  the  mediation  of  the  ayunta- 
miento  of  Guatemala  he  had  suspended  preparations, 
and  had  adopted  the  former  course.  A member  of 
that  body,  Jose  Maria  Peinado,  was  associated  with 
Aychiena.28  They  reached  San  Salvador  on  the  3d 
of  December,  amid  the  acclamations  of  the  fickle  pop- 


21  The  invitations  sent  the  people  of  San  Miguel  to  cooperate  were  burned 
in  the  plaza  by  the  hands  of  the  public  executioner.  Nor  were  these  towns 
left  without  the  usual  cheap  reward  of  monarchs.  San  Miguel  received  the 
title  of  ‘muy  noble  y leal;’  San  Vicente  was  made  a city,  which  title  was  con- 
firmed Jan.  15,  1S12.  According  to  Juarros,  Guat.  (Lond.  ed.,  1823),  257, 
many  noble  families  dwelt  in  the  place,  and  among  its  founders  were  some 
descendants  of  Gonzaloand  Jorge  Alvarado,  brothers  of  Pedro,  the  conqueror. 
Santa  Ana  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  villa.  The  parish  priests  of  the  several 
places  were  promoted  to  be  canons  of  the  chapter  of  Guatemala.  Cdrtes, 
Diario,  1812,  xiv.  38,  1C7;  Marure,  Dosq.  llist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  8. 

28 The  archbishop  sent  priests  to  preach  against  the  insurgents.  Marure, 
Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  9.  Bustamante,  Cuadro  Hist.,  ii.  270,  says  that 
the  whole  country  would  have  been  driven  into  rebellion  but  for  the  advice  of 
the  able  secretary  of  government,  Alejandro  Ramirez. 


14 


LAST  DAYS  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 


ulace;  their  presence  and  the  exhortations  of  the 
missionaries  checked  all  revolutionary  symptoms. 
The  authors  of  the  revolt  were  leniently  treated 
under  a general  amnesty.29  Peinado  was  a short  time 
after  appointed  Aycinena’s  successor  as  acting  inten- 
dente.30 

Another  and  a still  more  serious  attempt  at  revo- 
lution, which  may  be  called  a sequel  to  that  of  Salva- 
dor, had  its  beginning  in  the  town  of  Leon,  Nicaragua, 
on  the  13th  of  December,  1811,  when  the  people 
deposed  the  intendente,  Jose  Salvador.  This  action 
was  seconded  on  the  22d  at  Granada,  where  the 
inhabitants,  at  a meeting  in  the  municipal  hall,  de- 
manded the  retirement  of  all  the  Spanish  officials. 
The  insurgents,  on  the  8th  of  January,  1812,  by  a 
coup-de-main  captured  Fort  San  Cdrlos.  The  officials 
fled  to  Masaya.  Villa  de  Nicaragua — the  city  of 
Rivas  in  later  times — and  other  towns  at  once  adopted 
the  same  course. 

Early  in  1812,  after  the  first  excitement  had  be- 
come somewhat  allayed,  a board  of  government  was 
organized  in  Leon,  the  members  of  which  were  Fran- 
cisco Quinones,  Domingo  Galarza,  Cdrmen  Salazar, 
and  Basil io  Carrillo.  Bishop  Fray  Nicolds  Garcia 
Jerez  was  recognized  as  gobernador  intendente  by 
all  the  towns,  and  his  authority  was  only  limited  in 
one  point,  namely,  he  was  in  no  way  to  favor  the  de- 
posed officials.  The  people  of  Granada  resolved  to 
send  two  deputies  to  the  board.31 

29  Aycinena  was,  on  the  7th  of  Feb.,  1812,  made  by  the  Spanish  cfirtes  a 
councillor  of  state,  and  in  Aug.  1813,  entered  upon  his  duties  at  CAdiz.  Cdrtes, 
Diario,  1S12,  xvi.  1G;  1S13,  xxii.  216.  According  to  Zaniacois,  the  appoint- 
ment was  made  only  after  the  adoption  of  the  constitution;  it  is  possible  that 
the  appointment  was  then  renewed  or  confirmed.  Hint.  Mfj.,  viii.  557;  A you, 
Apuntes,  15-16;  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  2-3;  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  11,  1875; 
l' aloi-t,  Alex.,  213 — 16. 

*°  In  1813  he  was  elected  a deputy  to  the  Spanish  edrtes,  but  declined  the 
position  on  account  of  ill  health.  Cdrtex,  Diario,  1S13,  xxii.  216. 

31  A person  writing  from  Guatemala,  and  referring  to  a document  issued 
August  1811,  in  secret  session  held  in  London  by  33  Spanish  Americans, 
after  registering  his  disapproval  of  its  purpose,  positively  asserted  that  the 
masses  were  well  disposed,  fond  of  peace,  and  respectful  to  authority,  if  some 
agent  of  Satan  did  not  turn  their  heads  and  make  them  believe  they  were 
superior  beings,  who  needed  no  ruler  over  them.  Cancelada,  Tel.  Alex.,  438. 


REVOLUTION  IN  NICARAGUA. 


15 


The  royal  officials  at  Masaya  having  called  for 
assistance  from  Guatemala,  Bustamante  had  1,000 
or  more  troops  placed  there  under  command  of  Sar- 
gento  Mayor  Pedro  Gutierrez.  The  people  of  Leon 
had  ere  this  accepted  an  amnesty  from  Bishop  Jerez, 
and  thereafter  took  no  part  in  movements  against  the 
crown.  Granada,  more  firm  of  purpose,  resolved  upon 
defence;  caused  intrenchments  to  be  built  to  guard 
all  avenues  leading  to  the  plaza,  and  mounted  thereon 
twelve  heavy  cannon.  A royalist  force,  under  Jose 
M.  Palomar,  on  the  21st  of  April  approached  Granada 
to  reconnoitre,  and  reached  the  plazuela  de  Jalteva.32 
Early  in  the  morning  he  opened  a brisk  fire  on  the 
town,  and  kept  it  up  for  several  hours.  After  a par- 
ley, next  day  the  citizens  agreed  to  surrender,  on  Gu- 
tierrez solemnly  pledging  the  names  of  the  king  and 
Bustamante,  as  well  as  his  own,  that  they  should  in 
no  wise  be  molested.  But  after  the  royal  troops  were 
allowed  to  enter  the  city  on  the  28th,  Bustamante, 
ignoring  the  solemn  guarantees  pledged  by  his  subor- 
dinate, ordered  the  arrest  and  prosecution  of  the 
leaders.  The  governor  accordingly  named  Alejandro 
Carrascosa  fiscal  to  prosecute  the  conspirators  of 
Granada.  The  proceedings  occupied  two  years,  at 
the  end  of  which  the  fiscal  called  for,  and  the  court 
granted,  the  confiscation  of  the  estates,  in  addition  to 
the  penalties  awarded  to  those  found  guilty.  Sixteen 
of  the  prisoners,  as  heads  of  the  rebellion,  were  sen- 
tenced to  be  shot,  nine  were  doomed  to  the  chain- 
gang  for  life,  and  133  to  various  terms  of  hard  labor.33 

32  Before  the  attack  the  city  was  visited  by  Father  Benito  Soto,  as  pacifi- 
cator and  commissioner  from  the  bishop  governor.  He  tried  to  fulfil  his 
mission  without  degrading  his  countrymen;  but  seeing  the  object  of  the  war 
was  to  crush  liberal  Americans,  he  made  common  cause  with  the  Granadinos. 
Marure,  Boxy.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  11-12.  Ayon,  Apuntes,  17,  gives  the  at- 
tack ns  occurring  in  August,  which  is  an  error. 

33  Miguel  Lacayo,  Tel6sforo  and  Juan  Argucllo,  Manuel  Antonio  de  la 
Cerda,  Joaquin  Chamorro,  Juan  Cerda,  Francisco  Cordero,  Jos6  D Espinosa, 
Leon  Molina,  Cleto  Bendafia,  Vicente  Castillo,  Gregorio  Robledo,  Gregorio 
Bracamonte,  Juan  D.  Robledo,  Francisco  Gomez,  and  Manuel  Parrilla  were 
to  suffer  death.  Among  those  sentenced  to  hard  labor  for  life  were  J uan  Es- 
pinosa, the  adelantado  of  Costa  Rica,  Diego  Montiel,  and  Pio  Argiiello.  A yon, 
Apuntes,  17-18;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  12-14;  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  3. 


10 


LAST  DAYS  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 


The  sentence  of  death  was  not  carried  out,  however. 
The  condemned  were  taken  to  Guatemala,  and  thence 
transported  to  Spain,  where  the  majority  died  as  ex- 
iles. Four  others  were  removed  as  convicts  to  Omoa 
and  Trujillo.  The  survivors  were  finally  released  by 
a royal  order  of  June  25,  1817. 34 

The  conduct  of  the  Leonese  in  leaving  Granada  to 
bear  alone  the  consequences  of  the  revolution  had,  as 
I remarked,  a bad  effect  upon  the  country.35  From 
that  time  dates  a bitter  feeling  between  Leon  and 
Granada,  and  between  Managua  and  Masaya  on  the 
one  part  and  Granada  on  the  other.30 

Notwithstanding  the  existing  grievances  and  the 
generally  depressed  condition  of  business,  the  people 
did  not  fail  to  respond  to  the  calls  from  the  home  gov- 
ernment upon  all  parts  of  the  Spanish  dominions  for 
pecuniary  aid  to  meet  the  enormous  expenses  of  the 


31  One  of  them,  Manuel  Antonio  de  la  Cerda,  refused  to  accept  the  pardon 
unless  coupled  with  leave  to  prefer  charges  against  Bustamante.  But  an 
influential  friend  of  the  general’s  prevented  its  being  granted,  and  Cerda,  to 
get  out  of  the  country,  escaped  on  a vessel  bound  to  Sweden;  thence  he  went 
to  Cuba,  aud  lived  there  several  years  under  an  assumed  name.  Los  A nates. 
Sept.  1,  1S72,  30.  The  noted  Nicaraguan  statesman,  Tomas  Ayon,  justly 
bewails  the  seeming  ingratitude  of  some  of  his  country’s  writers  in  saying 
that  Nicaragua’s  independence  had  cost  nothing.  The  history  of  that  period, 
1S11-21,  it  is  true,  records  no  bloody  fields,  no  brilliant  feats  of  arms;  but  it 
presents  an  array  of  victims  to  the  cause,  of  men  who  sacrificed  their  lives, 
liberty,  and  fortunes  to  secure  their  country’s  freedom;  and  these  sacrifices, 
Ayon  claims,  should  be  remembered,  ami  the  sufferers’  memory  held  in  rev- 
erence. Apuntes,  18.  Squier,  in  Travels,  ii.  378,  speaks  of  a suppressed 
revolution  in  Leon  in  1813,  giving  that  city  the  whole  credit  of  the  first  im- 
pulse to  liberal  sentiment  in  Central  America.  There  was  no  such  movement 
in  that  year,  and  lie  probably  had  reference  to  that  of  1811,  though  to  Salva- 
dor certainly  belongs  the  honor  of  the  first  attempt  for  independence.  Pirn's 
Vale  of  the  Pac.,  38,  prints  the  same  error. 

83  More  empty  rewards  for  Leon.  In  1812  the  edrtes  acceded  to  the  bishop’s 
petition  for  the  creation  of  a university  in  this  town.  It  was  long  delayed, 
however.  The  ayuntamiento  had  conferred  on  it  the  title  of  ‘muy  noble  y leal;’ 
and  that  of  Nueva  Segovia  was  similarly  honored.  The  dean  of  Nicaragua 
was  much  commended  in  the  edrtes,  Aug.  1813,  for  his  loyal  and  judicious 
conduct.  Cdrtes,  Diario,  1811-12,  xi.  198;  1S13,  xvii.  247,  xxi.  45-6;  Cdrtes, 
Col.  Dec.,  ii.  47-8,  iii.  177;  Juarros,  Gnat.  (Lond.  ed.,  1823),  335-8;  Belli), 
Arie.,  i.  227;  Cornier  s'  Alex,  and  Gnat.,  ii.  309.  Bishop  Jerez  had  written  the 
captain -general  a warm  letter  on  behalf  of  the  Leonese,  for  whom  lie  had  a 
special  predilection,  and  said,  ‘ Si  me  desterrasen  un  Leones  dejode  ser  obispo.’ 
Perez,  liio/j.  Sacasa,  7. 

86  This  bitterness  originated  bloody  wars,  and  did  much  harm  to  Nicara- 
gua. /lev.  Cent.  Am.,  3;  Ayon,  Apuntes,  13,  18-19;  Rcyistro  Ofic.,  Nov.  21, 
1846,  381. 


FANATICISM. 


17 


war  against  Napoleon’s  forces,  and  other  pressing  de- 
mands. In  1812  there  were  collected  and  remitted 
as  donations  $43,538.  The  citizens  of  San  Salvador 
also  agreed  to  give  $12,000  for  1812,  and  an  equal 
sum  in  1813,  if  they  could  obtain  a certain  reform  for 
the  benefit  of  indigo-planters.37 

We  have  seen  how  the  first  steps  toward  indepen- 
dence failed.  Nor  could  any  other  result  have  been 
expected  from  the  degraded  condition,  socially  and 
intellectually,  of  the  masses.  The  people  were  con- 
trolled by  fanaticism,  in  abject  submission  to  king  and 
clergy.  Absurd  doctrines  and  miracles  were  impli- 
citly believed  in;  and  every  effort  made  to  draw  the 
ignorant  people  out  of  that  slough  was  in  their  judg- 
ment treason  and  sacrilege,  a violation  of  the  laws  of 
God,  an  attempt  to  rob  the  king  of  his  rights;  certain 
to  bring  on  a disruption  of  social  ties,  and  the  wrath 
of  heaven.  The  lower  orders  had  been  taught  that 
freedom  signified  the  reign  of  immorality  and  crime, 
while  fealty  to  the  sovereign  was  held  a high  virtue. 
Hence  the  daily  exhibitions  of  humble  faithfulness, 
the  kneeling  before  the  images  of  the  monarch  and 
before  their  bishops,  and  the  more  substantial  proof 
of  money  gifts  to  both  church  and  crown.38 

87  The  $43,538  went  on  the  ship  Venganza  to  Cddiz,  and  the  arrival  was 
announced,  Feb.  15,  1813,  to  the  ebrtes  by  the  deputies  of  Guatemala.  Cortex, 
JJiario,  1 S i 3,  xvii.  239-40. 

3a  Marure,  on  the  authority  of  the  Caceta  de  Guatemala,  xiii.  no.  112,  and 
xiv.  no.  191,  assures  us  that  nearly  one  and  a half  million  dollars  had  been 
remitted  by  Central  America  to  Spain,  from  donations  and  other  sources,  to 
cancel  royal  warrants.  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  18.  This  work,  that  I have 
occasion  to  quote  so  often,  bears  the  title  Bosquejo  11  istdrico  de  las  Revolu- 
ciones  de  Centro  A mirica  desde  1S11  hasta  1S34-  Its  author,  Alejandro  Marure, 
who  was  a professor  of  history  and  geography  in  the  university  of  Guatemala, 
and  otherwise  a prominent  citizen,  issued  in  Guatemala  his  1st  volume,  sm. 
4to,  295  pp.,  with  designs  on  the  frontispiece,  in  1837;  containing  events  to 
1820  only.  The  publication  of  the  other  two  volumes,  it  is  understood,  he 
was  obliged  to  withhold  by  order  of  his  government.  Montufar,  Resena, 
Hist..  Cent.  Am.,  i.,  preface  pp.  iii.  and  iv.,  tells  us  the  circulation  of  the  2d 
vul.  was  not  allowed;  ‘un  solemne  auto  de  fh  devorb  la  edicion  entera. ’ One 
copy  escaped,  however,  from  which  another  edition  was  printed  in  later  years. 
It  scathes  the  so-called  conservative  party,  more  properly  entitled  to  the 
appellations  of  fanatical  and  servile,  for  the  infamous  acts  of  its  men  that  for 
many  years  misgoverned  the  country.  Its  contents  have  been  fully  used  by 
Montiifar.  The  3d  volume  has  not  been  published,  and  the  author’s  heirs 
Hist.  Cent.  Ail.,  Vol.  III.  2 


13 


LAST  DAYS  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 


Tho  first  efforts  on  behalf  of  emancipation  were  not 
wholly  lost,  as  they  led  to  definitive  results  in  the  near 
future.  The  next  attempts  also  met  with  failure,  and 
brought  upon  their  authors  the  heavy  hand  of  Busta- 
mante. The  first  one,  in  1813,  was  known  as  the 
Betlen  conspiracy,  which  derived  its  name  from  the 
convent  where  the  conspirators  usually  assembled. 
Much  importance  was  given  to  this  affair  by  the  gov- 
ernment and  the  loyalists.  The  meetings  were  pre- 
sided over  by  the  sub-prior  Fray  Ramon  de  la  Con- 
cepcion, and  were  sometimes  held  in  his  cell,  and  at 
others  in  the  house  of  Cayetano  Bedoya,  under  the 
direction  of  Tomds  Ruiz,  an  Indian.39  All  were  sworn 
to  secrecy,  and  yet  the  government  suspected  the 
plot,  and  arrested  some  persons  who  had  the  weakness 
to  divulge  the  plan  and  the  names  of  their  associates.40 

The  conspirators,  all  of  whom  were  men  of  charac- 
ter and  good  standing,  soon  found  themselves  in  prison, 
excepting  Jose  Francisco  Barrundia,  who  remained 
concealed  six  years,  and  afterward  was  one  of  the 
most  prominent  statesmen  of  Central  America.  Ma- 
jor Antonio  del  Villar  was  commissioned  fiscal  to 
prosecute  the  prisoners.  He  spared  no  one  in  his 
charges,  and  managed  to  bring  into  the  meshes  of  the 

O'  O O 


long  refused  to  allow  any  one  to  see  the  manuscript.  This  work  furnishes 
an  interesting  account  of  political  affairs  in  Guatemala  from  the  first  attempt 
at  separation  from  the  mother  country  in  1S1 1 to  its  accomplishment  in  1821, 
from  an  American  standpoint;  the  intrigues  by  which  Central  America  was 
yoked  to  Iturbide’s  Mexican  empire,  and  subsequent  events  culminating  in 
the  second  and  final  enforcement  of  independence,  followed  by  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  federal  government;  rupture  between  Guatemala  and  the  general 
government,  and  victory  of  the  latter;  church  and  military  affairs;  intrigues 
of  parties;  authorities  being  freely  quoted  to  sustain  statements.  The  author 
does  not  enter  into  much  detail  on  military  operations,  but  is  quite  full  in  his 
description  of  party  workings,  which  affords  a clear  understanding  of  their 
antagonistic  interests.  Under  the  title  of  Efemirides  de  los  hechoi  notable s. . . 
de  Centro  America,  the  same  writer  gave  to  the  press  at  Guatemala,  in  1S44, 
a 12mo  of  77  pp.,  furnishing  a very  brief  synopsis  of  the  chief  events  that 
occurred  from  1821  to  1842,  with  tabular  lists;  quite  useful  as  a chronology. 

39  Among  the  implicated  were  a number  of  military  officers  whose  role  was 
to  win  over  the  troops,  and  gain  possession  of  their  arms. 

40  The  plan  was  to  seize  Bustamante,  Auditor  de  Guerra  Ibanez,  Archbishop 
Casaus,  and  all  the  high  military  officers;  after  which  the  Granadan  prisoners 
were  to  be  liberated,  and  the  country’s  independence  proclaimed.  The  royal 
officials  chose  to  add  that  the  parties  had  harbored  ‘incendiary  and  horrible 
schemes  of  plunder  and  devastation.’ 


THE  PLOT  OF  BETLEN. 


14 

prosecution  several  persons  who  were  innocent.41  On 
the  18th  of  September,  1814,  he  asked  the  military 
court  for  the  penalty  of  death,  by  garrote,  against 
Ruiz,  Victor  Castrillo,  Josfi  Francisco  Barrundia  pro 
contumacia,  and  Joaquin  Yudice,  who  were  hidalgos; 
and  the  same  penalty,  by  hanging,  against  the  sub- 
prior and  ten  others  who  were  plebeians.42  Ten  years 
of  hard  labor  in  the  chain-gang  of  the  African  posses- 
sions, and  a life  exile  from  America,  were  pronounced 
upon  others  against  whom  no  guilt  was  proved.  The 
prisoners  were  all  set  free,  however,  in  1819,  under  a 
royal  order  of  the  28th  of  July,  1817. 

Among  the  men  regarded  as  the  most  dangerous, 
and  strongly  suspected  of  being  the  real  managers  ot 
the  Betlen  plot,  was  Mateo  Antonio  Marure,  who 
had  been  confined  two  years  in  a dungeon  for  the 
part  he  took  in  the  disturbances  of  1811. 43  Busta- 
tamante  dreaded  his  presence  in  Guatemala,  and  in 
1814  despatched  him  as  a prisoner  to  the  supreme 
council  of  regency  in  Spain,  with  his  reasons  for  this 
measure.  After  recounting  the  Betlen  affair,  and 
naming:  Marure  as  the  real  instigator  and  manager  of 

41 Marure , Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  16;  Romero,  Bosq.  Hist.,  42;  Mem. 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  2,  3. 

u Julian  Ibarra,  Andrds  Dardon,  Manuel  de  San  Jos<5,  Manuel  Yot.  The 
names  of  the  other  six  do  not  appear.  Pineda  de  Mont. , in  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes, 
iii.  347-8;  Rodriquez,  ProbRma  Hist.,  in  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  1875,  Apr.  1 and 
May  23.  The  author  of  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  7,  who  was  evidently  blinded 
by  prejudice  agaiust  Barrundia  and  against  the  cause,  says  that  the  latter 
lost  credit  for  being  mixed  up  in  the  Betlen  affair  with  ‘hombressin  luces, 
sin  crddito,  y sin  costumbres;’  and  forfeited  the  character  for  firmness  he 
had  held  in  public  estimation  by  needlessly  petitioning  for  a pardon  when  he 
had  not  been  imprisoned,  and  could  at  any  time  have  left  the  country  with- 
out risk.  Lorenzo  Montufar,  a statesman  and  writer,  tells  us,  in  rebuttal, 
that  these  men  were  of  good  intelligence  and  position;  that  Barrundia’s  peril 
was  imminent  all  the  time  of  his  concealment,  and  as  only  Spanish  vessels 
visited  the  ports,  it  would  have  been  risky  to  attempt  escape  upon  one  of 
them.  Moreover,  it  was  impossible  to  foresee  when  independence  would  be 
attained.  Under  the  circumstances,  Barrundia  had  to  ask  for  pardon  when 
lie  could  get  it.  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  Sept.  2,  1854.  Villar,  the  prosecuting  offi- 
cer, became  notorious  in  1817  for  cruelties  and  wanton  murders  of  unfortunate 
inhabitants  of  Peten-Itza,  when  he  was  commandant  there.  Fajardo,  Inf. . . 
al  Min.  de  Rel.,  Campeche,  1828,  sm.  4to,  17  pp. 

,3He  was  the  father  of  Alejandro  Marure,  born  in  Guatemala,  and  one 
who  had  attained  a respectable  rank  in  letters,  at  a very  early  age,  in  his  coun- 
try. At  the  time  he  began  to  figure  in  its  political  affairs  he  was  a master  of 
philosophy.  Bosq.  /list.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  14-15. 


20 


LAST  DAYS  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 


it,  he  adds  that  the  conspirators  counted  on  him  as  a 
fearless  man  to  carry  it  out,  and  that  his  bold  language 
and  writings  rendered  his  sojourn  in  America  a con- 
stant menace  to  Spanish  interests. 

Another  and  a worse  planned  attempt  at  revolution 
than  the  one  of  1811  occurred  in  Salvador  in  1814. 
The  government  quelled  it,  and  the  promoters  were 
arrested,  Manuel  Jose  Arce  suffering  an  imprisonment 
of  several  years.44 

The  reader's  attention  is  now  called  to  matters  con- 
cerning the  capita m'a  general  of  Guatemala,  which 
occupied  the  government  both  here  and  in  Europe 
immediately  before  King  Fernando’s  coup-d’etat. 

Bustamante,  evidently  hostile  to  constitutional  gov- 
ernment, and  loath  to  suffer  readily  any  curtailment 
of  his  quasi-autocratic  powers,  proclaimed,  under  the 
pressure  of  necessity,  the  national  constitution,  and 
permitted  elections  under  it;  but  between  this  and 
allowing  the  diputaciones  provinciales  and  ayunta- 
mientos  free  action  under  the  fundamental  law,  there 
was  a wide  chasm.  He  had  no  intention  of  tamely 
submitting  to  such  innovations,  whatever  might  be 
said  of  their  merits  in  the  abstract.  In  the  first 
place,  he  postponed  for  three  whole  months  the  in- 
stallation of  the  diputacion,  and  when  it  was  installed, 
refused  to  honor  the  event  with  a high  mass  and  te 
deum,  which  would  have  been  the  proper  thing  to  do. 
Such  a recognition  of  the  importance  of  the  diputa- 
cion might  have  shaken  the  faith  of  the  populace  in  a 
one-man  power.  He  next  insisted  on  the  diputacion 
having  its  sittings  at  the  government  house,  where  it 
would  be  at  his  mercy.  He  treated  the  body  disre- 
spectfully in  several  ways,45  and  as  he  could  not  make 

“Arce  began  to  figure  in  the  rebellion  of  1S11.  After  the  organization  of 
the  federal  regime  he  was  the  first  constitutional  president  of  the  republic, 
/.’ey.  Cent.  Am.,  3;  Salv.,  Diario  OJic.,  1875,  Feb.  13. 

15 In  disregard  of  the  rank  and  standing  of  the  ‘excelentisima  diputacion,’ 
he  would  append  only  his  media  firma,  or  surname,  to  its  decrees  and  docu- 
ments, when  he  should  have  used  his  name  and  surname — a serious  breach  of 
^tiauette  in  those  times. 


END  OF  BUSTAMANTE’S  RULE. 


21 


it  subservient  to  his  will,  tried  by  all  means  in  his 
power  to  destroy  its  influence  and  usefulness.  In  fact, 
lie  looked  upon  it  as  a mere  consultative  corporation, 
whose  advice  he  might  ask  for  or  not,  as  suited  his 
fancy.  Lastly,  he  would  not  permit  the  acts  of  the 
diputacion  to  be  published;  and  for  the  matter  of 
that,  there  was  no  liberty  of  the  press. 

These  complaints  were  laid  before  the  national 
cortes40  for  redress,  coupled  with  a petition  that  the 
royal  authority  should  remove  Bustamante  from  office. 
But  grievances  were  unredressed,  and  their  author 
continued  wielding  power  in  the  country  several  years 
more.  Indeed,  this  was  not  to  be  wondered  at.  The 
Spanish  government  had  rarely,  if  ever,  shown  incli- 
nation to  do  justice  to  the  ruled  against  the  high 
rulers  it  placed  over  them,  or  to  punish  the  despotic 
acts  of  the  latter.  Residencias  had  of  late  become 
mere  matters  of  form.  If  the  complainants  had 
wealth  and  influence  at  court,  they  might  obtain  the 
recall  of  the  ruler  obnoxious  to  them,  but  no  other 
punishment.  The  prestige  of  authority  must  be  up- 
held; such  was  the  principle  acted  upon.47  Guate- 
mala was  finally  relieved  of  Bustamante’s  hated  rule 
on  the  28th  of  March,  1818. 

The  people  of  Central  America,  like  the  rest  of  the 
Spanish  dominions,  were  soon  invited  to  another  view 
in  the  political  kaleidoscope.  Fernando  VII.,  upon 

16  The  chamber  now  had  but  a short  time  to  live.  Manuel  Micheo  had 
presented  his  credentials  in  Jan.  1814,  and  been  admitted  to  his  seat  as  dep- 
uty from  Chimaltenango,  Guatemala.  Luis  Aguirre’s  claim  to  admission  was 
referred  back  on  the  petition  of  citizens  of  Chiquimula  for  his  election  to  be 
declared  null.  Cdrtes,  Act.  ord.,  1814,  Jan.  21,  i.  487,  March  20,  ii.  121. 

47  Several  accusations  had  been  preferred  hitherto  against  Bustamante;  all 
remained  nnheeded,  so  far  as  it  ever  became  known.  One  more  was  that  of 
Juan  Argiiello  of  Granada,  in  Nicaragua,  who  charged  the  governor  with  uu 
just  treatment  of  him  in  1814,  and  demanded  his  trial  and  punishment.  This 
case  was  before  the  cdrtes  Oct.  20,  1820.  But  as  the  second  constitutional 
epoch  was  so  short-lived,  Arguello’s  demand  for  justice  had  no  better  result 
than  preceding  ones.  A memorial  of  the  ayuntamieuto  of  Guatemala,  on  the 
political  condition  of  the  province,  expressing  fear  that  the  harshness  ex- 
tended to  men  for  political  opinions  might  lead  to  evil  consequences,  and 
asking  for  the  pardon  of  prisoners,  was  presented  March  24,  1814,  to  the 
cdrtes.  It  was  referred  to  a committee,  and  that  was  all  the  action  taken, 
till  the  king  in  1817  granted  an  amnesty.  Cdrtes,  Act.  ord.,  March  24,  1S14, 
ii.  152;  Id.,  Diario,  Oct.  20,  1820,  ix.  4. 


22 


LAST  DAYS  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 


his  release  by  Napoleon  a few  months  after  the  treaty 
of  Valen£ay,43  returned  to  Spain  without  delay,  and 
on  arriving  at  Valencia,  issued  his  manifesto  of  May 
4,  1814,  setting  aside  the  constitution,  and  assuming 
the  authority  of  an  absolute  sovereign.  He  did  this 
with  fair  promises,  which  he  carried  out  when  and 
how  it  suited  him.49  Among  many  decrees  issued  by 
the  monarch  soon  after,  which  were  of  interest  to 
Central  America,  was  one  enjoining  on  the  archbishop 
and  bishops  to  see  that  their  subordinates  did  their 
duty  faithfully,  and  entertained  only  wholesome 
opinions.  No  associations  or  leagues  were  to  be 
tolerated  which  might  lead  to  a disturbance  of  the 
public  peace;  in  other  words,  liberty  and  constitutional 
government  were  not  to  be  thought  of.50  Another 
decree  of  June  17th,  demanded  of  the  deputies  from 
America  having  in  their  possession  petitions  from 
their  constituents  to  lay  them  before  the  royal  gov- 
ernment, in  order  that  they  might  be  acted  upon. 
Several  measures  for  the  protection  of  morals  and  the 
advancement  of  civilization  were  also  enacted. 

48  Concluded  Dec.  11,  1813. 

13  Upon  the  news  of  the  king’s  acts  becoming  known  in  Guatemala,  the 
archbishop  and  his  clergy,  and  the  other  authorities,  offered  thanks  to  God  for 
his  release  and  restoration  to  the  throne.  Juarros , Guat.,  ii. , adv.  xii. 

60  The  pope  lent  his  support  with  an  encyclical  letter  of  Aug.  15,  1814, 
against  freemasonry  and  other  secret  societies,  which  was  published  June  2, 
1815.  All  persons  affiliating  in  such  organizations  were  required  to  sever 
their  connection  with  them.  Fern.  VII.,  Decrelos,  27-32. 


CHAPTER  II. 


INDEPENDENCE  ACHIEVED. 

ISIS-1821. 

President  CArlos  Urrutia — His  Liberal  Views — Colombian  Assaults 
— Spanish  Constitution  Restored — The  Gazistas,  or  Bacos — The 
Cacos — JosA  del  Valle — Pedro  Molina— Liberal  Institutions — 
Extent  of  the  Political  Government — Ecclesiastical  Administra- 
tion— Work  of  American  Deputies — Party  Excitement  in  Guate- 
mala— Urrutia  Delegates  his  Powers — Substitute  President 
Gavino  Gainza — Chiapas  and  her  Government— She  Secedes  from 
Spain  and  Joins  the  Mexican  Empire — Guatemala  Declares  for 
Independence — Jcnta  Gubernativa — Convocation  of  a Congress. 


Successor  to  Bustamante  in  the  position  of  gov- 
ernor, president,  and  captain- general,  in  March  1818, 
was  Lieutenant-general  Cdrlos  Urrutia,1  knight  grand 
cross  of  the  military  order  of  San  Hermenegildo, 
which  entitled  him  to  be  called  excelentfsimo  senor. 
It  was  a difficult  position.  The  country  was  at  peace, 
it  is  true,  but  a political  volcano  was  at  work,  and  no 
one  could  foretell  when  the  upheaval  of  revolution 
might  occur,2  letting  loose  the  elements  of  destruction, 
as  had  happened  in  other  parts  of  Spanish  America. 
However,  another  constitutional  term  under  the 
Spanish  monarch  was  about  being  inaugurated,  and 
this  fact  helped  to  bring  on  definitive  results. 

1 A native  of  nabana,  Cuba.  He  had  filled  several  high  offices,  the  last 
being  that  of  governor  of  Santo  Domingo.  J uarros,  Guat. , ii. , adv.  ix.-x. ; Salv. , 
Diario  Ofic.,  Apr.  1,  1875,  4. 

2 Convulsions  of  nature  had  been  constantly  occurring  in  Quezaltenango 
during  two  months,  which  greatly  alarmed  the  population.  On  the  17th  of 
Jan.,  1818,  a hill  on  the  south  of  the  town  burst  open  and  threw  out  enormous 
quantities  of  ashes,  covering  the  whole  country,  even  to  the  distance  of  35 
leagues,  and  flames  were  occasionally  seen.  Cdzar,  Carta,  in  Nolicioso  Gen., 
March  1G,  ISIS,  4 


(23) 


24 


INDEPENDENCE  ACHIEVED. 


Urrutia  was  a man  of  experience,  with  a well-bal- 
anced mind,  whose  political  opinions  leaned  to  the 
side  of  progress.  He  would  have  been  well  adapted 
to  guide  the  course  of  events  in  Central  America  had 
it  not  been  for  the  infirmities  of  old  age.  Guatemala, 
being  as  yet  under  the  sway  of  Spain,  was  open  to 
attack  from  the  enemies  of  that  government,  or  at 
least,  to  such  action  as  they  might  adopt  in  aid  of  the 
disaffected  portion  of  the  people  to  secure  their  coun- 
try’s independence.  The  latter  was  the  plan  of  the 
Colombian  insurgents  in  fitting1  out  a combined  sea 
and  land  expedition  to  operate  against  the  ports  of 
Omoa  and  Trujillo  in  1820. 3 

On  the  21st  of  April  the  watch-tower  at  Capiro, 
in  Trujillo,  announced  the  approach  of  a Colombian 
ilotilla  of  small  vessels  from  the  windward.  The  gar- 
rison, commanded  by  Josd  M.  Palomar,  at  once  made 
preparations  for  emergencies.  The  flotilla,  consisting 
of  two  brigantines,  four  large  and  as  many  small 
schooners,  one  felucca,  and  one  sloop,  under  Com- 
modore Aury,  sailed  in  at  two  o’clock,4  and  despatched 
a boat  to  shore  to  demand  the  surrender  of  the  place 
within  one  hour.  Nothing  further  was  done  on  that 
day,  however;  but  early  the  next  morning  the  flotilla 
moved  toward  the  mouth  of  the  Guaimoreto,  and  after 
reconnoitering  the  defences,  opened  a bombardment 
with  ball  and  grape-shot  on  the  intrenchment  and 
demolished  it,  which  compelled  the  defenders  to  fall 
back.  The  assailants  landed  400  men  and  15  horses, 
and  advanced  against  the  garrison,  meeting  with  a 
repulse  at  the  fourth  parapet.  The  garrison  retreated 
to  the  fifth  line,  at  which  the  enemy  was  a second 
time  driven  back.  The  vessels  fired  broadside  upon 
broadside  on  the  shore  batteries,  which  were  warmly 
returned.  The  bombardment  was  kept  up  from  nine 

s The  Spanish  official  account  published  by  the  government  of  Guatemala, 
May  1 and  13,  1820,  and  copied  in  the  Gaceta  of  Mex.  of  June  17th,  same 
year,  has  it  that  the  attempt  resulted  in  the  discomfiture  of  the  assailants. 

4 The  commander’s  ship  hoisted  a flag  with  two  blue  bars  and  a white  one 
between  them  showing  an  escutcheon. 


ATTACK  ON  TRUJILLO. 


25 


A*  m.  till  two  p.  m.,  when  the  flotilla  retired  out  of  reach 
of  the  batteries.  A portion  of  the  land  force  then 
attempted  to  enter  the  town  by  the  rear  of  it,  but 
was  detected  and  compelled  to  retire.  Early  in  the 
morning  of  the  23d,  the  invading  troops  returned  to 
the  vessels,  leaving  their  horses;  and  soon  afterward 
the  flotilla  put  to  sea,  each  vessel  firing  a broadside, 
on  passing  Point  Castilla,  against  the  watch-tower. 
During  the  night  of  the  24th  the  Colombian  vessels 
dropped  out  of  sight.5  On  the  25th  the  flotilla  ap- 
peared off'  Omoa,  and  for  several  days  was  making 
attempts  to  effect  a landing,  which  being  unsuccessful, 
it  retired  on  the  Gth  of  May,  after  setting  fire  to  the 
larger  brig,  which  had  been  damaged  by  the  fire  from 
the  town. 

Fernando  VII.,  under  compulsion,  restored  the  con- 
stitution of  1812  throughout  his  dominions.  On  the 
9th  of  March,  1820,  he  swore  to  support  it,  and  the 
next  day  issued  a manifesto  conveying  an  apology  for 
having  set  it  aside  in  1814,  and  giving  plausible  reasons 
for  his  present  change  of  mind.  On  the  1 1th  of  April 
he  issued  another  manifesto,  addressed  to  the  people 
of  America,  expressing  sorrow  at  not  having  sooner 
reinstated  the  constitutional  government.  In  another 
decree  of  April  15th  he  restores  to  full  force  and  vigor 
all  decrees  of  the  cbrtes,  both  the  extraordinary  and 
ordinary,  for  the  better  government  and  progress  of 
the  provinces  in  America. 

It  seems  that  Brigadier  Gavino  Gainza,  appointed 
sub-inspector-general  of  the  forces  in  Central  America, 
was  commissioned  to  bring  out  the  royal  proclamations 
and  decrees  for  the  reinstatement  of  the  constitution, 
and  of  the  laws  which  were  passed  under  it  by  the 
cortes.  There  is  nothing  to  show  the  precise  time  of 
his  arrival  in  Guatemala,  but  it  will  suffice  to  state 

5 The  Spanish  official  account  sets  the  enemy’s  casualties  at  40  killed  and 
wounded  on  shore;  those  on  board  could  not  be  ascertained.  The  Spanish 
loss  is  given  at  one  killed  and  two  wounded. 


26 


INDEPENDENCE  ACHIEVED. 


that  the  diputacion  provincial  was  installed  at  the 
capital  on  the  13th  of  July. 

At  a preparatory  sitting  of  the  edrtes,  on  the  2Gth 
of  June,  1820,  Juan  N.  San  Juan  and  Jose  Sacasa 
were  present  as  representatives  from  Guatemala,  and 
on  the  2d  of  August  Juan  N.  Tuero,  or  Fuero,  pre- 
sented his  credentials  as  a deputy  elected  from  Chi- 
apas for  the  edrtes  of  1815- 1G,  which  body  he  found 
closed  on  arriving  in  Spain  at  the  end  of  1814.®  The 
necessity  of  such  a diputacion  was  ably  discussed  in 
the  edrtes  on  the  30tli  of  April,  1821,  by  Deputy 
Hermosilla,  seconded  by  Deputy  Milla,  both  support- 
ing the  report  of  the  committee  on  the  subject.  On 
the  17th  of  June  the  chamber  was  officially  informed 
of  the  installation  of  the  diputacion,  and  commended 
its  patriotic  labors.7 

The  ‘junta  suprema  do  censura,’  created  to  adjudi- 
cate upon  alleged  offences  against  the  law  regulating 
the  press,  had,  on  the  9th  of  August,  1820,  nomi- 
nated, and  the  edrtes  confirmed,  the  members  of  the 
junta  de  censura  for  Guatemala.8 

The  reestablishment  of  the  constitutional  regime 
under  such  favorable  circumstances  soon  brought  into 
life  two  great  parties  that  for  a long  time  bore  the  re 
spective  names  of  Gazista,  or  Baco,  and  Caco.  The 
gazista,  with  Josd  del  Valle  as  its  leader,9  was  made 

*Cdrtes,  Diario,  1S20,  ii.  19;  Apr.  30,  1821,  extra,  xvi.  15-16;  Id.,  Act. 
Pub.,  i.,  June  26,  1S20,  6;  Aug.  2,  1820,  2. 

’A  congratulatory  address  from  the  newly  created  corporation  was  re- 
ceived with  marks  of  satisfaction.  Cdrtes,  Diario,  June  17,  1821,  xxii.  6. 

8 From  the  ecclesiastic  state,  Juan  Jos6  Batres  and  Jos6  Maria  Alvarez, 
with  Pedro  Ruiz  de  Bustamante  for  a substitute.  From  the  secular  class, 
Pedro  Molina,  Jos<5  Barrundia,  and  Lie.  Venancio  Lopez.  Secular  substi- 
tutes, licenciados  Francisco  Javier  Barrutia,  Felipe  Neri  del  Barrio.  Cdrtes, 
Diario,  1820,  ii.  22S-9. 

* A native  of  Choluteca,  in  Honduras.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  1.  He  was  auditor 
de  guerra.  Valle  was  undoubtedly  an  able  man;  a speech  of  his  on  equality 
before  the  law  is  spoken  of  with  high  commendation.  Observ.  de  la  Itep. 
Mex.,  ii.,  Oct.  3,  1S27,  128-33.  Subsequently  was  a deputy  to  the  imperial 
congress  of  Mexico,  and  when  Iturbide  was  on  the  eve  of  succumbing  under 
the  blows  of  the  republicans,  he  appointed  Valle  his  minister  of  state,  which 
office  ceased  with  the  fall  of  the  empire.  Valle  returned  to  Guatemala  and 
figured  prominently  in  the  government.  In  1S26-29  he  was  a federal  deputy, 
and  died  on  the  2d  of  March,  1834,  soon  after  being  elected  president  of  the 
republic.  The  assembly  on  the  21st  of  March  of  the  same  year  decreed  honors 


BACOS  AND  CACOS. 


27 


np  of  Spaniards  and  artisans.  The  cacos  recognized 
as  their  chieftain  Jose  Maria  Delgado.10  Their  party 
was  composed  of  members  of  the  nobility,  and  of  the 
men  calling  themselves  independents.  This  party 
from  the  first  aspired  to  independence,  and  its  candi- 
dates were  taken  from  the  independent  wing  at  the 
election  of  deputies  and  other  officials. 

The  gazistas,  or  bacos,  were  numerous  and  strong, 
for  they  had  in  their  ranks  the  rulers,  many  wealthy 
merchants,  and  the  artisans,  and  abundant  funds  at 
command,  which  were  scattered  without  stint  among 
the  needy  and  ignorant,  who  were  ready  enough  to 
sell  their  votes.11  They  likewise  strengthened  their 
influence  with  the  lower  class  by  means  of  a pre- 
tended hostility  to  the  aristocracy,  or  to  what  from 
that  time  went  by  the  name  of  ‘espiritu  de  familia.’ 
They  won  the  elections,  but  their  triumph  proved  to 
be  far  from  a solid  one. 

The  cacos  now  resolved  to  use  every  endeavor  to 
accomplish  independence.  The  connection  with  the 
aristocratic  element  was  a drawback;  and  the  abso- 
lute necessity  of  winning  over  the  mechanics  being 
recognized,  a middle  party  was  at  once  organized, 
which  attached  itself  to  the  independents,  and  would 
have  no  connection  with  the  nobles.  This  arrange- 
ment facilitated  the  accomplishment  of  the  object  in 
view. 

The  political  struggle  was  now  fairly  inaugurated. 
Pedro  Molina12  began  the  publication  of  El  Editor 


to  his  memory.  Ouat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  iii.  338-9,  348.  Salvador  did  the  same  ia 
April.  A likeness  of  Valle  is  given  in  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii. 
160.  Valle  had  been  honored  with  the  friendship  of  Bentham  and  other 
European  savans;  and  he  was  a member  of  the  French  Academy  of  Sciences. 
Marure,  Efem6rid.es,  35. 

10  The  same  man  who  afterward  appointed  himself  bishop  of  Salvador. 
Suarez  y Navarro,  Hist.  Mtj.,  386. 

11  They  cajoled  the  artisans  with  the  promise  of  checking  the  trade  with 
Belize,  and  of  prohibiting  the  importation  of  foreign  manufactures. 

He  was  born  in  Guatemala  on  the  29th  of  Apr.,  1777;  studied  humani- 
ties under  Father  Goicoechea,  one  of  the  lights  of  his  time,  and  received  his 
diploma  of  a licentiate  of  medicine  and  surgery  at  the  age  of  22;  served  in 
Nicaragua  as  surgeon  of  the  batallon  fijo  early  in  the  century,  and  returned 
with  it  to  his  native  city  in  1811.  He  afterward  filled  the  position  of  professor 


23 


INDEPENDENCE  ACHIEVED. 


Constitutional,  to  defend  American  rights.  The  A migo 
de  la  Patria  appeared  at  the  same  time,  and  often 
opposed  Molina’s  radical  doctrines.  Urrutia,  now 
st}ding  himself  jefe  politico  y capitan  general,  made 
an  address  to  the  people,  congratulating  them  and 
himself  on  the  happy  termination  of  the  election  in 
the  several  parishes,  and  giving  assurances  that  every 
voter  should  have  full  liberty  to  cast  his  vote  for  repre- 
sentative in  the  general  congress,  the  diputacion,  and 
the  ayuntamiento.13  A portion  of  his  address  was 
specially  devoted  to  artisans  and  laboring  men,  whom 
he  warned  not  to  allow  themselves  to  be  tampered 
with  to  the  discredit  of  the  government  on  the  ques- 
tion of  trade  in  cotton  goods;  for,  he  told  them,  it  was 
a positive  misconception  that  the  government  had  it 
in  view  to  decree  freedom  of  foreign  trade;  on  the 
contrary,  it  had  endeavored  to  check  illegal  traffic, 
which  had  been  carried  on  to  the  detriment  of  national 
interests  and  the  royal  treasury. 

The  measures  adopted  by  him  had  to  some  extent 
corrected  that  evil.  By  making  the  traders  pay  im- 
port dues,  the  treasury  had  profited,  and  the  people 
had  been  saved  from  new  taxes.  Formerly,  English 
goods  were  paid  for  wholly  in  coin;  now,  only  one 
sixth  of  their  cost  was  covered  with  money,  and  the 
remainder  with  the  produce  of  the  country.14 

The  gobierno  politico  de  Guatemala  had  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  same  extent  of  country  as  the  metro- 

of  medicine  in  the  university.  The  degree  of  doctor  was  given  him  in  1 SI 7, 
and  the  ollice  of  protoimhlieo,  or  head  physician  of  the  province  of  Guate- 
mala. Salv. , Gaceta,  Oct.  12,  1S54. 

13  He  adjured  all  to  free  themselves  from  party  influences,  and  to  give  thei* 
suffrages  only  to  men  who  had  their  country’s  interests  at  heart.  He  de- 
manded of  all  citizens  to  love  their  country,  to  be  true  to  the  constitution, 
and  to  respect  the  legitimate  authorities. 

14  Urrutia,  Modelo,  2-3.  Constant  complaints  had  been  made  to  the'  na- 
tional government  since  1S1 3 against  the  foreign  trade.  The  regulations  of 
1778  had  been  made  to  appear  advantageous  to  Spain  and  her  American  colo- 
nies. Foreign  trade  was  declared  a means  of  corruption  which  placed  arms 
in  the  hands  of  Spain’s  foes.  In  the  report  now  before  me,  the  mechanics  of 
the  country  are  represented,  as  hostile  to  the  foreign  trade.  Amllaga,  In- 
forme,,  in  Cedidario,  66-7. 


ARCHBISHOPS. 


29 


politan,15  namely,  214  leagues  from  the  ejidos  of 
Motocinta  on  the  west,  and  1 1 6 leagues  from  Golfo 
Dulce  on  the  Atlantic,  to  the  Pacific  coast 10 

The  first  archbishop  of  Guatemala  appointed  by 
the  Spanish  crown  in  the  present  century  was  Luis 
Penalver  y Cdrdenas,17  who  reached  his  see  the  3d  of 
June,  1802,  and  on  the  26th  took  possession.  During 
his  brief  incumbency  he  founded  several  rectorships, 
and  two  primary  schools  for  girls.  His  sight  be- 
coming seriously  affected,  he  relinquished  the  mitre, 
and  returned  to  his  native  city,  secretly  departing 
March  1,  1806. 13 

Rafael  de  la  Vara  de  la  Madrid,  Penalver’s  succes- 
sor, arrived  in  Acajutla  on  the  13th  of  December, 
1807 ; in  Guatemala  city  on  the  4th  of  January,  1 808 ; 
and  on  the  3d  of  February  took  possession  of  his 
office.  In  April  1809  he  visited  the  province  of  Vera 
Paz,  where  he  died  on  the  3 1st  of  December,  much 
regretted,  as  he  had  endeared  himself  by  his  peace- 
able disposition  and  affability.19 

Antonio  Bergoza  y Jordan,  bishop  of  Oajaca,  was 
nominated  for  the  succession,  but  declined  the  po- 
sition. 

The  next  and  eighth  archbishop  of  the  diocese  was 


15  The  latter  had  three  suffragans — Leon,  Comayagua,  and  Ciudad  Real 
de  Chiapas.  It  had  also  20  vicars,  161  curacies  in  424  towns,  85  valleys,  23 
doctrinas  under  missionaries,  of  which  16  were  in  charge  of  Dominican^,  4 of 
Franciscans,  and  3 of  the  order  of  Mercy. 

16  Deputy  Jos<3  Mariano  Mendez,  from  Sonsonate,  gave  the  province  of 
Guatemala  116  leagues  from  the  Pacific  to  Santo  Tomds,  and  a width  of  100 
leagues  in  some  parts,  and  less  in  others,  with  two  cities  and  about  294 
towns.  Mem.,  12-13,  20;  Mcmoria  del  estado  politico  y ecle.ddxlico  de  la  capi- 
tania  general  de  Guatemala,  Mad.,  1821,  sm.  4to,  30  pp.,  gives  data  on  the 
economical,  political,  and  ecclesiastical  condition  of  Central  America  in  gen- 
eral, and  of  each  of  the  divisions  or  provinces,  including  Chiapas  in  particu- 
lar, and  proposing  to  the  Spanish  government  reforms  deemed  advisable. 

nA  native  of  Habana,  at  which  university  he  received  the  degree  of  doc- 
tor. Juarrox,  Guat.,  i.  296-7. 

18  He  consecrated  in  his  cathedral,  on  the  12th  of  Sept.,  1S02,  the  treasurer 
of  the  diocese,  the  licentiate  of  theology,  Atnbrosio  Llano,  as  bishop  of 
Ciudad  Real  de  Chiapas. 

19  He  had  been  bishop  of  Santa  Cruz  de  la  Sierra,  in  Peru.  At  the  time  of 
his  death  he  was  55  years  old.  The  remains  were  interred  in  the  cathedraL 
Juarros,  Guat.,  L 297;  Diario  Mix.,  xii.,  Jan.  26,  1810,  104. 


30 


INDEPENDENCE  ACHIEVED 


Ramon  Casaus  y Torres,  nominated  by  the  supreme 
council  of  regency  on  the  30th  of  March,  1811;  who 
entered  the  capital  on  the  30th  of  July,  and  being  a con- 
secrated bishop,  at  once  began  to  perform  episcopal 
functions.20  His  nomination  was  ratified  by  the  king 
on  the  27th  of  August,  1814;  the  papal  bulls  of  con- 
firmation were  issued  on  the  15th  of  March,  1815,  and 
Casaus  received  the  pallium  on  the  28th  of  Septem- 
ber of  the  same  year. 

At  the  sitting  of  the  Spanish  cdrtes  on  the  25th 
of  June,  1821,  the  American  deputies  laid  before  that 
body  a memorial  setting  forth  the  condition  of  their 
provinces,  and  the  measures  which,  in  their  opinion, 
would  lead  to  a definitive  peace.  They  not  only 
assured  their  Spanish  colleagues  that  Americans  were 
fully  conscious  of  their  rights  as  freemen,  but  also 
of  their  determination  and  ability  to  defend  them; 
nevertheless,  if  those  rights  were  respected,  and  jus- 
tice was  done,  existing;  difficulties  might  be  obliterated. 
They  believed,  however,  that  a constitutional  system 
would  be  impracticable  in  America,  unless  new  and 
efficacious  measures  were  adopted  to  enable  the 
three  branches  of  government  to  act  freely  within 
their  respective  bounds,  and  likewise  to  make  effective 
the  responsibility  of  public  officials  for  their  acts. 
Another  point  upon  which  they  laid  stress  was  the 
inutility  of  American  deputies  at  the  Spanish  cdrtes 
unless  they  were  effectively  upheld  from  their  respect- 
ive countries.  They  found  other  faults  with  the  exist- 
ing government,  and  declared  that  the  solution  of  the 
great  problem  would  be  found  in  the  establishment 
of  autonomic  governments  in  America. 

20  He  was  a native  of  Jaca,  in  Aragon;  took  the  Dominican  habit  in  Zara- 
goza, and  completed  there  his  education;  joined  the  province  of  Santiago  in 
Mexico  at  the  age  of  23;  became  a lecturer  in  Porta  Coeli  college,  and  a pro- 
fessor in  the  university  of  Mexico,  by  which  he  was  made  a doctor,  and  by 
his  order  a maestro.  On  the  9th  of  Nov.,  1806,  as  bishop  of  Rosen  in  partibus 
inlidelium,  he  was  made  bishop-coadjutor  of  Oajaca,  and  consecrated  on  the 
21  of  Aug.,  1S07.  Juarros,  Gual.,  ii.,  adv.  p.  xi.-xii.;  Cdrtes,  Diario,  xviii. 
390;  I'utrlo,  Convite,  p.  iii.  1. 


RIPE  FOR  INDEPENDENCE. 


31 


Commerce  between  Spanish  America  and  the 
mother  country  should  be  treated  as  internal  trade, 
the  Americans  having  equal  rights  and  privileges  with 
their  brethren  of  Europe.  The  same  equality  in 
respect  to  civil  rights  and  appointment  to  office  was 
likewise  to  exist  between  the  natives  of  America  and 
Spain.  If  such  demands  were  conceded,  Mexico  and 
Central  America  would  pay  to  Spain  ten  million  dol- 
lars within  six  years,  in  yearly  installments  from  Jan- 
uary 1,  1823,  to  be  applied  to  the  cancelling  of  the 
national  debt.  They  would  also  allow  Spain  two 
million  dollars  yearly  for  the  support  of  the  royal 
navy.21 

It  was  now  too  late,  however,  for  conciliatory  efforts 
to  be  successful.  Events  crowded  upon  each  other, 
and  were  beyond  the  control  even  of  the  men  who 
made  them.  Central  America  was  at  peace,  but  the 
constitutional  system  recently  established,  with  its 
popular  elections  and  a free  press,  after  the  spirit  of  na- 
tionality had  gained  so  much  ground,  naturally  tended 
to  excite  the  public  mind,  emboldening  the  timid,  and 
increasing  the  number  of  the  friends  of  independence. 
Party  spirit  controlled  everything;  it  was  felt  even  in 
the  domestic  circle.  The  people  were  prepared  and 
anxious  for  a change,  when  vague  rumors  were  set 
afloat  of  renewed  revolutionary  efforts  in  Mexico.22 
Party  leaders  were  of  one  mind  on  the  desirability  of 
separation.  It  was  generally  admitted  /that  the  sub- 
jection of  the  country  to  Spain  could  no  longer  be 
maintained.  Only  a few  high  officials  and  Spaniards 
dissented.  Now  was  the  time,  if  ever,  for  a sound 
head  and  strong  hand  to  helm  the  ship  of  state.  Ur- 
rutia,  owing  to  age  and  physical  ailings,  was  not  the 
man  for  the  occasion;  nor  was  he,  though  opposed  to 
the  scheme  of  secession,  able  to  retard  it.  Under  the 

21  The  payments  were  to  begin  no  later  than  one  year  after  the  installation 
of  the  autonomic  government.  The  allowance  was  to  be  increased  when  the 
condition  of  the  two  countries  should  become  improved. 

22  Positive  news  of  Iturbide’s  defection  had  not  yet  reached  Guatemala. 
Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  2. 


32 


INDEPENDENCE  ACHIEVED. 


circumstances,  the  diputacion  provincial  prevailed  on 
the  jefe  superior  politico  to  delegate  his  powers  to  the 
sub-inspector  of  the  troops,  Gavino  Gainza.23  This 
officer  at  first  tried  to  stem  the  torrent  of  revolution, 
to  act  as  the  agent  of  Spain,  disapproving  the  plan  of 
separation,  but  at  the  same  time  maintained  intimate 
relations  with  the  independents  and  aided  their  efforts. 
This  party  publicly  circulated  a paper  for  signatures 
to  ask  Gainza  to  proclaim  independence  himself.  He 
pretended  to  be  indignant;  and  upon  the  receipt 
of  the  plan  of  Iguala,  formed  in  Mexico  by  Iturbide 
and  Guerrero,24  he  issued  a manifesto  depicting  it  in 
the  blackest  colors,  and  ordered  that  all  who  had 
called  on  him  to  declare  independence  should  be 
prosecuted.25  The  independents  became  disgusted,  but 
had  to  make  the  best  of  the  situation.  They  then 
resolved  to  play  upon  his  personal  ambition,  assuring 
him  that  for  his  cooperation  in  their  plans  he  would 
be  retained  in  command,  and  afterward  chosen  the 
first  chief  magistrate  of  the  young  nation.  While  he 
still  hesitated,  they  despatched  Cayetano  Bedoya  to 
Oajaca  for  military  aid  from  General  Bravo.  But  on 
the  messenger’s  arrival  at  Ciudad  Real  de  Chiapas, 
he  found  that  the  place  had  followed  the  example  of 
Oajaca  and  Tehuantepec,  accepting  the  plan  of  Iguala. 
This  step  hastened  events  in  Guatemala,  and  Bedoya 
had  no  need  of  going  farther. 

The  act  of  Ciudad  Real,  received  September  13th, 
caused  the  greatest  excitement  in  the  city  of  Guate- 
mala, and  the  government  had  to  give  way.  Urged 
by  the  diputacion,  Gainza  summoned,  on  the  14th,  the 

13  He  is  represented  as  a fickle  man,  one  easily  influenced,  and  likely  to 
act  under  the  impressions  of  the  moment.  Marure,  Box//.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i. 
21 ; Salv.,  Diario  OJic.,  1875,  Apr.  1,  4.  Events  showed  he  was  a man  of  no 
settled  principles  or  character,  who  proved  himself,  first  a traitor  to  his  king 
and  country,  and  next,  for  self-aggrandizement,  betrayed  the  men  that  in  an 
evil  hour  placed  their  trust  in  him. 

24  This  plan  is  described  in  Hist.  Mex. , iv.  709-10,  this  series. 

2i  The  order  was  a dead  letter,  however.  Gainza  evidently  issued  it  to 
cover  his  responsibility  in  Madrid;  at  any  rate,  no  one  was  arrested,  and  the 
manifesto  was  soon  after  retired,  public  affairs  being  allowed  to  take  their 
iourse.  Mein.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  4;  Marure,  Bosq.  llist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  21-2. 


GAINZA’S  MEETING. 


33 


high  officials  and  other  notables  to  a meeting  next 
day  to  resolve  on  some  action  responsive  to  the  de- 
mands of  the  people.56 

During  the  night  of  the  14th  Molina  and  the  cacos 
scattered  their  agents  throughout  the  wards  to  stir 
up  the  masses,  and  at  the  same  time  to  awe  the  es- 
panolistas,  or  royal  partisans.  At  8 a.  m.  on  the  15th 
a throng  of  independents  filled  the  porticos,  court-yard, 
halls,  and  ante-chambers  of  the  government  house. 
Among  them  and  instructing  the  crowds  were  Molina, 
Barrundia,  Basilio  Porras,  and  other  leaders.  Soon 
after  began  to  arrive  at  the  government  house  the 
officials  called  to  take  part  in  the  deliberations  of  the 
meeting,  namely,  two  members  of  each  corporation 
deputized  therefor;  the  archbishop  and  prelates  of 
the  religious  orders;  the  chief  officers  of  the  army  and 
treasury;  who,  together  with  the  diputacion  provin- 
cial, and  under  the  presidency  of  the  acting  jefe  supe- 
rior politico,  Gainza,27  at  once  proceeded  to  business. 
After  reading  the  declarations  in  Chiapas,  several  mem- 
bers briefly  expressed  their  views.  The  first  speaker 
was  Valle,  leader  of  the  gazistas,  who  eloquently  ad- 
vocated independence  as  necessary  and  just,  but  ended 
advising  that  it  should  not  be  proclaimed  till  the  other 
sections  had  formally  declared  in  its  favor.  The 
motion  was  seconded.  The  anti-independents28  op- 
posed all  action  until  final  results  in  Mexico  should  be 
received.  Every  attempt  at  a vacillating  policy  was 
defeated  by  the  energetic  efforts  of  the  independents, 
who  voted  for  an  immediate  declaration  of  indepen- 

26Gainza  on  the  13th  had  exacted  of  all  the  superior  military  officers  a 
renewal  of  their  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  king.  Id.,  i.  23. 

21  The  diputacion,  on  motion  of  Simeon  Caiias,  had  acted  at  the  instance 
of  the  ayuntamiento,  whose  sindico,  Mariano  de  Ayclnena,  had  called  for  an 
extra  session  to  petition  for  immediate  independence.  Gainza,  with  the  view 
of  averting  such  a declaration,  attended  personally  to  preside  over  the  meet- 
ing; but  he  finally  submitted  to  the  inevitable,  and  weakly  assented  to  the 
convocation  of  the  authorities,  without  first  obtaining  Urrutia’s  approbation. 
He  thus  ignored  the  real  chief  authority  in  the  country.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am., 
4-5;  A yon,  Apuntes,  21. 

28  Archbishop  Casaus,  oidores  Miguel  Moreno  and  Jos6  Valdez,  Luis  Es- 
coto,  prelate  of  the  Dominicans,  F6lix  Lagrava,  Juan  Bautista  Jduregui,  Josd 
Villafane,  and  others  of  less  note.  Marure,  Dosq.  liist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  23-7. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  3 


34 


INDEPENDENCE  ACHIEVED. 


dence.29  Every  vote  favorable  to  independence  was 
received  by  the  people  with  loud  applause,  and  every 
one  against  it  writh  groans.  The  popular  preference 
became  so  marked  and  boisterous  that  the  anti-inde- 
pendents, fearing  for  their  lives,  retired  from  the 

diputacion  and  ayuntamiento  then,  as  the  legiti- 
mate organs  to  express  the  public  will,  drew  up  the 
Acta  de  Independencia,  which  was  adopted,  signed, 
and  sworn  to  by  all  the  members  present.30  This 
instrument,  after  declaring  the  aspiration  of  Guate- 
malans to  be  a free  and  independent  people,31  invited 
all  citizens  of  the  provinces  to  choose  without  delay 
representatives,  on  the  basis  of  one  for  every  15,000 

29  The  supporters  ctf  this  resolution  were;  Canon  Doctor  Jos6  Maria  Cas- 
tilla, Dean  Doctor  Autonio  Garcia  Redondo;  Regente  of  the  aucliencia  Fran- 
cisco Vilches,  oidores  Miguel  Larreinaga  and  Tomas  O’Horan;  deputies  from 
the  university,  doctors  Mariano  Galvez  and  Serapio  Sanchez;  deputies  from 
the  college  of  lawyers,  Jos6  Francisco  (Yirdoba  and  Santiago  Milla;  Antonio 
Rivera  Cabezas,  Mariano  Beltranena,  J.  Mariano  Calderon,  Rev.  Doctor  J. 
Matius  Delgado,  M.  A.  Molina,  members  of  the  diputacion  provincial;  Ma- 
riauo  and  J.  Antonio  Larrave,  Isidoro  Castriciones,  Pedro  Arroyave,  and 
Mariano  de  Aycinena,  members  of  the  ayuntamiento;  Lorenzo  Romans,  gov- 
ernment secretary;  Domingo  Dieguez,  secretary  of  the  meeting;  Friars  Ma- 
riano Perez  and  Josd  Antonio  Taboada,  prelates  respectively  of  the  Recollects 
and  Franciscans.  Some  Spaniards  also  recorded  their  names  in  favor  of  such 
action,  lb.  The  Memorias  de  las  Revolt*  ciones  de  Centro  America  give  among 
the  members  of  the  diputacion  Jose  Valdes,  and  leave  out  M.  A.  Molina,  5. 

30  2 97  years,  3 months,  and  19  days  from  June  24,  1524,  when  Pedro  de 
Alvarado  arrived  with  his  300  conquistadores. 

31  Article  2d,  speaking  of  the  congress,  says:  It  is  to  decide  upon  the  point 
of  ‘ independencia  general  y absoluta,  y tijar,  en  caso  de  acordarla,  la  forma  de 
gobiemo  y ley  fundamental  que  deba  regir.’  Marure,  who  gives  the  text  of 
the  acta,  asserts  that  the  declaration  actually  was  for  an  ‘ independencia  ab- 
soluta de  Mdjico  y de  cualquiera  otra  nacion;’  and  that  Gainza,  who  favored 
annexation  to  Mexico,  had  beforehand  prepared  an  oath  to  support  it.  Bosq. 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  27,  and  ap.  ii. , iii.;  Ataman,  Hist.  Mij.,  v.  34G-S;  Ayon, 
Apunles,  21;  Squier’s  Trav.,  ii.  378;  Squier's  Cent.  Am.,  07;  Cuevas,  Porvenir 
de  Mix. , 252.  Another  vital  clause  in  the  instrument  was  that  the  Roman 
catholic  religion  which  the  Central  Americans  had  professed  in  past  centuries, 
‘y  profesaremos  en  los  siglos  venidcros,’  must  be  preserved  ‘pura  6 inalterable,’ 
its  ministers  respected,  and  protected  in  their  persons  and  property.  The 
prelates  of  the  various  religious  communities  were  invited  to  cooperate  in  be- 
half of  peace  and  harmony,  endeavoring  to  do  away  with  personal  passions. 
The  whole  proceeding  was  novel,  this  of  Spanish  officials,  presided  over  by 
the  chief  agent  of  the  king,  meeting  with  natives  of  the  country  to  decide 
whether  Guatemala  should  cast  off  the  old  mother  country  or  not.  Several 
other  things  worthy  of  notice  happened  then  among  them.  Canon  Castilla, 
though  a friend  of  the  archbishop,  his  prelate,  who  had  advocated  anti-inde- 
pendence, favored  the  separation.  Many  of  the  officials  declared  for  secession, 
chief  among  their  number  the  gazista  leader  Jos6  del  Valle,  who  held  the  high 
office  of  auditor  de  guerra.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  5-6. 


palace. 

The 


PROCLAMATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 


35 


inhabitants,  to  a national  congress  that  was  to  meet 
March  1,  1822.  In  the  mean  time  the  Spanish  laws, 
courts  of  justice,  and  public  functionaries  were  to  con- 
tinue as  heretofore.  The  representatives  were  to  be 
chosen  by  the  same  juntas  electorales  that  had  lately, 
since  the  restoration  of  the  constitution,  elected  depu- 
ties to  the  cdrtes,  wdthout  excluding,  as  the  constitu- 
tion did,  men  of  African  descent  from  the  rights  of 
full  citizenship.32  The  clause  giving  the  last  electoral 
college,  with  its  majority  of  Valle’s  partisans,  the 
power  to  choose  the  members  of  the  constituent  con- 
gress, is  said  to  have  been  inserted  in  the  acta  by 
himself.33 

On  the  17th  Gainza  issued  a proclamation  formally 
placing  before  the  people  the  resolutions  adopted  on 
the  15th,  and  enjoining  on  all  the  duty  of  abiding  by 
them,  and  of  respecting  the  laws  and  authorities 
recognized  by  them.  Any  attempt,  by  word  or  deed, 
to  restore  Spanish  domination  was  declared  high 
treason,  punishable  with  death.34  The  powers  of  the 
congress  would  be  constituent  to  adopt  a form  of  gov- 
ernment and  frame  the  national  constitution.  Mean- 
time Gainza  held  civil  and  military  authority,  acting 
with  the  advice  of  a provisional  junta  consultiva, 
formed  with  the  diputacion  provincial  and  seven 
additional  members,  representing  respectively  Leon, 
Comayagua,  Costa  Rica,  Quezaltenango,  Solold,  Chi- 
maltenango,  Sonsonate,  and  Ciudad  Real.35  Neither 

52  The  following  names  appear  in  the  acta:  Gavino  Gainza,  Mariano  tie 
Beltranena,  JostS  Mariano  Calderon,  Jos6  Matias  Delgado,  Manuel  Antonio 
Molina,  Mariano  de  Larrave,  Antonio  tie  Rivera,  Jose  Antonio  de  Larrave, 
Isitloro  de  Valle  y Castriciones,  Pedro  de  Arroyave,  Mariano  de  Aycinena. 
Secretaries,  Lorenzo  de  Romana,  Domingo  Dieguez.  Pineda  de  Mont.,  Recop. 
Ley.  Gnat.,  i.  1-14.  The  news  of  this  declaration  reached  Spain,  and  mention 
was  made  of  it  in  the  cdrtes  Dec.  15,  1821,  by  Deputy  Navarrete.  Cdrtes, 
Diario  extraord.,  vi.,  1821,  Dec.  15,  34;  Cdttes,  Diario,  viiL,  1822,  Feb.  12, 
5;  Romero,  Bosq.  Hist.,  43-4,  G6-130;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  6-9. 

33  This  clause  gave  rise  to  much  trouble  afterward. 

34  The  authorities  were  to  be  apprised  of  any  plots  against  the  new  regime 
by  persons  becoming  aware  of  them,  or  the  latter  would  be  held  as  aiders 
and  abettors  of  treason.  Carrying  concealed  weapons,  ringing  of  bells  other 
than  for  religious  service,  and  injuring  or  destroying  public  or  private  prop- 
erty, under  any  pretext,  would  be  severely  punished.  Mix.,  Gac.  Imp.,  Dec. 
1,  1821,  260-3. 

35  The  additional  members  were  Miguel  de  Larreinaga,  Jos6  del  Valle,  J. 


36 


INDEPENDENCE  ACHIEVED. 


the  people  at  large  nor  the  meeting  of  the  15th  created 
such  a body.  It  was  the  creation  of  the  men  who 
remained  behind  in  the  hall,  including  Valle,  who 
drew  up  the  acta.36  Continuing  his  double  dealing, 
Gainza  had  issued  his  proclamation,  on  the  16th,  for 
the  election  of  representatives  to  congress.  He  spoke 
therein  of  the  longing  for  independence  since  1810,  of 
the  popular  love  for  the  cause  which  had  been  so 
forcibly  sustained  at  the  meeting  of  the  preceding  da}T, 
and  concluded  by  inviting  the  whole  people  to  approve 
the  plan,  and  to  appoint  their  deputies  to  complete 
the  work. 

Before  proceeding  further  with  the  political  situa- 
tion at  the  capital  of  Guatemala,  I will  devote  a little 
space  to  laying  before  the  reader  some  information  on 
one  of  its  most  important  sections,  namely,  Chiapas. 
The  population  was  computed  in  1813  at  over  100,000 
inhabitants,  of  whom  70,000  were  Indians;  the  re- 
mainder were  Spaniards  and  mixed  breeds,  with  a 
few  negroes.37 

As  a reward  for  good  services  and  generous  pecu- 
niary contributions  to  the  nation,  the  Spanish  cortes 
passed,  October  29,  1813,  a decree  bestowing  the  title 
of  city  on  the  town  of  Comitan,  and  that  of  villa  on 
those  of  Tusta,  Tonald,  Tapachula,  and  Palenque.33 

Antonio  Alvarado,  Marques  de  Aycinena,  Jos6  Valdds,  Josd  M.  Candina,  and 
Antonio  Robles.  Domingo  Dieguez  and  Mariano  Galvez  were  made  the  sec- 
retaries. Marure,  Efemirides,  59. 

86  The  acta  was  signed  at  Gainza’s  house  on  the  16th,  and  the  extra  mem- 
bers were  appointed.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  6. 

31  Ciudad  Real,  the  capital,  had  in  the  city  proper  6.000,  chiefly  Spaniards; 
the  outside  districts  and  suburbs  swelled  the  population  to  14,000.  Mazarie- 
gos, Mem.  Jlist.  Chiapa,  51.  The  canon  of  Chiapas  Mariano  Robles  DoiniD- 
guez  de  Mazariegos,  being  the  deputy  from  his  province  in  the  Spanish  cdrtes 
in  1813,  laid  before  the  chamber  an  interesting  memorial,  which  was  after- 
ward given  to  the  press  at  Cddiz,  in  one  volume,  18mo,  of  71  pages,  under  the 
title  of  Memoria  Uistdriea  de  la  Provincia  de  Chiapa.  He  suggested  means 
to  develop  the  commerce  of  the  province  on  its  navigable  rivers,  and  particu- 
larly with  Guatemala  and  Vera  Cruz.  His  recommendations  were  heeded, 
and  several  ports  and  rivers  were  opened  to  trade.  Id.,  33-4,  54-9;  Cdrtes, 
Diario,  1813,  xix.  392;  Nolicioso  Oen.,  Aug.  30,  1816.  Mazariegos’  successor 
was  also  a clergyman,  Fernando  Antonio  Davila,  who  took  his  seat  in  Novem- 
ber, 1S13.  Cdrtes,  Act.  ord.,  i.  275. 

88  From  the  time  of  the  conquest  there  existed  in  all  Indian  towns  ayunta- 


THE  SUBDELEGADOS. 


37 


In  contravention  of  law,  the  first  name  of  the  three 
proposed  by  the  intendente  to  the  president  of  Guate- 
mala, for  chief  of  each  of  the  eleven  subdelegaciones, 
was  that  of  some  creature  of  the  intendente.  Unfit- 
ness for  the  place  or  immorality  counted  for  nothing 
if  the  nomination  suited  the  proposer  or  the  confirm- 
ing power.  These  subdelegados,  by  means  of  their 
comisarios,  collected  the  tribute  and  speculated  with 
it;  each  being  a tyrant  who  oppressed  the  Indians  at 
his  will. 

Education  was  neglected;  ignorance  prevailed  to 
such  an  extent  that  a large  portion  of  the  inhabitants 
did  not  know  even  the  first  rudiments  of  their  reli- 
gion. The  poorer  Spaniards  and  the  mixed  breeds 
were  entirely  without  education.  Indeed,  in  nearly 
three  centuries,  not  only  had  the  Indians  not  learned 
to  speak  Spanish,  but  the  native  Spaniards  spoke 
the  six  Indian  tongues  of  the  province  better  than 
their  own.39 

Chiapas,  it  is  well  known,  had  been  an  episcopal  see, 
with  its  cathedral  at  Ciudad  Real,  since  the  first  years 
of  the  conquest.40  The  country  is  fertile  and  well 


mientos  called  cabildos,  and  composed  as  follows:  a gobernador,  wb'o  was  a 
cacique  or  noble  Indian,  generally  for  life,  though  ‘sin  jurisdiccion,’  appointed 
formally  in  writing  by  the  principal  executive  of  the  province;  two  alcaldes; 
four,  six,  or  eight  regidores,  according  to  population;  and  some  officers  called 
in  some  places  mayores,  and  in  others  alguaciles,  who  aided  the  regidores, 
took  care  of  the  cabildos’  houses,  aud  furnished  supplies  to  travellers  going 
through  their  towns.  They  were  elected  on  the  first  day  of  January  of  eacli 
year,  and  were  subject  to  the  alcalde  mayor  and  the  teniente  of  each  town, 
by  whom  they  were  too  frequently  badly  treated.  Hazarieqos,  Mem.  Hint. 
Chiapa,  28-29. 

39  In  some  Indian  towns,  so-called  maestros  were  salaried  from  the  com- 
munity funds  of  the  inhabitants.  Such  maestros  could  scarcely  read  and 
write,  and  most  of  them  were  immoral  and  given  to  drunkenness.  Of  course 
no  good  results  could  be  obtained  from  such  teachers.  The  Spanish  edrtes  in 
1813  decreed  the  adoption  of  measures  for  promoting  public  instruction,  ami 
on  the  24th  of  October  enacted  the  establishment  of  a university  in  the  prov- 
ince. Mazariegos,  Mem.  Hist.  Chiapa , 51-53;  Cdrtes,  Diario,  1813,  xix.  392; 
Id.,  Act.  ord.,  1813,  i.  113,  141. 

40 The  cathedral  chapter  was  composed  of  four  dignitaries,  one  simple 
canon,  six  choir  chaplains.  The  revenue  of  the  diocese  was  limited.  The 
number  of  its  parishes  was  forty-seven,  which  included  the  eleven  of  the  capi- 
tal and  suburbs.  Mazariegos,  Mem.  Hist.  Chiapa,  48.  From  1819  to  1830, 
according  to  Larrainzar,  religious,  educational,  and  general  affairs  had  at- 
tained much  improvement.  In  the  diocese  there  were,  besides  the  cathedral, 


3S 


INDEPENDENCE  ACHIEVED. 


watered.  Its  agricultural  products  were  wheat — of 
which  there  was  a surplus  for  exportation — maize, 
beans,  rice,  coffee,  and  cacao.41  A variety  of  vegeta- 
ables  in  abundance,  and  the  fruits  of  all  climes,  could 
also  be  obtained.  The  maguey  was  extensively  culti- 
vated for  pulque  and  aguardiente.  A great  deal  of 
sugar-cane  and  good  tobacco  were  grown.  Indigo 
and  cochineal  were  cultivated  to  some  extent.  The 
country  had  likewise  excellent  grazing.  Cattle,  sheep, 
goats,  horses,  and  mules  abounded.  The  mines  of 
gold,  silver,  lead,  copper,  and  iron  were  not  worked, 
owing  to  the  poverty  of  the  inhabitants.  The  gov- 
ernor-intendente  of  Chiapas  in  1817,  Cdrlos  Cas- 
tahon,  as  appears  in  the  records,  was  a confirmed 
royalist.42 

From  the  time  that  Iturbide  proclaimed  the  inde- 
pendence of  Mexico,  the  canons  of  the  chapter  in  the 
diocese  of  Ciudad  Real — bitterly  hostile,  like  the  ma- 
jority of  the  Mexican  and  Central  American  clergy, 
to  the  reforms  of  the  Spanish  cortes  respecting  the 
church43 — had  been  in  communication  with  that  chief- 
tain’s auditor  de  guerra,  Fernandez  Almansa,  who 
kept  them  informed  on  the  progress  of  the  revolution. 
The  clericals  looked  upon  the  Mexican  chief  as  the 
savior  of  their  ancient  prerogatives  and  monopo- 


three  convents  of  friars  and  one  of  nuns;  a hospital,  founded  by  Bishop  Juan 
..lvarez  de  Toledo;  an  ecclesiastic  college,  founded  by  Bishop  Bravo  de  la 
Serna;  primary  schools  and  a university.  Since  1S19  existed  the  Sociedad 
de  Amigos  del  Pais,  to  develop  agriculture,  industry,  and  learning.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  capital  were  quite  cultured.  Discurso,  17-18.  In  1813  the 
Spanish  cdrtes,  among  other  measures  for  the  benefit  of  Chiapas,  decreed  that 
the  friars  of  Guatemala  should  undertake  the  conversion  of  the  Indians  of 
Palenque.  CCrtes,  Diario,  1813,  xix.  392. 

11  Soconusco  cacao  being  considered  the  best  of  America,  some  loads  of  it 
were  sent  every  year  to  Spain  for  the  use  of  the  royal  family. 

13  On  the  20th  of  Dec.,  1817,  he  congratulated  the  viceroy  of  Mexico  on  the 
triumphs  of  the  royal  arms.  The  capture  of  Mina  and  other  successes  were 
enthusiastically  celebrated  in  Ciudad  Real.  Noticioso  Gen.,  Feb.  14,  1818,  4; 
Gaz.  de  Alex.,  1S18,  ix.  141-2. 

43  The  bishop  of  Chiapas,  Salvador  San  Martin,  incurred  the  wrath  of  the 
cortes,  when  he  was  acting  as  deputy  from  Porto  Rico,  for  his  support  of  the 
royal  decree  of  1814,  that  overthrew  the  national  constitution.  San  Martin 
was  dead  when  Chiapas  followed  the  example  of  Mexico  in  1821.  Ataman, 
Ilist.  Mej.,  v.  344;  Alex.,  Guceta  Imp.,  i.  11,  173. 


CHIAPAS  ACCEPTS  ITURBIDE. 


39 


lies,  and  with  this  end  in  view,  prepared  public  opin- 
ion for  setting  aside  the  authority  of  Fernando  VII. 
and  his  cortes.44 

The  governor-intendente,  Juan  N.  Batres,  together 
with  the  ayuntamiento  of  Ciudad  Real,  proclaimed, 
on  the  3d  of  September,  1821,  the  separation  of  Chiapas 
from  Spain,  and  her  acceptance  of  Iturbide’s  plan  of 
Iguala.  On  the  8th  all  the  authorities  and  officers, 


bagoi 


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Chiapas. 


civil  and  military,  took  the  oath  to  support  that  act, 
which  was  administered  by  the  governor  of  the  dio- 
cese; after  which  they  had  high  mass  and  a sermon 
in  the  cathedral,  where  the  secular  clergy  and  the 


44  In  Ciudad  Real,  Iturbide  was  called  ‘padre  Salvador  de  la  religion  y da 
la  patria.’  Id.,  10-12. 


40 


INDEPENDENCE  ACHIEVED. 


people  took  the  same  oath45  before  the  aforesaid  ec- 
clesiastic authority.  The  obligations  assumed  were 
to  support  the  Roman  catholic  apostolic  religion;  to 
secure  the  independence  of  the  empire,  preserving  to 
that  end  peace  and  union  between  Europeans  and 
Americans;  and  to  obey  Fernando  VII.,  should  he 
adopt  and  swear  to  support  the  constitution  to  be 
enacted  by  the  cortes  of  the  Mexican  empire.  Chiapas 
was,  therefore,  the  first  province  of  the  captain-gen- 
eral cy  of  Guatemala  to  throw  off  the  Spanish  yoke; 
she  at  the  same  time  separated  herself  from  Guate- 
mala, and  manifested  her  determination  to  link  her 
future  with  Mexico.  All  this  was  made  known  Sep- 
tember 21st  by  the  comandante-general  of  Oajaca  to 
Iturbide.  The  example  of  Ciudad  Real  was  unhesi- 
tatingly followed  by  the  other  towns  in  the  province. 

We  have  seen  that  Guatemala,  at  her  declaration  of 
independence,  did  not  at  once  accept  annexation  to 
the  Mexican  empire.  This  course  did  not  suit  the 
rulers  and  notables  of  Ciudad  Real,  who  hastened 
to  manifest  their  displeasure  at  a meeting  held  Sep- 
tember 20th,  and  attended  by  the  intendente,  ayun- 
tamiento,  and  other  official  bodies,  prelates,  and  a 
large  number  of  citizens. 

As  a matter  of  fact,  the  desire  of  Chiapas  to  be 
detached  from  Guatemala  and  annexed  to  Mexico 
existed  with  some  strength  even  before  the  declara- 
tion of  independence;43  and  Guatemala  having  failed 
to  return  an  answer  to  the  letter  from  the  authorities 
of  Chiapas,  announcing  her  action  of  the  3d,  this 
neglect  had  strengthened  the  notables  of  the  latter 
in  their  resolution  to  recognize  no  other  government 
than  that  of  the  Mexican  empire  under  the  treaties  of 
Cordoba.  It  was  also  resolved  at  the  meeting  not  to 
circulate  the  declaration  of  independence  which  thf 

15  The  act  of  independence  was  signed  by  Juan  N.  Batres,  Jos6  Ignacio 
Larrainzar,  JostS  Diego  Lara,  Julio  Jos6  Flores,  Jos6  NicolAs  Osuna,  Estevao 
Gordillo,  and  Lie.  Jos<3  Vives. 

10Soon  after  this  act  that  desire  began  to  assume  proportions.  Larrainzar, 
Notic.  Hist.  Soconusco,  28. 


CHIAPAS  A PART  OF  MEXICO. 


41 


jefe  politico  of  Guatemala  had  sent.  These  senti- 
ments were  duly  seconded  by  the  other  cities  and 
towns. 

In  order  to  guard  against  any  action  Guatemala 
might  take  because  of  the  course  of  Chiapas,  at  a 
formal  session  of  the  diputacion,  presided  over  by  the 
jefe  politico,  and  held  on  the  22d  of  October,  it  was 
resolved  to  send  to  Mexico  a commissioner  to  take  the 
necessary  steps,  and  procure  his  province’s  separation 
from  Guatemala,  even  if  the  latter  should  come  to  be 
thereafter  a part  of  the  Mexican  empire.47 

47  For  particulars  on  the  final  separation  of  Chiapas,  and  incorporation  as  a 
state  of  the  Mexican  confederation,  see  llist.  Mcx. , v.  22-4,  this  series.  The 
clergyman  Pedro  Solhrzano  was  the  agent  appointed  under  the  resolution 
referred  to  in  the  text,  and  he  accordingly  repaired  to  the  city  of  Mexico. 
Larrainzar,  Ho/ic.  Hist.  Soconusco,  29;  Alex.  Gaceta  Imp.,  i.  1G9-73,  270-1, 
319-23,  337-9. 


CHAPTER  III. 


UNION  WITH  MEXICO. 

1821-1822. 

First  Acts  of  Guatemalan  Rulers — Intrigues  of  Parties — Their  Evil 
Consequences — Gainza’s  Intrigues — Independence  in  the  Other 
Provinces — Rewards  to  Gainza — Troubles  in  Salvador — Dissen- 
sions in  Honduras — Local  Squabbles  in  Nicaragua— Predilection 
for  Imperialism — Costa  Rica  Neutral — Condition  of  Various 
Sections — Seceding  Districts  of  Guatemala — Perplexities  of  the 
Junta  Consultiva — Iturbide’s  Devices — Military  Pressure — His 
Proposals  Accepted — Illegal  Annexation — Protests  and  Resist- 
ance— War  Begins. 


Among  the  first  acts  of  the  junta  at  Guatemala 
was  the  promotion  of  two  officers  who  were  supposed 
to  be  reliable  supporters  of  the  late  movement.1  Both 
proved  themselves  afterward  recreant  to  their  pledges, 
by  their  hostility  to  the  republican  cause. 

The  cacos  were  republicans.  They  strove  to  rid 
the  country  of  the  antiquated  errors  and  practices, 
including  in  their  plans  the  abolishment  of  the  priv- 
ileges of  the  clergy,  and  the  restriction  of  their  power, 
which  had  been  a constant  source  of  injury  to  the 
people  at  large.  They  wanted  the  adoption  of  demo- 
cratic institutions,  in  order  to  place  the  masses  on  the 
level  heretofore  occupied  only  by  the  ruling  class. 
They  succeeded  in  prevailing  on  the  people  to  take  an 
interest  and  a direct  intervention  in  public  affairs. 
Barrundia,  Molina,  and  Cordoba  led  them  to  the  gal- 

1 They  were  Lorenzo  Romaua,  who  was  made  colonel  of  the  battalion  of  reg- 
ulars, superseding  the  Spaniard  F4lix  Lagrava,  and  Manuel  Arzu,  who  obtained 
the  command  of  the  artillery,  with  the  same  rank.  Alarvre,  Bosq.  Hint.  CeiU. 
Am.,  L 28. 


(43) 


PARTY  STRIFE. 


43 


leries  of  the  junta  chamber  to  witness  its  acts,  and 
even  take  part  in  its  deliberations.2  They  attacked 
Valle  for  the  clause  he  inserted  in  the  acta  of  the 
15tli,  to  which  I have  alluded  in  the  preceding  chap- 
ter. On  that  point  they  certainly  had  a well-founded 
grievance,  but  their  manner  of  presenting  it  resulted 
in  a loss  of  confidence  in  the  junta,  the  organization 
of  new  parties,  and  general  distraction.  The  point 
taken  by  them,  however,  was  decided  in  their  favor 
by  the  junta.  But  the  latter  held  secret  sessions 
after  the  29tli  of  September,  significant  of  sinister 
purposes. 

The  other  party — formerly  constituting  the  ruling 
class — scouted  the  idea  of  equality.  Most  of  the 
churchmen  had  the  same  feeling;  for  in  joining  the 
movement  for  separation  from  Spain  their  motive  had 
been  to  shield  their  menaced  prerogatives,  rather  than 
love  for  America  or  freedom. 

On  the  18tli  of  September  Gainza  wrote  Iturbide, 
generalissimo  of  the  so-called  empire  of  Mexico,  that 
liis  course  had  been  hailed  with  joy,  and  that  political 
parties  had  consolidated  on  the  proposition  of  inde- 
pendence from  Spain;  hence  he  had  proclaimed  it. 
And  that,  since  then,  amid  the  transition  from  one 
system  to  another,  the  minds  of  the  people  of  Gua- 
temala had  been  fixed  on  Iturbide,  and  they  had 
desired  to  tender  him  their  congratulations  as  the 
liberator  of  New  Spain.3 

2 A writer  of  the  opposite  party  asserts  that  the  practice  caused  much  con- 
fusion, arising  from  ignorance.  The  populace  abused  the  privilege,  and 
had  finally  to  be  excluded  from  the  chamber.  The  same  author  speaks  dis- 
paragingly of  the  three  leaders.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  7.  It  is  said  of  them 
that  they  ofteu  addressed  from  tire  gallery  petitions  to  the  junta,  demanded 
removals  of  officials,  and  had  disputes  with  its  members  or  with  Gainza.  I 
have  already  given  some  account  of  Barrundia  and  Molina.  Cdrdoba  had 
suffered  imprisonment  and  prosecution  for  being  concerned  in  the  revolution- 
ary movements  of  1811. 

3 ‘ Acorde  al  fin  en  sus  sentimientos,  se  reunid  tiltimamente  en  la  opinion 
cjue  debid  siempre  ser  el  vinculo  estrecho  de  su  voluntad.  Asi  consta  del  tes- 
timonio  que  acompano  & V.  E.’  The  last  sentence  must  refer  to  a copy  of  the 
acta  de  independence.  Mex. , Gaceta  Imp.,  i.  CO-2.  And  yet,  another  journal 
of  Mexico,  alluding  to  that  letter,  after  erroneously  giving  the  writer’s  name 
as  Gabriel  Quinia,  actually  asserted  its  contents  to  be  that  Guatemala,  like 
Chiapas,  had  submitted  to  Mexico,  party  spirit  having  been  powerless  to  dis* 


44 


UNION  WITH  MEXICO. 


The  junta  consultiva  passed  a number  of  decrees, 
which  were  sanctioned  by  Gainza.  Urrutia,  the  ex- 
captain-general, was  tendered  his  salary  and  the  con- 
siderations due  his  rank  and  former  office  if  he  would 
formally  recognize  the  independence.4  He  declined 
with  thanks,  departing  for  Habana  soon  after.  At 
the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  acta,  peaceable  persons 
were  assured  of  protection  to  their  persons  and 
property,  which  pledge  was  faithfully  fulfilled.  No 
opponent  of  independence  was  molested.  Officials 
desirous  of  returning  to  their  country  were  allowed 
to  do  so.5 

The  junta,  which  bore  the  compellation  of  excelen- 
tisima,  unanimously  appointed  Gainza  captain-general, 
with  the  salary  of  $10,000  a year,  decorating  him  also 
with  a three-colored  scarf,  commemorative  of  the 
three  guarantees.  A gold  medal  was  voted  to  the 
members  of  the  ayuntamiento,  who  made  the  solemn 
declaration  of  independence  on  the  23d  of  September.6 
Committees  were  next  appointed  to  study  and  report 
to  the  junta  on  public  instruction,  safety  and  de- 
fences, statistics,  industry,  and  finances.  Jose  del 
Valle  was  instructed  to  form  a plan  of  government.7 

Several  financial  measures  engaged  the  attention 
of  the  junta.  One  of  them  proposed  to  levy  a duty 
of  ten  per  centum  on  gold  and  silver  exported  to 
Spain.  This  was  never  strictly  enforced.  Restric- 
tions to  foreign  commerce,  and  monopolies  existing 
under  the  Spanish  government,  were  abolished.  Lib- 
eral principles  were  introduced,  including  freedom  of 


turb  the  peace  or  general  will  of  the  inhabitants!  Mix,.,  Koticioso  Gen.,  Oct. 
19,  1821. 

4 Decree  of  Sept  20,  1821. 

5 Decrees  of  Sept.  26  and  27,  1821.  They  were  given  two  months’  extra 
pay.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am. , 6-7. 

0 This  act  was  effected  amidst  great  enthusiasm,  and  rejoicing  at  its  ac- 
complishment without  bloodshed.  Persons  then  residing  in  the  city  who  had 
favored  the  movement  had  their  names  inserted  in  a book.  Marure,  Dosq. 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  27-30. 

7 Another  committee  was  to  count  the  population  in  order  to  apportion  the 
deputies  to  congress.  Gracias,  Cuad.  Eatud. , 28. 


SALVADOR  INDEPENDENT. 


45 


the  press,  which  had  been  guaranteed  by  the  Spanish 
constitution,  and  was  now  continued  in  force.8 

In  Salvador  absolute  independence  had  been  de- 
clared by  the  ayuntamiento  on  the  21st  of  September, 
and  proclaimed  eight  days  after.  Pedro  Barriere, 
who  as  teniente  letrado  was  temporarily  acting  as  chief 
civil  authority,  together  with  the  ayuntamiento  of 
San  Salvador,  decreed  the  election  of  seven  persons 
to  form  a “junta  subalterna  econdmica  y consultiva.” 
There  was  great  commotion  stirred  on  the  one  hand 
by  the  vicar  Ignacio  Saldana,  and  on  the  other  by  the 
liberals,  Arce,  Ramirez,  and  others.  The  next  day, 
the  people  being  assembled  to  effect  the  election, 
Barriere,  pretending  that  his  friends,  the  so-called 
serviles,  were  in  peril,  retracted  his  former  action. 
His  words  enraged  the  populace.  Then  he  called 
out  the  troops  to  disperse  the  crowds,  and  arrested  the 
republican  leaders  Arce,  Rodriguez,  and  Domingo 
Lara.9  But  on  the  news  of  his  course  reaching  Guate- 
mala, Delgado  was  despatched  to  Salvador  as  a peace- 
maker, clothed  with  ample  powers.  On  his  wray  to 
the  capital  he  liberated  prisoners,  all  of  whom  joined 
his  following  and  entered  the  city  with  him.  Bar- 
riere was  sent  out  of  the  province;  the  troops  were 
disarmed;  peace  was  restored;  a subordinate  junta 
consultiva  was  installed,  and  Delgado  continued  at 
the  head  of  the  government.10 

8 Before  the  news  reached  Spain  of  the  change  in  Guatemala,  Deputy  Milla 
spoke,  on  the  18th  of  Nov.,  in  the  cbrtes  of  the  insufficiency  of  Spanish  bot- 
toms for  the  transportation  of  American  produce,  and  demanded  the  privilege 
of  using  foreign  vessels  therefor.  He  alluded  also  to  the  inability  of  the  royal 
navy  to  protect  Spanish  merchantmen,  in  proof  of  which  he  stated  the  fact 
that  five  vessels  had  been  carried  off  by  insurgent  privateers  from  Nicaraguan 
ports.  Cdrtes,  Diario  Exlraord.,  Nov.  18,  1821,  iv.  12-13. 

9 Men  who  had  relations  with  Delgado,  one  of  the  junta  in  Guatemala. 
Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  9-10. 

10  Delgado  assumed  authority  on  his  arrival  at  Santa  Ana,  and  used  it 
effectively,  though  without  violence.  Manure , Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  3G-7. 
The  extent  of  the  province  of  Salvador  was  50  leagues  long  and  30  wide;  it 
was  divided  into  the  partidos  of  Santa  Ana,  San  Salvador,  San  Vicente,  and 
San  Miguel,  with  three  cities,  five  villas,  and  140  pueblos.  Mendez,  Mem.,  9- 
10.  The  following  were  the  signers  of  independence:  Pedro  Barriere,  Casi- 
miro  Garcia  Valdeavellano,  Josj  Ignacio  Saldana,  Jos6  Rosi,  Millan  Bustos, 


46 


UNION  WITH  MEXICO. 


In  Honduras,  on  the  receipt  at  Comayagua  of  the 
news  that  Guatemala  had  seceded  from  the  Spanish 
crown,  the  governor-intendente,  Brigadier  Jose  Ti- 
noco  de  Contreras,  and  the  diputacion11  refused  to 
recognize  the  government  constituted  in  that  city,  and 
took  an  oath  to  support  the  plan  of  Iguala.  This 
was  a virtual  annexation  of  Honduras  to  the  Mexican 
empire.  The  partidos  of  Tegucigalpa  and  Gracias, 
and  the  ports  of  Omoa  and  Trujillo,  would  not  accept 
as  valid  the  act  of  the  authorities  at  Comayagua,  and 
maintained  relations  with  those  in  Guatemala.  The 
independence  from  Spain  had  been  declared  on  the 
1 6th  of  October. 

Tinoco  took  the  two  ports  above  named,  which  were 
treacherously  surrendered  to  him.12  He  also  fitted 
out  a force  to  march  on  Tegucigalpa.  A counter- 
revolution, however,  on  the  1st  of  December,  sup- 
ported by  an  approaching  Guatemalan  liberal  force, 
set  aside  Tinoco’s  control  and  restored  that  of  the 
junta  consultiva.13 

Geionimo  de  Ajuria,  Francisco  del  Duque,  Santiago  Rosi,  Trinidad  Estupinian, 
Juan  15.  de  Otonto,  Francisco  Ignacio  dc  Urrutia,  Narciso  Ortega,  and  Pedro 
Miguel  Lopez,  secretary.  Ruiz,  Caleud.  Salv.,  67-8;  Salv. , Diario  Ofic.,  Jan. 
26,  1875,  5;  Bustamante,  Cuad.  Hist.,  vi.,  no.  187,  1-29;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent. 
Am.,  2,  9-10.  Alatnan  lias  it  that  Delgado  seized  the  government  by  a revo- 
lution in  1822.  Hist.  Mej. , v.  474-5. 

11  In  the  Spanish  cdrtes,  March  29,  1813,  was  read  and  passed  to  a com- 
mittee a petition  of  the  ayuntamiento  of  Comayagua,  objecting  to  the  limited 
scope  of  the  decree  of  May  24,  1812,  which  authorized  the  establishment  of 
only  two  diputaciones  in  the  whole  of  Guatemala,  and  asked  for  one  in  Coma- 
yagua with  Omoa,  Trujillo,  and  the  partido  of  Tegucigalpa,  and  that  of  San 
Miguel  in  Salvador,  within  its  jurisdiction,  which  would  give  the  new  dipu- 
tacion a territory  of  140  leagues  from  N.  to  S.,  and  as  many  from  E.  to  \V. 
Cdrtes,  Diario,  1813,  xviii.  61.  I have  no  evidence  as  to  when  Honduras 
was  granted  the  diputacion,  but  the  fact  appears  that  it  had  such  a corpora- 
tion in  September  1821.  The  province  was  larger  than  Nicaragua,  and  divided 
into  the  partidos  of  Comayagua  and  Tegucigalpa,  and  the  nine  sub-delegations 
of  Gracias  a Dios,  San  Pedro  Zula,  Teucoa,  Yoro,  Olanchito,  Olancho  Viejo, 
Tegucigalpa,  Choluteca,  and  Trujillo,  having  within  it  the  ports  of  Omoa, 
Puerto  Caballos,  Puerto  Sal,  Triunfo  de  la  Cruz,  Trujillo,  and  Cartago.  The 
bishopric  of  Comayagua  embraced  the  whole  intendencia,  with  35  parishes, 
one  mission,  and  145  churches.  Mendez,  Mem.,  8,  21.  In  1S21  there  lived  in 
Trujillo  about  2,500  Caribs,  the  original  inhabitants  of  Saint  Vincent,  later 
occupying  the  island  of  Roatan,  whence  they  removed  to  Trujillo.  They 
were  a rather  industrious,  honest  people.  Coggeshall’s  Voy. , 2d  ser.,  161-3. 

12  Omoa  by  Captain  Bernardo  Caballero,  P.  Pedro  Brito,  and  others,  who 
seized  and  imprisoned  the  commandant,  Antonio  Prado.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist. 
Cent.  Am.,  i.  35. 

13  The  junta  in  Guatemala  passed  an  act  on  the  11th  of  Dec.  to  reward  the 


LIBERTY  IN  NICARAGUA. 


47 


Nicaragua  had,  since  1813,  a diputacion  provincial, 
under  the  decree  of  the  Spanish  cbrtes  of  May  24, 
1812.  Its  jurisdiction  extended  over  the  districts  of 
Leon,  Granada,  Segovia,  Nicaragua,  and  Matagalpa. 
Under  the  new  system,  established  in  1821,  and  since 
Urrutia’s  retirement,  constant  questions  of  jurisdic- 
tion arose  between  the  intendente  and  the  superior 
jefe  politico.11 

On  the  3d  of  October  Colonel  Crisanto  Sacasa, 
commandant  at  Granada,  issued  a general  order  to 
the  officers  to  report  with  their  troops  next  morning, 
and  take  the  oath  to  support  national  independence, 
pursuant  to  the  instructions  he  had  received  from 
Captain-general  Gainza.  Intendente  Saravia  had 
been  at  enmity  with  Gainza,  and  when  the  first  steps 
were  taken  in  Guatemala  for  independence,  he  threw 
off  his  authority.  In  this  he  had  the  aid  of  Bishop 
Jerez  and  Colonel  Joaquin  Arechavala,  commander 
of  the  militia,  all  three  being  natives  of  old  Spain. 
They  induced  the  diputacion  and  the  ayuntamiento, 
by  an  act  of  the  11th  of  October,  to  declare  Nicara- 
gua seceded  from  Guatemala.15  This  action  occurred 
in  Leon.  But  Granada  refused  to  concur,  and  sent 
its  representatives  to  the  congress  called  to  meet  in 
Guatemala.  Later,  October  21st,  the  authorities  in 
Leon  formally  accepted  the  Iguala  plan,  thereby  an- 
nexing the  whole  province  to  the  Mexican  empire. 


villa  of  Tegucigalpa,  raising  it  to  the  rank  of  a city,  and  bestowing  on  its 
ayuntamiento  the  title  of  ‘ patribtico. 1 Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  35. 

11  As  a matter  of  fact,  ill  feeling  had  always  existed  in  the  provinces  against 
the  capital.  This  hatred  was  intensified  by  the  respective  intendentes  in 
forwarding  their  ambitious  purposes.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  2.  Lieut-col 
Miguel  Gonzalez  Saravia,  son  of  the  old  lieut-gen.  shot  in  Oajaca,  was  the 
gov. -intendente  of  Nicaragua  since  ISIS.  Naturally  he  hated  the  indepen- 
dents for  his  father’s  execution.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  34;  Ayon, 
Apuntes,  22;  Juarros,  Guat.  (Lond.  ed.  1S23),  337-8. 

15  They  would  remain  independent  of  the  Spanish  crown,  they  said,  until 
the  clouds  disappeared.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  8;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent. 
Am.,  i.  34;  Ayon,  Apuntes,  22;  Suarez  y Navarro,  Hist.  Mej.,  387;  Busta- 
mante, Cuad.  Hist.,  vi.,  no.  1S7,  1-29;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mij.,  v.  346-8;  Wells' 
llond.,  4CS.  Tomds  Ayon,  Apuntes  sobre  algunos  de  los  acontecimientos  poli- 
ticos de  Nicaragua,  Leon,  1S75,  Svo,  50  pp.,  gives.a  few  important  memoranda 
on  the  political  events  of  Nicaragua  in  1S11-24,  in  a clear,  concise,  and  ap- 
parently impartial  manner. 


48 


UNION  WITH  MEXICO. 


The  country  was  accordingly  divided  into  two  antag- 
onistic parties,  the  imperialist  and  the  republican.16 

Gainza  said  to  the  diputacion  at  Leon,  on  the  22d 
of  October,  that  neither  they  nor  the  junta  consultiva, 
nor  any  other  body  of  men  then  existing,  could  decide 
upon  the  future  of  the  country;  none  had  a legal  right 
to  declare  for  or  against  annexation  to  Mexico.  This 
could  be  arrived  at  only  by  the  representatives  of  the 
people  in  the  general  congress.17  He  appointed  Colonel 
Sacasa  comandante  general  of  the  forces  in  Nicaragua, 
and  directed  him  to  install  in  Granada  a subordinate 
junta  gubernativa  of  five  members,  clothed  with  the 
functions  of  a jefe  politico,  and  which  was  to  continue 
in  power  till  the  status  of  the  country  should  be 
fixed.18  Sacasa  frankly  notified  the  rulers  in  Leon  of 
what  he  was  to  do,  and  took  steps  to  carry  his  orders 
into  execution.  But  Saravia,  with  the  bishop  and 
the  diputacion,  determined  that  no  such  junta  should 
be  installed.  ' The  diputacion,  on  the  1st  of  Decem- 
ber, by  a special  act,  forbade  its  organization,  declar- 
ing all  attempts  toward  it  subversive  of  good  order 
and  hostile  to  the  Mexican  empire,  to  which  they 
owed  allegiance;  and  warning  all  citizens  to  abstain 
from  such  efforts. 

16  Saravia  kept  up  a sort  of  underhanded  war  against  Granada,  obstructing 
her  relations  with  Guatemala.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  35.  Tint 
extent  of  the  province  of  Nicaragua  was  85  leagues  long  by  75  wide;  detach- 
ing Nicoya,  there  were  four  partidos,  Leon,  Realejo,  Sutiaba,  and  Matagalpa, 
with  8S  towns  in  all.  Mendez,  Mem..,  7.  According  to  Miguel  G.  Saravia, 
Bosquejo  politico  estadistico  de  Nicaragua,  its  population  in  1813  was  of  149,- 
751,  a very  imperfect  census.  Squier’s  States  Cent.  Am.,  50.  The  bishopric 
of  Leon  comprised  all  the  intendencia  of  Costa  Rica,  with  40  parishes,  3 
missions,  and  88  churches.  Mendez,  Mem.,  20.  A considerable  military  force 
had  been,  since  1790,  kept  at  San  Juan  del  Norte;  and  in  1821  additional  de- 
fences were  erected,  by  government  order  of  May  2d.  This  force  was  expelled 
after  the  declaration  of  independence  by  the  patriots.  Squier's  Trav. , i.  S3. 

I!  On  the  11th  of  Nov.  he  answered  in  similar  terms  the  diputacion  at  Co- 
mayagua.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  44-6. 

18  Its  members  were  to  be  chosen  by  electors  appointed  by  the  ayunta- 
mientos  supporting  the  Granada  regime.  These  members  to  choose  every 
month  from  their  own  number  the  president.  Perez,  Biog.  Sacasa,  5-6.  Perez, 
Jerdnimo,  Biografia  del  coronet  Don  Crisanto  Sacasa,  1875,  fob,  18  pp.,  fur- 
nishes important  data  on  the  origin  and  life  of  a man  who  figured  prom- 
inently and  honorably  in  the  affairs  of  Nicaragua  from  1821  to  his  death  in 
1824.  In  connection  with  them  appear  several  official  letters  on  events  during 
the  period  between  secession  from  Spain  and  annexation  to  Mexico. 


COSTA  RICA  NEUTRAL. 


49 


Sacasa  had  every  right  to  expect  that  Gainza  would 
support  him  against  attacks  from  Leon,  but  he  was 
disappointed.  The  captain-general  wrote  him,  on  the 
22d  of  December,  that  it  was  doubtful  if  Central 
America  could  maintain  a government  separate  from 
Mexico,  many  towns  having  already  attached  them- 
selves to  the  empire;  and  that  he  had  expressed  the 
same  opinion  to  Saravia.  Whereupon  Sacasa,  though 
a republican,  made  no  further  opposition  to  the  powers 
at  Leon. 

Costa  Rica  was  privileged  by  distance  to  keep  aloof 
from  political  troubles  threatening  the  other  provinces. 
She  had  seceded  from  Spain  on  the  27th  of  October, 
and  set  aside  the  governor,  Juan  Cahas;  but  when 
called  upon  to  adopt  the  plan  of  the  capital  or  that  of 
Leon,  she  declined  both,  preferring  a neutral  attitude.19 
A meeting  of  notables  confirmed  the  act  of  secession, 
and  set  up  a provisional  government  entirely  detached 
from  that  at  Leon,  which  was  to  reside  alternately  in 
Cartago,  San  Jose,  Heredia,  and  Alajuela.  But  this 
was  found  inconvenient,  owing  to  rivalries  between 
the  two  first-named  towns;  and  finally  it  was  decided, 
on  the  27th  of  November,  to  place  public  affairs  in 
the  hands  of  Manuel  Peralta,  Rafael  Osejo,  and  Her- 
menegildo  Bonilla,  who  were  to  reside  at  the  provin- 
cial capital,  Cartago.  Under  this  arrangement  peace 
was  preserved,  and  the  province  never  was  really  under 
the  imperial  rule.20 

19  The  people  acted  prudently;  they  could  but  reap  trouble  from  the  polit- 
ical complications.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  2;  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  Rica,  4-5, 
17-18;  Ralv.,  Diario  OJic.,  May  23,  1875;  Lond.  Geog.  Roc.,  vi.  135. 

20  It  had,  from  the  time  of  the  conquest,  a civil  anil  military  government  of 
its  own,  but  under  dependence  of  the  audiencia  and  captain-generalcy  at 
Guatemala.  In  matters  ecclesiastic  and  financial  it  had  been  under  Leou.  Mo- 
lina, Bosq.  Costa  Rica,  92;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  2.  The  Spanish  constitution 
gave  it,  together  with  Nicoya,  a diputacion  provincial.  Astaburuaga,  Cent. 
Am.,  54.  In  1812  the  province  had  22  towns — 12  of  Indians  and  10  of  white 
and  black  men — besides  farms,  large  estates,  etc.  The  extent  in  1821  was  100 
by  00  leagues.  The  cities  were  Cartago  and  Esparza;  the  villas,  San  .Jos<5  »le 
Ujarriz,  Villa  Vieja,  and  Villa  Hermosa;  the  villages,  Espiritu  Santo,  Pueblo 
Nuevo,  Escasu,  Alajuela,  Bagasses,  Las  Canas,  Barba,  San  Fernando,  and  the 
Indian  towns  and  settlements;  adding  Nicoya  and  Guanacaste,  there  would  be 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol  III.  4 


50 


UNION  WITH  MEXICO. 


Dissensions  had  now  brought  the  country  to  the 
brink  of  civil  war,  and  no  time  was  to  be  lost  in  avert- 
ing it.  Measures  were  adopted  to  hasten  the  meeting 
of  congress.  With  the  view  of  restoring  peace  between 
the  sections,  and  of  rendering  harmless  disturbing  ele- 
merits  without  resort  to  arms,  the  junta  at  Guatemala 
concluded  to  despatch  trusty  commissioners  to  the 
provinces  where  secession  was  rife,  who  were  to  pre- 
vail on  them  to  send  deputies  to  the  general  congress. 
Other  agents  were  to  be  despatched  to  Mexico  to 
watch  the  turn  of  events  at  the  capital.21  What 
good  results  those  agents  might  have  accomplished,  it 
is  impossible  now  to  say.  They  had  no  occasion  to 
try  their  efforts.  Events  in  Mexico  succeeded  one 
another  with  such  rapidity,  and  their  influence  on 
Central  America  was  so  powerful,  that,  even  among 
the  best  patriots,  many  made  up  their  minds  to  coop- 
erate toward  the  union,  carried  away  by  the  idea  that 
only  under  the  aegis  of  the  northern  empire  could 
peace,  safety,  and  stability  be  secured. 

Costa  Rica,  we  have  seen,  was  in  fact  out  of  the 
field ; at  any  rate,  it  had  no  share  in  the  political  strife. 
The  provinces  of  Guatemala  proper  and  Salvador 
were  the  only  ones,  at  present,  which  together  with 
Granada,  in  Nicaragua,  and  some  portions  of  Hon- 
duras, attempted  to  preserve  an  independence  from 
Mexico  under  whatever  form  of  government  might  be 
adopted  in  that  country.  The  idea  of  annexation  to 
Mexico  had  been,  however,  growing  popular  from  day 
to  day  in  Guatemala.  The  important  section  of 


27  towns.  The  population  was  computed  at  between  60,000  and  70,000,  be- 
sides the  three  nations  of  heathen  Indians  in  the  mountains  and  northern 
coasts,  and  known  respectively  as  indios  de  la  Talamanca,  indios  del  norte, 
and  indios  Mosquitos,  all  quite  numerous.  Cdrtes,  Diario,  1813,  xix.  404-5. 
In  1813  the  deputy  from  Costa  Rica  in  the  Spanish  cdrtes  petitioned  for  a 
bishopric;  but  at  the  time  of  the  separation  the  matter  had  not  been  acted 
on.  Mendez,  Mem.,  7. 

21  Juan  de  Dios  Mayorga  and  the  provincial  of  la  Merced,  Fray  Luis  Gar- 
cia, were  selected  for  Comayagua;  the  prelate  of  the  Franciscans,  Fray  Jos6 
Antonio  Taboada,  for  Leon;  the  prebendado  Jos<5  Marfa  Castilla,  Pedro  Mo- 
lina, and  Jos(5  Francisco  Barrundia,  for  Mexico.  Manure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am., 
i.  37-9. 


ITURBIDE’S  EFFORTS. 


51 


Quezaltenango  adhered  to  the  scheme,  on  the  13th  of 
November,  inviting  Sucliitepequez,  Solold,  and  An- 
tigua Guatemala  to  follow  the  example,  which  they 
did  soon  after.  And  Cirilo  Flores  and  Antonio  Corzo, 
who  in  later  years  figured  as  most  prominent  cham- 
pions of  democracy  and  suffered  martyrdom  for  their 
cause,  then  supported  the  action  of  Quezaltenango. 

It  was  contended  that  Central  America,  after  throw- 
ing off  the  Spanish  yoke,  acquired,  with  independence, 
the  right  of  forming  such  associations  as  might  be 
mutually  beneficial.  This  doctrine  was  warmly  ad- 
vocated by  a large  portion  of  the  reflecting  class. 
Under  such  circumstances,  Guatemala  and  Salvador, 
hemmed  in  as  they  were  between  provinces  that  had 
already  become  annexed  to  Mexico,  could  not  main- 
tain an  absolute  independence. 

Iturbide  had  large  ideas  of  imperial  sway,  and  was 
bent  on  the  acquisition  of  entire  Central  America, 
aided  efficiently,  as  he  was  on  this  side,  by  the  aristo- 
crats and  other  dissentient  elements,  who,  perceiving 
the  insignificance  they  would  come  to  if  the  nation 
finally  became  constituted  under  a democratic  govern- 
ment, which  their  opponents  were  aiming  at,  labored 
with  might  and  main  to  defeat  the  plan.22  They  won 
over  with  money  and  fair  promises  a part  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  with  Gainza,  who  expected  high  rank  and 
offices  from  the  new  empire,  bound  Central  America 
hand  and  foot,  as  will  hereafter  be  seen. 

22  Some  of  them  asked  for  titles,  decorations,  and  other  rewards  for  their 
services  in  harnessing  their  country  to  Mexico’s  imperial  car.  El  Progreso, 
Apr.  11,  1850.  The  organ  of  the  empire  spoke  of  the  chimerical  ideas 
of  the  republicans  and  federalists,  adding  that  the  opposition  to  them  was 
large,  and  to  be  found  in  the  officials,  the  higher  classes,  and  indeed  all  sen- 
sible persons,  who  well  knew  how  small  was  the  number  of  the  educated 
among  them.  It  claimed  that  the  journals  published  in  Guatemala  expressed 
the  views  of  only  a few  deluded  men,  whose  ranks  were  becoming  thinner 
every  day.  That  same  organ  had  given  to  the  public  certain  letters  from  the 
ayuntafniento  of  Comitan,  in  Chiapas,  objecting  to  the  2d  art.  of  the  Guate- 
malan acta  of  Sept.  15th,  on  the  ground  that  the  country  had  no  resources  to 
sustain  a separate  government,  which  had  been  evident  since  the  yearly  al- 
lowance of  $12,000  ceased;  superadded  to  which,  they  said,  the  safety  of 
Mexico  might  be  imperilled  should  Spain  at  some  future  time  recover  posses- 
sion of  Cent.  Am.,  which  the  latter,  if  independent,  could  not  prevent,  and 
vindicate  her  authority  over  the  former.  Mix.,  Gaceta  Imp.,  i.,  Nov.  24  and 
Dec.  8,  1821,  202-7,  281-2. 


UNION  WITH  MEXICO. 


The  junta  consultiva  was  much  perplexed  in  view 
of  the  situation.  The  imperialists  daily  became  more 
insolent  and  exacting.  At  this  critical  time — Novem- 
ber 28th — Gainza  laid  before  it  a letter23  from  the 
generalissimo,  making  allusion  to  the  much  abused 
second  article  of  the  acta  de  independencia,  and  de- 
claring that  Guatemala  was  not  able  to  occupy  as  yet 
a place  in  the  family  of  nations,  and  should  therefore 
link  her  fate  with  Mexico.24  Whereupon  the  junta, 
at  the  suggestion  of  the  marques  de  Aycinena,  hastily 
answered  that  the  popular  wishes  must  be  ascertained 
before  adopting  any  action ; promising  to  send  the  pro- 
posal at  once  to  the  ayuntamientos  and  local  author- 
ities, with  instructions  to  call  on  the  people  to  give  a 
formal  expression  of  their  will  on  the  subject.  This 
promise  was  kept  in  a measure — the  ayuntamientos, 
not  the  people,  were  given  one  month’s  time  to  mani- 
fest their  preference.26 

Soon  after  the  arrival  of  Iturbide’s  messenger,  the 
persecution  of  republicans  was  begun.  The  rough 
element  of  the  population,  instigated  by  their  adver- 
saries, during  the  night  insulted  them  at  their  homes.20 
Any  one  who  either  by  word  or  writing  opposed  the 

“Dated  Oct.  19th,  and  brought  by  Josd  de  Onate. 

24  ‘ Guatemala  no  debia  quedar  independiente  de  Mdjico,  sino  formar . . .un 
gran  imperio  bajo  el  plan  de  Iguala,  y tratados  de  Cordoba:  que  Guatemala 
se  hallaba  todavfa  impotente  para  gobernarse  por  si  misma,  y que  podria  ser 
por  lo  mismo  objeto  de  la  ambicion  extranjera.’  Marure,  Bosq.  llist.  Cent. 
Am.,  i.  39-41.  The  aristocrats,  now  sure  of  Iturbide’s  aid,  grew  bolder  in 
their  plotting.  Squier's  Trav.,  ii.  37S;  Montvfar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  iv.  35-9. 
Iturbide  directed  the  conde  de  la  Cadena,  on  the  20th  of  Nov.,  to  write  very 
courteously  to  Mariano  de  Aycinena,  who  was  well  connected  and  had  ad- 
dressed a communication  to  the  liberator.  Bustamante,  Cuad.  Hist.,  vi.,  no. 
187,  28;  Montvfar,  Res<na  Hist.,  iv.  20-2,  35-9. 

25  The  circular  directed  the  ayuntamientos  to  read  at  a public  sitting  Itur- 
bide’s letter,  and  express  their  opinion  upon  each  point  embraced  in  his  pro- 
posal. Their  answers  as  to  whether  they  wanted  annexation  at  once,  or  to 
await  the  action  of  congress,  were  to  be  in  Guatemala  city  on  or  before  the 
31st  of  Dec.,  1821.  Pet6n-Itzd,  Manif.  de  la  Just.,  2.  This  circular  was  drawn 
up  by  Valle.  The  elections  for  members  of  the  congress  that  had  been  called 
to  meet  in  February  were  to  be  made  as  formerly  directed.  In  Guatemala 
the  votes  of  heads  of  families  were  taken  at  each  house  by  municipal  agents 
in  the  presence  of  a notary  public,  and  duly  registered.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent. 
Am.,  1(4-11;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mij.,  v.  475-6. 

“The  exile  of  Barrundia,  Molina,  and  others  was  demanded  by  Pedro  Ar- 
royave,  sindico  of  the  ayuntamiento.  Gainza  was  suspected  of  inciting  cer- 
tain imperialists  to  prefer  charges  against  these  parties. 


VOTE  OF  THE  AYUNTAMIENTOS. 


53 


plan  of  annexation  was  treated  as  seditious.  At  last 
the  opposing  parties  had  a scuffle  in  the  streets,  on 
the  night  of  November  30th,  which  ended  in  the  dis- 
comfiture of  the  republicans  engaged  in  it.27  Barrun- 
dia  and  Molina  were  present  and  exhibited  much 
energy.  The  latter  was  in  great  peril  of  losing  his 
life. 

On  the  day  appointed  for  the  receipt  of  the  returns 
from  the  several  ayuntamientos — namely,  the  31st  of 
December — the  junta  provisional  consultiva  proceeded 
to  the  count.  The  result  was  as  follows:  21  ayunta- 
mientos declared  that  none  but  the  general  congress 
had  authority  to  decide  for  or  against  the  union  with 
Mexico;  104  favored  the  annexation  at  once  and 
unconditionally;  11  approved  of  the  union,  provided 
certain  terms,  which  they  appended,  were  stipulated 
in  the  act  of  incorporation;  32  left  the  matter  wholly 
to  the  provisional  government;  and  two  declined  the 
connection  in  toto.22  Many  others  had  not,  for  some 
reason,  returned  any  answers;  or  if  they  had,  the 
government  in  Guatemala  failed  to  receive  them  on 
the  appointed  day.  The  result  was  made  known  to 
the  regency  in  Mexico  on  the  3d  of  January,  1822, 
and  on  the  5th  the  subject  was  discussed  in  all  its 
bearings.  Valle  moved  that  the  decision  should  be 
postponed  until  the  receipt  of  the  returns  of  the  67 
ayuntamientos  not  yet  heard  from.  Rivera,  Calderon, 
and  Alvarado  objected  to  any  action.  Gainza  advo- 
cated the  acceptance  of  the  aid  and  protection  ten- 
dered by  Mexico.29  The  junta,  disregarding  all 

27  A number  of  republicans,  when  acclaiming  their  principles  near  San 
Jos6  church,  were  fired  upon  by  an  armed  force  patrolling  the  town  with  the 
alcalde  Mariano  Larrave,  and  two  killed  outright,  Mariano  Bedoya  and  Re- 
migio  Maida.  Several  were  wounded;  some  arrests  were  made.  Salv.,  Gaceta, 
Oct.  12,  1S54;  Manure,  Bosq.  liist.  Cent.  Am.,  i,  41-2,  47;  Dice.  Unio.  Hist. 
Geofj. , app.,  i.  342;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  157. 

28 Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.,  ap.  v.;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  11; 
Alaman,  Hist.  Me).,  v.  474. 

22  His  arguments  were  not  founded  on  fact.  Subsequent  events  proved 
it.  Men  of  greater  weight  than  Gainza,  such  as  Mora,  Pecchio,  and  Zavala, 
have  since  contradicted  his  assertions.  Zavala  said  that  Guatemala  gained 
nothing  by  the  union,  and  that  it  had  resources  of  its  own  to  exist  as  an  inde- 
pendent nation.  He  added  that  the  provinces  viewed  with  dislike  the  course 


54 


UXION  WITH  MEXICO. 


objections  adduced,  and  the  marked  differences  in  the 
opinions  of  the  ayuntamientos,  decreed  on  the  same 
day,  January  5,  1822,  that  the  whole  of  Central 
America  should  be  annexed  to  the  empire  of  Mexico, 
without  other  conditions  than  the  fulfilment  of  the 
plan  of  Iguala  and  the  treaties  of  Cordoba.30  In  a 
manifesto  of  that  date,  it  assured  the  people  that,  after 
obtaining  the  votes  of  all  the  authorities,  corporations, 
and  prominent  persons,  and  in  view  of  the  census  of 
population  formed  in  September  1821,  it  was  evident 
that  the  vote  for  the  union  with  Mexico  had  reached 
a majority  in  Guatemala  proper;  and  including  the 
votes  of  Nicaragua,  Comayagua,  Ciudad  Real  de 
Chiapas,  Quezaltenango,  Solola,  and  other  towns 
which  had  a few  days  previously  declared  themselves 
for  annexation,  it  would  be  found  that  almost  the  whole 
population  had  expressed  itself  in  favor  of  connection.31 
No  member  failed  to  record  his  name  in  favor  of  the 
loss  of  nationality,  though  some  had,  as  before  stated, 
suggested  that  certain  guarantees  should  be  required 
previous  to  the  completion  of  the  surrender. 

Gainza  issued  a manifesto  full  of  generalities,  de- 
clared there  was  no  further  need  of  electing  deputies 
to  congress,  and  assured  the  people  of  a liberal  gov- 
ernment, and  future  peace  and  prosperity.32  Erelong 

of  the  aristocrats  at  the  capital.  It  could  not  be  otherwise.  Where  was  the 
advantage  of  a connection  with  the  city  of  Mexico,  which  was  almost  inac- 
cessible to  them?  But  the  rich  men  of  Guatemala  would  have  it,  regardless 
of  consequences.  Eusayo  Hist.  Revol.  Alex.,  i.  186-7. 

30See  Ilist.  Alex.,  iv.  710,  728-9,  this  series. 

31  The  junta  had  on  the  3d  indicated  to  Iturbide  that  its  duty  was  to  annex 
the  country  to  Mexico;  ‘como  ya  se  le  indich  cn  oficio  de  tres  del  corriente.’ 
Other  reasons  were  given  by  it  for  the  action  taken,  the  chief  one  being  the 
necessity  of  preserving  the  country’s  entirety  and  repose,  which  had  been  in 
danger  of  a rupture.  The  names  affixed  to  the  manifesto  are:  Gavino  Gainza, 
Marques  de  Aycinena,  Miguel  de  Larreinaga,  Jose  del  Valle,  Mariano  de 
Beltranena,  Miguel  Antonio  Molina,  Antonio  Rivera,  Josh  Mariano  Calderon, 
Josh  Antonio  Alvarado,  Angel  Ma>  Candina,  Eusebio  Castillo,  Josh  Valdhs; 
Josh  Domingo  Dieguez  and  Mariano  Galvez,  secretaries.  Guat.,  Ilecop.  Lcyes, 
i.  14-16;  Alarure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.,ap.  iv.-vi. ; Alontu/ar,  Resena  Hist.. 
iv.  1S-23,  40-2;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am,.,  8-9,  11;  Bustamante,  Cuad.  Hist.,  vi., 
no.  187,  1-29;  Alamav,  /list.  Mej.,  v.  476;  Suarez  y Navarro,  Hist.  Mij. , 
386-7;  Lastarria,  in  La  America,  249;  Scdv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  13,  1875,  4, 
and  March  28,  1S76,  603;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  ii.  218;  Squier’s  Trav.,  i. 
3S3:  Kewen's  Nic.  and  Walker,  MS.,  33-6;  Romero,  Bosq.  Ilist.,  103-6. 

83  ‘Las  ideas  de  prosperidad,  objeto  de  la  independencia,  van  d substi- 


GAINZA’S  EDICT. 


55 


events  came  to  show  how  delusive  were  the  promises 
thus  held  out  by  the  incoming  regime.  It  was  pre- 
posterous on  the  part  of  an  unconstituted  country,  as 
Mexico  then  was,  with  a government  whose  existence 
was  precarious,  to  undertake  the  task  of  affording  pro- 
tection to  the  people  of  Central  America — to  a people 
that  had  been  brought  under  the  yoke  of  the  so- 
called  empire  in  such  an  unprecedented  manner. 

Forgetting,  after  a few  days,  the  honeyed  words  of 
his  manifesto,  Gainza,33  on  January  9th,  issued  a 
stringent  edict,  countersigned  by  Jose  Marfa  Celaya 
as  secretary,  giving  renewed  force  to  his  former  edicts 
of  September  17th  and  December  1st,  and  forbid- 
ding, under  the  penalties  provided  by  the  laws  against 
sedition,  that  any  one  should,  either  by  tongue  or  pen, 
censure  or  refute  the  action  adopted  as  the  will  of  the 
majority.  Conversations  on  the  subject  in  the  streets 
or  public  places  were  prohibited,  and  citizens  were 
enjoined  to  report  at  once  to  the  authorities  any  at- 
tempted conspiracy  against  the  new  government  which 
might  come  to  their  knowledge.  Constitutional  al- 
caldes  and  other  local  authorities  were  charged  with 
the  execution  of  this  decree. 

Gainza  and  his  junta  thus  gave  way  to  the  wishes 
of  the  would-be  oligarchs  and  the  clergy,  ignoring  the 
fact,  formerly  recognized  by  them,  that  to  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  in  congress  exclusively  be- 
longed the  decision  of  the  question  on  the  future 
status  of  the  country.34  The  aristocrats  and  clericals 
brought  about  difficulties  to  prevent  the  election  of 

tuirse  A los  partidos  ominosos. . .neutralizar  las  tentativas  del  poder  arbitrario 
y de  los  movimientos  populares.’  Gainza,  Manif  esto,  Gaceta  Gob.  Guadat., 
1822,  March  2,  302-4;  Mix.,  Gaceta  Imp.,  ii.  657-9;  Kewen,  Nic.  and  Walker, 
MS.,  30-6. 

33  He  now  gives  himself  a long  list  of  titles,  viz.:  knight  of  justice  of  the 
sacred  religion  of  St  John  of  Jerusalem;  lieutenant-general  by  acclamation  of 
the  independent  army  of  Guatemala;  decorated  with  the  bauda  nacioual;  her 
captain-general;  inspector-general  of  all  her  arms;  superior  political  chief, 
intendent-general,  and  president  of  the  junta  provisional  consultiva.  Mix., 
Gaceta  Imp.,  i.  557-9;  Gaceta  Gob.  Guadal.,  March  2,  1822,  304. 

34  Only  two  months  earlier  the  diputaciones  of  Comayagua  and  Leon  were 
told  that  neither  the  junta  consultiva  nor  any  other  body  then  existing  had 
any  such  power. 


56 


UNION  WITH  MEXICO. 


representatives,  and  took  advantage  of  them  to  carry 
out  their  designs.  The  truth  is,  that  the  device  re- 
sorted to,  of  acting  upon  the  opinions  of  ayunta- 
mientos  which  they  well  knew  had  no  authority  in  the 
premises,  was  illegal.  And,  indeed,  could  a popula- 
tion of  upwards  of  one  million,  scattered  over  75,000 
square  miles  of  territory,  have  duly  considered  so  vital 
a matter  as  the  abdication  of  their  national  autonomy 
within  the  short  period  of  thirty  days?  The  whole 
secret  of  the  aristocratic  success  lay  in  the  pressure 
brought  to  bear  on  the  country  with  a military  force 
sent  by  Iturbide  to  support  his  pretensions.35  The 
following  facts  appeared  in  the  imperial  gazette  of 
Mexico:  The  regency  announced  on  the  12th  of  No- 
vember to  the  junta  soberana  that  Chiapas,  as  well 
as  the  towns  of  Guatemala,  had  signified  a wish  to 
be  received  as  a part  of  the  Mexican  empire,  asking 
for  military  aid  to  uphold  its  acts.  The  regency 
added,  that  the  military  aid  must  then  be  quite  near 
Chiapas,  under  the  orders  issued  beforehand  by  the 
generalissimo,  5,000  men  having  already,  under  the 
conde  de  la  Cadena,  crossed  the  Tehuantepec  River. 
The  junta  graciously  assented  to  the  so-called  wishes 
of  the  people  of  Chiapas  and  Guatemala,  giving  them 
the  rights  of  Mexican  citizens.38 

A division  under  Brigadier  Vicente  Filisola,  with 
Colonel  Felipe  Codallos  as  his  second  in  command,37 

35  It  was  rumored,  and  doubtless  believed  by  the  people,  that  a formidable 
force  was  on  the  way — 5,000  men — which  Central  America  in  its  present  di- 
vided condition  could  not  resist;  hence  the  premature  submission  with  an 
apparent  good  grace.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am..  10—1 1. 

36  Gacela  Imp.,  i.  163-3.  According  to  Bustamante,  Cuad.  Hist.,  vi.,  no. 
1S7,  1-29,  the  party  in  favor  of  absolute  independence  in  Guatemala  sus- 
tained itself  till  a Mexican  force  was  sent,  and  it  was  by  this  means  the 
absorption  was  effected.  The  force  had  not  arrived,  but  was  certainly  ex- 
pected. Luis  G.  Cuevas,  a Mexican  senator,  tells  us  that  the  people  of  Cent. 
Am.  were  mostly  very  enthusiastic  for  Iturbide,  and  at  the  same  time  anx- 
ious to  rid  themselves  of  the  liberal  party,  whose  members  he  calls  an  un- 
bridled set  of  demagogues.  Moreover,  they  wanted  to  belong  to  a nation 
having  so  much  credit  abroad,  and  such  large  resources  to  aid  them.  Por- 
venir  de  Max. , 252. 

37  Conde  de  la  Cadena  was  first  in  command,  but  he,resigned  it  on  account 
of  sickness.  Alaman,  llist.  Mcj.,  v.  474-8;  Suarez  y Navarro , Hist.  Mcj. , 
387-8;  Fdisola  d la  Junta  Soberana,  note  3. 


TROUBLES  IN  SALVADOR. 


57 


began  its  march  in  November  1821;  but  a large  por- 
tion of  the  men  deserted  on  the  way,  and  the  ranks 
had  to  be  recruited  in  Chiapas;  and  yet  Filisola  finally 
arrived  in  Guatemala  with  only  GOO  men.33 

The  junta  provisional,  after  its  action  of  January 
5th,  had  no  further  reason  for  continuing,  and  so  dis- 
solved itself  on  the  21st  of  February.  Gainza,  retain- 
ing the  offices  of  jefe  superior  politico  and  captain- 
general,  called  into  life  a diputacion  provincial.39  His 
authority,  however,  was  not  regarded  in  Chiapas, 
Honduras,  Nicaragua,  nor  a great  part  of  Salvador. 
Costa  Rica  still  remained  aloof  and  was  unmolested. 

During  Iturbide’s  occupation  of  his  rickety  throne, 
Central  America  had  deputies  in  the  imperial  con- 
gress,40 and  the  orders  of  the  emperor’s  government 
were  generally  obeyed.  Nevertheless,  plucky  little 
Salvador  kept  up  the  struggle  against  foreign  domi- 
nation. Nearly  a majority  of  its  ayuntamientos,  to- 
gether with  the  priest  Delgado,  the  acting  political 
chief,  had  signified  their  wish  to  await  the  action  of 
congress;  and  on  hearing  of  the  surrender  to  Mexico 
by  Gainza  and  his  junta,  entered  a protest  and  seceded, 
resolving  to  remain  independent  till  the  representa- 
tives of  the  whole  people  of  Central  America  should 
decide  the  question  of  nationality.41 

But  even  here  dissensions  fostered  from  Guatemala 
had  their  pernicious  effects.  Santa  Ana  and  San 
Miguel  had  voted  for  annexation  to  Mexico,  and  to 
uphold  this  action,  seceded  from  their  own  province, 
which  in  that  year  led  to  a war  between  Salvador 


38Squier,  Gnat 580-1,  has  it  700. 

35  The  3d.  It  was  installed  March  29,  1822.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am., 
i.  47;  Id. , Ef emir  ides,  5. 

'"’Among  them  were  Jos4  del  Valle,  Juan  de  Dios  Mayorga,  and  Marcial 
Zebadua.  Zavala , Ensaijo  Hist.  Rev.  Mex. , i.  187.  Suarez  y Navarro  says 
that  Mayorga  had  a secret  mission  from  Salvador  near  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment. Hist.  Mej.,  387. 

41  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  11-12.  The  province  was  ruled  by  a junta  guber- 
nativa,  one  of  whose  members  was  Antonio  Jos6  Canas,  one  of  the  most  distin- 
guished among  Cent.  Americans.  He  soon  after  became  the  second  in  command 
of  the  ‘batallon  fijo,’  organized  to  resist  Iturbide’s  pretensions.  Salv.,  Ltiario 


58 


UNION  WITH  MEXICO. 


and  Guatemala.  The  government  at  San  Salvador 
gave  the  chief  command  of  its  forces  to  Manuel  Jose 
Arce,  with  orders  to  bring  the  people  of  Santa  Ana 
to  reason,  peaceably  if  he  could,  forcibly  if  he  must.42 

Arce  marched  on  Santa  Ana,  when  Padilla,  com- 
manding a portion  of  the  Sonsonate  force  which  had 
been  stationed  in  that  city,  retreated  within  its  own 
territory.  After  compelling  the  town  to  revoke  its 
act  of  secession,  Arce  went  in  pursuit  of  Padilla,  oc- 
cupied Ahuachapam,  then  an  annex  of  Sonsonate, 
and  finally  routed  that  officer  in  the  hacienda  El 
Espinal.43  This  was  the  first  act  of  a bloody  war, 
which  will  be  treated  in  another  chapter. 

In  Honduras,  the  districts  of  Tegucigalpa  and 
Gracias,  together  with  the  ports  of  Omoa  and  Tru- 


jillo, repudiated  the  union  with  Mexico.44  Brigadier 
Tinoco,  on  hearing  that  a Salvadoran  force  had  en- 
tered Honduras,  resigned  his  office  of  governor. 
Comayagua,  however,  continued  recognizing  the  au- 
thority of  Mexico,  but  not  that  of  Guatemala.45 

In  Nicaragua,  the  city  of  Granada  disregarded  the 

42  Gainza  had  meantime  stationed  troops  in  Sonsonate,  a town  which 
hitherto  belonged  to  the  province  of  Guatemala  proper,  and  afterward  became 
a part  of  Salvador. 

43 Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  12-13. 

“The  rest  of  the  province  had  accepted  that  arrangement.  Gov.  Tinoco 
had  made  himself  master  of  Omoa,  but  a revolution  released  it  from  his 
grasp.  His  authority  over  Trujillo  ceased  about  the  middle  of  January  1822. 
Id.,  7-9. 

45  The  inhabitants  were  influenced  to  that  course  by  Canon  Nicolis  Irias 
and  Juan  Lindo.  The  diputacion  sent  Tinoco  to  Mexico  to  report  the  state 
of  affairs  in  Honduras.  Mature,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  37. 


NICARAGUA  AND  COSTA  RICA. 


59 


authority  at  Leon,  and  held  relations  with  Gainza, 
even  after  Colonel  Sacasa  had  placed  himself  under 
the  orders  of  the  former.46  Sacasa  had  surrendered 
his  charge  in  Granada  to  Cleto  Ordonez,47  who  thus 
became  the  leader  of  the  liberal  party  in  Nicaragua. 
After  the  act  of  annexation  to  Mexico,  and  Salva- 
dor’s act  of  secession,  both  Sacasa  and  Ordonez  sup- 
ported the  independents. 

Ordonez,  finding  himself  in  possession  of  irrespon- 
sible power,  soon  gave  a loose  rein  to  his  bad  instincts. 
He  began  to  seize  private  property,  not  excepting 
even  that  of  foreigners.  Sacasa’s  person  and  prop- 
erty did  not  escape.43 

Costa  Rica  did  not  fail,  though  maintaining  a neu- 
tral attitude,  to  manifest  her  discontent  with  the 
course  of  Guatemala. 

16  There  was,  in  consequence,  a bitter  correspondence  between  Saravia  and 
Gainza.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  14. 

47  This  man  was  of  the  lowest  class;  bad  been  a common  servant,  and 
afterward  an  artilleryman.  He  was  once  confined  in  a dungeon  at  Trujillo, 
from  which  he  escaped.  When  he  began  to  figure  in  politics  his  wit  made 
him  popular  with  the  citizens.  It  was  said  that  he  had  some  knowledge  of 
medicine,  and  had  written  some  creditable  poetry.  He  was,  however,  given 
to  cards  and  free-love,  but  abstained  from  the  bottle.  He  was  twice  mar- 
ried, but  left  no  children.  Perez,  Biog.  Sacasa,  S;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  14; 
Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  73-4. 

48  Ordonez  had  Sacasa  and  others  confined  in  irons  in  Fort  San  Carlos. 
Public  opinion  accused  him  of  being  the  most  active  instigator  of  hatred  be- 
tween the  white  and  other  races.  Id.,  74;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  14;  Salv.t 
Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  19,  1875. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  CONFEDERATION. 

1822-1825. 

Secession  from  M exico — Arzu’s  Campa  ign — Pre  varicatioS  of  Salvador — 
Filisola’s  Victory — His  Subsequent  Course — Liberal  Triumph  in 
Costa  Rica — Honduras  Favors  Union — National  Independence 
Secured — Labors  to  Organize  a Nation — The  Constituent  Assembly 
— Provincias  Unidas  del  Centro  df,  America — Abolition  of  African 
Slavery — Provisional  Government — Moderados  ob  Serviles — Li- 
berales  or  Fiebres — Principles  and  Aims  of  Parties — Mexican 
Forces  Retire — Seditions  Begin — Salvadoran  Force  in  Guatemala 
— Confederacion  de  Centro  America — Fundamental  Law — Finances 
— Adjournment  of  the  Constituent  Assembly. 

Arce’s  invasion  of  territory  occupied  by  Guate- 
mala afforded  the  latter  a sufficient  pretext,  if  any 
were  needed,  to  declare  war  against  her  high-spirited 
and  troublesome  neighbor.  Colonel  Arzu  was  there- 
upon despatched  on  the  19th  of  March,  1822,  at  the 
head  of  a force,  which  in  a few  days  had  been  increased 
to  1,000  men,  to  bring  Salvador  under  subjection. 
Arzu’s  dilatory  movements,  however,  defeated  the 
object  of  the  expedition.1  He  lost  two  months  and 
more  waiting  for  reenforcements  and  artillery,  and  by 
indecision  as  to  whether  or  not  he  should  heed  the 
protestations  of  the  Salvadorans.2  The  latter  em- 
ployed the  time  thus  gained  in  fortifying  their  city, 

1 His  orders  were  to  take  the  city  of  San  Salvador  on  or  before  the  5th  of 
April.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  12. 

1 They  claimed  that  their  declaration  of  independence  did  not  imply  hos- 
tility to  Guatemala,  and  in  support  of  it  expressed  a willingness  to  furnish 
hostages.  Their  representations  were  of  no  effect,  however;  ‘habiaempeno 
en  sojuzgar  4 San  Salvador,  y 4 este  interns  se  saerificaba  todo.’  Marurc, 
Rosq.  IlUt.  Cent.  Am.,  51. 


(60) 


DEFEAT  OF  ARZfr. 


61 


though  short  of  arms  to  equip  a sufficient  garrison. 
Aroused  at  last  by  Gainza’ s positive  commands,  Arzu 
continued  his  march,3  and  avoiding  the  fortifications 
of  San  Salvador,  entered  the  city  on  the  3d  of  June, 
taking  its  defenders  by  surprise.4 5  Having  now  every 
advantage,  Arzu  might  have  made  himself  master  of 
the  place  had  he  not  carelessly  permitted  his  troops 
to  disband  for  purposes  of  plunder.  The  result  was, 
that  the  Salvadorans  had  time  to  rally,  and  a street 
fight  ensued,  ending  with  the  total  discomfiture  of 
Arzu  and  his  force,  who  with  the  loss  of  their  arms 
were  driven  from  the  city.6  Had  the  victors  made 
the  most  of  their  success,  they  might  have  annihilated 
the  invading  force;  but  they  failed  to  conduct  the  pur- 
suit with  any  skill.6 

Arzu’s  defeat  produced  a deep  impression  in  Gua- 
temala, where  such  a result  had  been  unexpected,  the 
expedition  having  been  fitted  out  with  the  utmost 
care.  Fears  began  to  be  entertained  that  the  Salva- 
dorans might  become  aggressors  and  invade  Guate- 
mala.  The  friends  of  Mexico  were  therefore  much 
pleased  on  hearing  that  the  Mexican  commander, 
Filisola,  had  been  ordered  to  supersede  Gainza,  who 
was  summoned  to  Mexico.7  With  about  600  men 
Filisola  arrived  in  Guatemala  on  the  12th  of  June, 
1822,  and  ten  days  later  took  possession  of  the  govern- 
ment. He  inaugurated  a comparatively  good  state 


3 Against  Filisola’s  expressed  wishes,  ."hat  general  was  then  in  Chiapas, 
and  had  forbidden  all  military  operations  till  his  arrival.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent. 
Am.,  13;  Alaman,  Ilist.  Mej.,  v.  478;  Filisola  & la  Junta  Sober  ana,  note  6. 

4 He  went  in  by  the  road  sloping  from  the  volcano  to  the  west,  from 
which  quarter,  owing  to  the  roughness  of  the  ground,  no  attack  had  been 
expected. 

5 The  casualties  were  not  heavy  on  either  side.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am., 
12-13. 

6 It  was  chiefly  on  the  superiority  exhibited  on  this  occasion  that  Salvador 
subsequently  based  her  claim  to  a prominent  place  in  the  councils  held  upon 
Cent.  American  affairs.  Many  of  the  internal  wars  which  for  a number  of 
years  ravaged  the  country  may  be  traced  to  this  pretended  superiority. 

! To  answer  charges  preferred  against  him.  Id.,  15;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist. 
Cent.  Am.,  i.  53,  followed  by  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  478.  Cuevas,  Porvenir  de 
Mex.,  253-4,  makes  the  doubtful  assertion  that  Gainza  went  of  his  own  accord. 
At  any  rate,  he  afterward  was  made  a lieut-gen.  of  the  imperial  army,  and  an 
aide-de-camp  of  Iturbide’s. 


G2 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  CONFEDERATION. 


of  affairs;  for  though  as  a supporter  of  the  Mexican 
cause,  and  specially  of  the  empire,  he  aimed  at  con- 
solidation, yet  his  policy  was  a conciliatory  one.8 
He  endeavored  to  obtain  the  assent  of  Salvador  to 
union  with  Mexico  without  resorting  to  force.  At 
first  his  course  presented  a promising  aspect,  inasmuch 
as  the  representatives  of  the  former  apparently  made 
little  objection;  and  on  the  news  of  Iturbide’s  call  to 
the  Mexican  throne,  among  the  many  congratulations 
received  by  Filisola  were  those  of  Salvador,  delivered 
by  a special  deputation.  But  the  object,  as  it  turned 
out,  was  merely  to  gain  time.  The  negotiations  were 
continued  several  months,  hostilities  having  been  sus- 
pended by  both  belligerents,  till  early  in  September 
it  was  agreed  that  further  negotiations  should  be 
carried  on  directty  with  the  executive  and  congress 
of  Mexico.9  This  agreement  was  not  carried  out, 
however,  owing  to  new  difficulties  raised  by  San  Sal- 
vador. Filisola,  who  evidently  would  not  assume  the 
responsibility  of  war,  referred  the  whole  matter  to 
Mexico  for  instructions.  Iturbide,  who  had  just  dis- 
solved the  Mexican  congress  for  its  opposition  to  his 
plans,10  felt  no  inclination  to  permit  little  San  Salva- 
dor to  dictate  the  terms  of  union,  and  disallowing  the 
armistice  concluded  by  Filisola,  ordered  him  to  begin 
hostilities  forthwith  if  unconditional  submission  were 
refused.11 

Leaving  his  second  officer,  Colonel  Codallos,  in 
charge  of  the  government  at  Guatemala,  Filisola  be- 
gan the  military  operations  toward  the  end  of  Novem- 


8 His  proclamation  of  July  8,  1822,  expressed  his  desire  to  be  guided  only 
by  the  best  interests  of  the  country.  Mix.,  Gaceta  Imp.,  1822,  G57-9. 

9 Duly  authorized  agents  of  Salvador  were  to  go  for  that  purpose  to  Mexico 
in  Nov.  1S22;  the  districts  of  San  Miguel  and  Santa  Ana  being  permitted  to 
recognize  the  government  at  Guatemala  till  an  understanding  should  be 
arrived  at  in  Mexico.  Other  clauses  referred  to  the  surrender  of  arms  seized 
by  Arce  in  Sonsonate,  to  the  commercial  interests  of  the  two  provinces,  and 
to  rules  to  be  observed  before  renewing  hostilities.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent. 
Am.,  56-7. 

10  Oct.  31,  1822.  See  Hist.  Mex. , v.,  this  series. 

11  Filisola  d la  Junta  Sober  ana,  notes  9,  10. 


FILISOLA’S  CAMPAIGN. 


63 


ber,  taking  possession  of  Santa  Ana  and  marching 12 
upon  the  city  of  San  Salvador,  after  having  routed 
several  small  hostile  detachments  which  attempted  to 
check  his  progress.  At  the  same  time  he  published 
the  decree  of  the  Mexican  government  of  November 
4th,  making  of  Central  America,  or  the  former  captain- 
generalcy  of  Guatemala,  three  comandancias  gene- 
rales,  namely,  those  of  Chiapas,  Sacatepequez,  and 
Costa  Rica,  the  capitals  being  respectively  Ciudad 
Real,  Nueva  Guatemala,  and  Leon  in  Nicaragua.13 
The  government  of  San  Salvador  was  in  a precarious 
situation;  although  disposing  of  an  army  whose  nu- 
merical force  and  equipment  were  not  inferior  to  Fili- 
sola’s,  yet  it  had  neither  discipline  nor  experienced 
officers.  The  few  encounters  which  had  already 
taken  place  between  the  two  forces  had  made  it  evi- 
dent that  the  Salvadorans  could  not  cope  with  Fili- 
sola’s  military  skill.  Under  the  circumstances,  the 
authorities  of  San  Salvador  resolved  upon  incorpora- 
tion with  Mexico,  and  demanded  that  Filisola  should 
proceed  no  farther.  They  declined  to  inform  him  of 
the  terms  under  which  they  would  submit  to  annexa- 
tion, though  offering  to  lay  them  before  the  congress 
in  Mexico.  They  based  this  action  on  the  ground 
that  if  their  purpose  became  known  in  Salvador  a 
revolution  would  certainly  follow.14 

The  Mexican  commander  paid  no  heed  to  these 
ambiguous  statements,  which  he  considered  devices 
to  gain  time,  and  continued  his  march.15 


12  His  force  consisted  of  about  2,000  men,  chiefly  from  Guatemala,  Santa 
Ana,  San  Miguel,  Sonsonate,  and  Honduras. 

13  Mar ure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  CO-1;  Molina,  Costa  Rica,  93;  Squier’s 
Travels,  ii.  383.  The  decree  never  went  into  effect,  however. 

11  The  principal  conditions  were:  establishment  in  Mexico  of  a representa- 
tive government;  Salvador’s  absolute  independence  from  Guatemala;  partici- 
pation of  her  delegates  in  framing  the  national  constitution;  continuation  in 
office  of  the  present  incumbents;  and  erection  of  an  episcopal  see.  For  less 
important  terms  demanded  on  that  occasion,  see  also  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am., 
10-17;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  02. 

15  It  seems  that  he  again  asked  for  instructions  from  the  emperor,  who 
peremptorily  directed  him  not  to  lose  more  time  in  negotiations.  ‘V.  S.  no 
es  mas  que  uu  soldado  que  debe  atacar  la  ciudad,  posesionarse  de  ella  y 
tratar  & los  cabecillas  como  perturbadores  del  ordcn.’  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am., 


64 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  CONFEDERATION. 


It  was  at  this  critical  moment  that  the  congress  of 
San  Salvador,  carried  away  by  hatred  to  Guatemala 
and  Mexico,  resolved  upon  a singular  step.  On  the 
2d  of  December,  1822,  the  act  of  incorporation  with 
Mexico  was  repealed,  and  the  state  was  placed  under 
the  protectorate  of  the  Anglo-American  states,  as  an 
integral  portion  thereof.  Solemn  protests  were  made 
in  the  name  of  that  republic  against  Filisola’s  hostile 
acts.  A member  of  the  congress,  Juan  Manuel  Ro- 
driguez, was  commissioned  to  make  known  the  incor- 
poration  to  the  government  of  the  United  States.18 
For  a short  time  it  seems  that  hopes  were  entertained 
of  an  armed  protection  on  the  part  of  the  northern  re- 
public in  favor  of  the  new  acquisition;  but  soon  the 
folly  of  such  expectations  became  apparent.  Filisola 
disregarded  the  protests,17  and  after  several  victorious 
encounters,  routed  the  Salvadorans  under  Arce  at 
Mejicanos,18  and  entered  the  city  of  San  Salvador  with- 
out further  opposition  on  the  9th  of  February,  1823. 
Filisola  fulfilled  the  promise  he  had  made  the  preced- 
ing day  to  the  ayuntamiento,  that  he  would  respect 
all  rights,  and  not  treat  the  town  as  a conquered  coun- 
try. The  only  Salvadoran  force  remaining  was  com- 
pelled, on  the  21st  of  February,  to  surrender  at  Gual- 
cince,  a town  on  the  other  side  of  the  Lemoa  River.19 
This  was  the  end  of  the  war.20  Arce,  who  departed 
for  the  United  States,  wrote  Filisola  from  Belize  a 
letter  full  of  firmness  and  dignity,  meanwhile  thank- 


17.  Filisola  himself  confirmed  the  above  in  his  address  to  the  junta  soberana 
of  Cent.  Am.  of  June  24,  1823,  note  10. 

16Squier,  in  his  Travels,  ii.  383-4,  rather  emphatically  comments  on  this 
‘ step  expressive  of  sympathies  and  sentiments  which  still  exist.’ 

u ‘ With  a declaration  that  he  was  not  waging  war  ou  the  U.  S.,  he  con- 
tinued his  operations.’ 

18 Feb.  7,  1823.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  17-18. 

18  Filisola  issued  passports  to  all  who  wished  to  quit  the  country,  and  even 
furnished  them  money  to  leave.  To  the  poor  soldiers  he  afforded  every  facil- 
ity to  reach  their  homes. 

Ju  It  must  be  acknowledged  that  to  the  gallantry  and  constancy  of  the 
eons  of  this  little  province,  Central  America  owed  to  a great  extent  its  exist- 
ence as  a sovereign  commonwealth.  Zavala,  Rev.  N.  Ksp. , i.  142.  See  also 
Alaman,  Ilist.  Mij. , v.  476;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  47;  Suarez  y 
Bavarro,  Hist.  Mej.,  387;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  11-12. 


FALL  OF  ITURBIDE. 


65 


incr  him  for  his  humane  conduct.  Delgado  remained 
at  his  hacienda.  The  local  authorities  swore  alle- 
giance to  the  Mexican  empire.  Filisola  now  returned 
to  Guatemala,21  where  he  arrived  about  the  6th  or 
7th  of  March.  He  had  already  received  the  news  of 
the  movement  in  Mexico  resulting  in  the  overthrow 
of  Iturbide.  It  was  this  that  hastened  his  return  to 
Guatemala,  and  induced  him  to  adopt  a course  opposed 
to  his  last  instructions  from  Mexico.  Granada,  in 
Nicaragua,  had  not  been  reduced  to  obedience.  Gov- 
ernor Gonzalez  Saravia  had  asked  for  troops  to  ac- 
complish it,  but  Filisola  declined  to  employ  coercion; 
and  after  informing  him  and  Juan  Fernandez  Lindo, 
governor  of  Honduras,22  as  well  as  other  officials  in 
the  provinces,  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  Mexico,  assured 
them  that  he  would  take  no  important  step  without 
first  obtaining  their  assent.  Indeed,  after  he  con- 
vinced himself  that  the  imperial  government  had 
fallen  never  to  rise  again,  he  arrived  at  the  conclusion 
that  he  had  no  right  to  keep  annexed  to  Mexico  the 
Central  American  provinces;  as  the  annexation  had 
been  made  solely,  as  claimed  by  Mexico  and  her  sup- 
porters, for  the  sake  of  securing  stability  to  their 
government,  and  the  respect  which  would  be  afforded 
it  from  a long  distance  by  a great  and  wealthy  coun- 
try. All  this  prestige  had  disappeared,  owing  to  the 
revolution  at  Casa  Mata  in  Mexico,23  the  paper  money, 
and  other  arrangements  made  by  Iturbide  with  refer- 
ence to  these  provinces. 

Being  asked  to  summon  a congress  of  all  the  prov- 
inces of  Central  America,  he  complied,  issuing  a de- 
cree on  the  29th  of  March,  1823,  with  the  view  of 
carrying  out  the  acta  of  September  15,  1821,  which 
had  been  annulled  by  the  incorporation  of  the  country 
with  Mexico.  This  was  tantamount  to  a recognition 
of  the  independence  of  Central  America  from  Mexico.24 

21  Col  Felipe  Codallos  was  appointed  governor  of  the  province. 

22  Tinooo  had  gone  to  Mexico. 

23  Hint.  Mex.,  v.,  this  series. 

21  Filisola’s  course  lias  been  open  to  criticism.  Some  attributed  it  to  a con- 
Hisx.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  5 


66 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  CONFEDERATION. 


His  decree  was  hailed  with  joy  by  the  party  friendly 
to  absolute  independence.  The  Mexican  or  imperial- 
ist party  was  vanquished,  and  the  people  were  ready 
to  take  an  active  part  in  the  coming  elections.  Peace 
was  not  only  temporarily  restored  in  Guatemala  and 
Salvador,  but  in  Nicaragua  and  Costa  Rica  party 
struggles  were  brought  to  a close. 

In  Granada,  Ordonez  had  continued  committing 
many  outrages.25  He  had  successfully  repulsed  Sara- 
via,  who  had  come  against  him  from  Leon.  The  latter 
was  in  the  act  of  preparing  another  expedition,  when 
Filisola’s  decree  was  promulgated,  and  he  was  sum- 
moned to  Guatemala.  Nicaragua  subsequently  con- 
stituted a junta  gubernativa  of  its  own.28 

In  Costa  Rica,  Saravia,  with  the  aid  of  Bishop 
Jerez,  attempted  to  force  the  province  into  the  union 
with  Mexico,  and  with  that  view  endeavored  to  over- 
throw the  provincial  government  established  at  Car- 
tago.  A conspiracy  was  planned  there,  and  its  authors, 
seconded  in  Ciudad  Vieja,  openly  espoused  the  cause 
of  Iturbide  on  the  29th  of  March.  The  men  of  the 
liberal  party  fled  to  San  Jose,  and  after  strengthen- 
ing their  ranks  there  and  at  Alajuela,  attacked  the 
imperialists  on  the  field  of  Las  Lagunas,  near  Cartago, 
and  defeated  them.27  The  town  had  to  surrender, 
and  was  occupied  by  the  victorious  independents,  but 
the  seat  of  government  remained  in  San  Jose.28 

viction  that  Cent.  Am.  could  not  be  held  as  a province  dependent  from  a re 
public,  which  was  practicable  as  a dependence  of  an  empire.  Others  have 
supposed  that  he  was  prompted  by  personal  ambition.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist. 
Cent.  Am.,  73,  and  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  19,  claim  that  it  was  the  unavoid- 
able result  of  the  situation,  which  is  not  exactly  true.  With  the  force  at  his 
command,  he  might  have  maintained  supremacy  for  a considerable  time  at 
least.  Filisola  himself  said  that  his  object  had  been  to  avert  civil  war.  In 
his  address  of  July  24,  1823,  to  the  junta  of  Guatemala,  he  assured  that  body 
that  his  recognition  of  its  sovereignty  had  been  with  the  sanction  of  the  su- 
preme executive  government  of  Mexico,  communicated  to  him  on  the  18th  of 
June.  Filisola  dll  Junta  Soberana  de  Guat.,  1-8;  Id. , El  Ciudadano,  16-17. 

u Among  others,  that  of  seizing,  without  any  legal  formality,  the  Spanish 
vessel  Sinacam , whose  cargo  he  sold  to  procure  provisions  and  other  supplies 
for  his  garrison.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  75;  A yon,  Apuntes,  22-3. 

26  It  was  installed  at  Leon  on  the  17th  of  April,  1823.  Marure,  E/em.,  6. 

27  On  the  15th  of  April.  Marure,  E/em.,  6. 

“Several  of  the  conspirators  were  imprisoned  at  the  capital,  though  only 
fora  short  time.  Molina,  Costa  Rica,  94;  Astaburuaya,  Cent.  Am.,  12. 


SEPARATION  FROM  MEXICO. 


67 


In  Honduras,  tlie  provincial  assembly  resolved  on 
the  10th  of  May  to  enter  into  the  union  with  the 
other  provinces  of  Central  America,  with  the  view  of 
constituting  an  independent  nation.29 

Central  America  then,  after  a fifteen  months’  con- 
nection with  Mexico,  was  again  in  the  same  position 
it  had  occupied  at  the  time  of  separation  from  Spain. 
No  advantages  had  been  derived  from  that  union;  but, 
on  the  contrary,  numerous  heavy  taxes  had  exhausted 
the  country,  though  the  treasury  was  invariably 
empty.  The  whole  country  was  suffering  from  other 
consequences  of  the  internal  wars,  in  the  form  of 
abuses  on  the  part  of  unscrupulous  political  parties 
and  military  chiefs;  none  worse,  however,  than  the 
military  sway  imposed  by  Mexico.30  There  have  not 
been  wanting  those  who  believe  the  separation  from 
the  northern  republic  was  a false  step.31  The  people 
had  for  centuries  lived  under  the  same  superior  gov- 
ernment, subject  only  to  the  Spanish  crown.  Then 
followed  a period  when  they  often  faced  one  another 
as  foes.  Now  they  were  invited  to  sit  side  by  side 
and  discuss  measures  for  the  benefit  of  the  great  family 
to  which  they  all  belonged.  The  elections  were  con- 
ducted with  enthusiasm  on  the  part  of  the  republicans, 
the  field  having  been  left  to  them  by  the  imperialists.32 

Congress  assembled  on  the  24th  of  June,  1823, 33 
under  the  presidency  of  Jose  Matfas  Delgado,34  the 

29According  to  Marure,  Efemirides,  6,  reserving  the  liberty  of  recognizing 
anew  Iturbide  as  the  legitimate  emperor,  should  he  be  again  restored  to  the 
imperial  throne. 

30  Deputies  from  Cent.  Am.  to  the  Mexican  congress  complained  of  out- 
rages committed  by  Filisola’s  soldiers,  to  which  his  attention  was  called  to 
correct  them  by  the  executive  of  that  republic. 

31  Cuevas,  Porvenir  da  Mix.,  254-G,  laments  it,  considering  it  an  act  injuri- 
ous to  Cent.  America’s  best  interests. 

3-’The  imperialists  ‘se  limitaron  A oponerles  algunas  maniobras  sordas,  no 
teniendo  dnimo  de  disputai'las  d cara  descubierta.’  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent. 
Am.,  S'2-3.  The  independents  ‘contrajeron  sus  planes  d ganar  las  eleccioncs, 
y d liacer  odiosas  las  tropas  megicanas,  procurando  d toda  costa,  y por  todos 
los  medios  posibles  hacerlas  evacuar  la  republica.’  Mem.  Bev.  Cent.  Am.,  20. 

33 The  1st  of  June  had  been  the  date  originally  fixed  upon,  but  some  pre- 
liminary work  not  having  been  completed  in  time,  the  installation  was  neces- 
sarily delayed.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  83. 

3i  Chiapas  was  not  represented,  that  province  having  continued  detached 
from  Cent.  Am. 


GS 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  CONFEDERATION. 


installation  being  graced  by  the  presence  of  Filisola 
and  the  municipal  council  of  the  city.35 

On  the  2d  of  July  following  it  assumed  the  name 
of  Asamblea  Nacional  Constituyente.  The  body  was 
in  session  nineteen  months,  closing  its  labors  on  the 
23d  of  January,  1825.  Its  work  was  momentous, 
having  to  organize  a government  imbued  with  the 
prevailing  liberal  spirit;  to  improve  the  imperilled 
finances;  to  establish  relations  with  foreign  powers; 
and,  what  was  of  the  highest  importance,  to  bring 
unity  out  of  chaos.  The  first  step  toward  the  ac- 
complishment of  these  purposes  was  taken  on  the  1st 
of  July,  1823,  with  the  adoption  of  the  ordinance 
which  declared  the  provinces  of  the  former  captain- 
generalcy  of  Guatemala  to  be  free  and  independent 
states,  confederated  into  a nation  under  the  name  of 
Provincias  Unidas  del  Centro  de  America.30  Inas- 
much as  a considerable  number  of  representatives 
had  not  arrived  on  that  date,  the  ordinance  was  sub- 
sequently ratified  on  the  1st  of  October.37  The  new 
confederation  was  recognized  by  Mexico  only  a little 
more  than  a year  after.38 

Shortly  after  independence  was  proclaimed,  a divis- 
ion of  the  powers  of  government  into  three  branches 
was  resolved  on;  namely,  the  legislative,  to  be  vested 
in  the  asamblea;  the  executive,  composed  of  three 

85  It  is  said  that  Filisola  installed  the  congress,  the  Mexican  troops  taking 
part  with  the  native  ones  in  paying  honors  to  the  national  representatives. 
Till  the  organization  of  an  executive,  the  first  decrees  were  addressed  to 
Filisola,  as  superior  political  chief,  for  their  execution.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am., 
20.  That  body,  the  first  as  well  as  the  most  numerous,  was  at  the  same  time 
the  most  enlightened  that  the  republic  ever  had.  Mature,  Boxq.  Hist.  Cent. 
Am.,  i.  S3;  Id. , Efem.,  7;  Guat.  Recop.  Ley  ex,  i.  1G-24. 

30  The  full  text  with  the  names  of  the  delegates  present  appears  in  Mature, 
Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  xiii.-xviii. ; and  Rocha,  Cddigo  Nic.,  i.  19-23.  Its 
principal  clauses  were:  ‘That  the  said  provinces. . .are  free  and  independent 
from  old  Spain,  from  Mexico,  and  every  other  power,  alike  of  the  old  and 
the  new  world,  y que  no  son  ni  deben  ser  el  patrimonio  de  persona  ni  faniilia 
alguna.’  Translations  into  other  languages  may  be  seen  in  Revue  Amtricaine, 
i.  377-97;  Democratic  Rev.,  i.  4SG-7.  The  act  was  drawn  up  by  the  deputy 
Jos<5  Francisco  Cordoba,  who  was  a member  of  the  committee  to  whom  the 
matter  had  been  referred.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  21. 

Gunt.,  Recop.  Lcyes,  i.  24-32. 

S8Aug.  20,  1824.  Duhlan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Vex.,  i.  713;  Alaman,  Mem.  d 


ORGANIZATION. 


69 


members,  to  be  elected  by  and  to  be  subject  to  that 
body;  and  the  judicial,  to  be  exercised  by  the  existing 
courts.39  The  executive,  as  then  constituted,  was  to 
be  merely  provisional,  and  until  a fundamental  code 
should  give  it  a permanent  organization.  The  public 
debt  was  recognized;  the  catholic  religion  was  declared 
to  be  that  of  the  state;  and  freedom  of  the  press 
decreed. 

From  the  moment  that  the  choice  of  the  executive 
occupied  the  attention  of  the  assembly  a division  of 
parties  became  manifest.  The  friends  of  absolute  in- 
dependence formed  a large  majority;  those  of  the  for- 
mer Mcjicanistas  were  few  in  number.  The  larger 
portion  of  the  deputies  was  composed  of  the  best  men 
of  the  country,  whatever  their  party  affiliations,  and 
their  intentions  were  upright.  Those  of  moderate 
views  from  all  sections  formed  themselves  into  one 
party,  and  went  by  the  name  of  moderados;  their 
opponents  applying  to  them  the  epithets  of  servil  and 
aristocrata.49  The  radicals  formed  another  organiza- 
tion, and  were  called  fiebres  and  liberalcs,  their  ene- 
mies also  giving  them  the  appellation  of  anarquistas. 

The  liberal  party  advocated  the  establishment  of  a 
federal  republic,  and  as  a rule  was  guided  by  a liberal 
patriotism,  and  a desire  to  see  the  abolishment  of 
unjust  privileges  and  antiquated  vices  in  the  govern- 
ment. Its  opponents,  in  favor  of  a centralized  govern- 
ment and  the  continuation  of  the  old  fueros,  struggled 
against  the  restrictions  that  were  being  put  to  the 
iniluence  of  Guatemala.  Nevertheless,  a liberal  spirit 
predominated  for  a time,  and  three  well-known  lib- 
erals were  chosen  to  constitute  the  executive  au- 
thority, namely,  Manuel  Jose  Arce,41  Doctor  Pedro 

39 Decree  of  July  15,  1823.  Guat.,  Recop.  Lcyes,  i.  32-3. 

40  The  party  was  mainly  composed  of  members  of  the  so-called  noble 
families,  Spaniards,  civil  and  military  officers,  the  clergy,  and  the  most  igno- 
rant class  of  the  population.  It  was  therefore  the  most  numerous.  Montufar, 
Resena  Hist.,  iv.  259. 

41  As  he  was  then  in  the  United  States,  the  canon  Antonio  de  Larrazdbal 
was  to  be  his  substitute  during  his  absence.  Larrazabal  having  declined  the 
position,  it  was  given  to  Antonio  Rivera  Cabezas.  Guat.,  Recop.  Lcyes,  i. 


70 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  CONFEDERATION. 


Molina,  and  Juan  Vicente  Villacorta.42  It  must  be 
acknowledged  that  this  government  was  not  a strong 
one,  the  only  man  of  superior  talent  in  it  being  Mo- 
lina, and  he  had  little  experience  wherewith  to  found 
a republic  and  manage  its  affairs  at  such  a critical 
period. 

A constantly  increasing  coolness  between  the  gov- 
ernment and  Filisola  became  intensified  when  the 
deputies  from  Costa  Rica  and  Nicaragua  refused  to 
occupy  their  seats  in  the  assembly  while  a Mexican 
army  had  virtual  sway  over  the  capital.  Complaints 
also  came  from  various  quarters,  of  abuses  committed 
by  the  Mexican  soldiers,43  and  demands  were  made 
for  their  departure.  Some  time  elapsed  in  discussions 
and  negotiations,  partly  because  of  difficulty  in  rais- 
ing the  needed  funds.  But  finally^,  all  obstacles  being 
removed,  Filisola  departed  with  his  force  on  the  3d 
of  August,  1823,  leaving  behind  him  a good  name, 
which  was  little  affected  by  charges  preferred  against 
him  at  a later  date.41 

The  liberals  now  were  at  greater  liberty  to  carry 
out  their  plans,  which  involved,  among  other  things, 
the  disappearance  of  old  practices,  including  titles  and 
compellations,45  not  even  the  hackneyed  ‘don’  escaping 

164-70;  Marure , Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  S8;  Id.,  E/em.,  8;  Mem.  Rev. 
Cent.  Am.,  22. 

“The  moderados  wanted  Jos<5  Dionisio  Herrera  of  Honduras,  in  the  tri- 
umvirate, to  avoid  the  undue  influence  Salvador  would  exercise,  having  two 
of  her  citizens  in  the  executive,  and  because  they  considered  Herrera  intel- 
lectually superior  to  Villacorta.  No  one  thought  of  Jos6  del  Valle,  who  was 
then  in  Mexico.  Cuevas,  Porvenir  de  Me x.,  ‘256-7,  erroneously  states  that 
the  supreme  authority  was  offered  Filisola  and  he  declined  it.  Ho  declined 
the  office  of  jefe  politico  of  Guatemala. 

43  Just  in  some  instances,  no  doubt;  but  it  became  known  that  Guatemalans 
disguised  as  Mexicans  committed  hostile  acts  to  bring  the  soldiers  into  dis- 
credit. Filisola  certainly  strove  to  maintain  order  and  discipline.  Marure, 
Bosq.  Ilist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  S9-93;  Filisola,  El  Ciudadano,  22-8. 

44  Jos<5  Francisco  Barrundia,  of  whom  prominent  mention  is  made  in  this 
history,  severely  attacked  Filisola’s  course  in  a pamphlet,  which  was  replied 
to  in  a small  book  entitled  El  Ciudadano. . . Vicente  Filisola  a Josi  Francisco 
Barrundia,  Puebla,  1824, 132  p.  The  author  defends  himself,  employing  strong 
invective  against  his  accuser,  charging  him  with  hypocrisy  and  cowardice. 
The  book  gives  some  historical  data,  but  owing  to  its  bitterness,  must  Le  re- 
ceived with  caution.  Filisola  after  that  time  figured  as  a prominent  soldier 
of  the  Mexican  republic  in  Texas,  and  during  the  war  of  the  U.  S.  and  Mex- 
ico in  1846-8. 

45  Guat.  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  S77-8. 


DECREES  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT. 


71 


the  general  reformatory  tendency.46  A coat  of  arms 
was  likewise  decreed,  showing  the  national  name  in 
golden  letters,47  as  also  a 
flag,  the  latter  consisting  of 
three  horizontal  stripes,  the 
middle  one  being  white, 
with  the  national  coat  of 
arms  about  half-way  from 
the  mast,  and  the  other  two 
blue. 

Among  other  decrees  en- 
acted by  the  assembly  in 
1823,  the  following  are 
worthy  of  mention:  One  of 
August  21st,  to  annul  all 
acts  of  the  late  imperial  government  affecting  Cen- 
tral America;  one  of  August  26th,  declaring  the  15th 
of  September  to  be  the  national  anniversary,  and  how 
it  was  to  be  observed — this  decree  was  reiterated 
by  the  legislative  assembly  on  the  15th  of  October, 
1834;  one  of  October  27th,  directing  the  Central 
American  deputies — those  of  Chiapas  excepted — to 
withdraw  from  the  Mexican  congress;  and  one  of 
November  15th,  to  form  a general  census.48 

Another  measure  adopted  was  that  which  author- 
ized the  executive  to  dismiss  without  formality  all 
officials  having  their  appointments  from  the  Spanish 
or  Mexican  governments.  Little  discretion  was  shown 
in  this,  and  discontent  resulted,  which  was  made  man- 
ifest in  the  opposition  met  with  by  every  measure  of 
the  government,  even  such  as  were  generally  recog- 
nized to  be  of  public  utility.  Financial  and  military 
affairs  were  in  the  worst  possible  condition.  To  im- 
prove the  former  was  a difficult  task,  the  expenses 

46  Practically,  the  word  ‘don’  never  fell  into  disuse.  The  manner  of  ending 
official  letters  was  changed  from  the  former  ‘Dios  guarde  &. . .muchos  anos,  ’ 
to  ‘Dios,  Union,  Libertad.’  Marure,  Dosq.  Ilist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  94;  Id. , 
E/em.,  7. 

47  Decrees  of  the  national  assembly  of  Aug.  21  and  Nov.  5,  1823.  Rocha, 
Cddiyo  Nic.,  i.  1C2;  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  54-5. 

ilsGuat.,  Iiecop.  Leyes,  i.  33-8,  461-3;  Mcz.,  Cot.  Dec.  Sob.  Cony.,  219. 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  CONFEDERATION. 


being  greater  than  during  the  colonial  period,  and 
several  branches  of  revenue,  which  formerly  yielded 
considerable  resources,  having  disappeared  with  the 
old  dependence.49  As  to  the  army,  the  greater  part 
of  it  had  been  disbanded,  and  only  one  battalion  of 
the  regular  force  and  a few  bodies  of  militia  formed 
the  entire  defensive  power  of  the  republic.  The  gov- 
ernment was  almost  at  the  mercy  of  a handful  of  men, 
and  it  was  not  long  before  they  exhibited  their  lack 
of  discipline  and  loyalty.  The  soldiers  had  for  some 
time  past  shown  dissatisfaction  at  the  neglect  of  the 
government  to  pay  them  their  dues.  Under  the  cir- 
cumstances, it  was  rather  easy  to  prevail  on  them  to 
revolt,  and  it  was  done,  the  leader  being  Captain  Ra- 
fael Ariza  y Torres.50  The  authorities,  though  aware 
of  his  machinations,  had  taken  no  decisive  measures 
to  defeat  them,61  other  than  commissioning  Ignacio 
Larrazdbal  to  make  an  investigation.  Ariza,  fearing 
that  delay  might  cause  the  failure  of  his  plan,  in  the 
evening  of  the  13th  of  September  assumed  the  title  of 
commander-in-chief  of  the  forces;  and  the  next  morn- 
ing-52 volleys  of  musketry  and  other  manifestations 
apprised  the  alarmed  inhabitants  of  the  insurrection. 
A scene  of  excitement  ensued.  The  assembly  hastily 
met,  and  amidst  the  confusion  a messenger  came  from 
Ariza  to  assure  the  chamber  of  his  loyal  disposition 
toward  the  government,  and  to  add  in  explanation 
that  the  position  of  commander  had  been  forced  upon 
him  by  the  troops.  The  messenger  was  peremptorily 
ordered  to  retire  without  receiving  any  answer.  A 
number  of  enthusiastic  citizens  assailed  a portion  of 
Ariza’s  men,  only  to  be  driven  back  to  the  university 

49Even  the  statistics  that  might  have  served  as  a basis  for  establishing  im- 
posts were  not  to  be  found.  It  was  said  that  they  had  all  been  forwarded  to 
Mexico  during  the  imperial  rule. 

60  He  was  offended  at  not  being  appointed  commanding  officer  of  the  bat- 
talion. 

61  The  author  of  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  23-7,  accused  the  government  of 
allowing  the  conspiracy  to  assume  serious  proportions  with  the  view  of  obtain- 
ing larger  powers,  including  that  of  levying  forced  loans. 

52  The  14th  and  15th  had  been  designated  to  commemorate  the  indepen- 
dence. 


ARIZA’S  REVOLT. 


73 


building,  where  the  assembly  held  its  sittings.  A 
show  of  defence  was  made  there,53  to  enable  the  as- 
semblymen to  seek  safety  in  flight.  Few  of  their 
number  remained.  Negotiations  were  then  begun  to 
prevent  the  commission  of  outrages  by  the  mutinous 
soldiers,64  and  the  government  finally  gave  way,  and 
conferred  on  Ariza  the  title  of  commander-in-chief; 
he  thereupon  took  the  official  oath  on  that  day.  The 
concession  was  made  only  to  gain  time,  hopes  being 
entertained  that  the  auxiliaries  summoned  from  the 
surrounding  country  and  other  states  would  soon  ar- 
rive. 

The  rebellious  captain  had  in  the  mean  time  begun 
to  realize  his  awkward  position.  Assuming  a submis- 
sive tone,  he  protested  his  readiness  to  obey  the  gov- 
ernment; whereupon  he  was  commanded  to  leave  the 
city  and  retire  to  Antigua,  where  his  force  dispersed 
before  any  coercive  action  on  the  part  of  the  govern- 
ment and  its  allies  became  necessary.  Ariza  himself 
escaped  by  flight  the  punishment  which  his  reckless 
behavior  deserved.60 

But  the  difficulties  were  not  yet  over.  The  feeble 
conduct  of  the  government,  and  the  humiliating  con- 
cessions it  had  made  to  the  rebel,  reflected  so  much 
discredit  that  the  labors  of  the  moderado  party  for 
the  election  of  a new  executive  now  gave  promise  of 
fruitful  results.60  On  the  4th  of  October  congress  re- 
assembled,  and  the  same  day  Villacorta,  Molina,  and 
Rivera  tendered  their  resignations,  which  were  ac- 
cepted; and  in  their  stead,  on  the  4th  of  October, 


63  A number  of  persons  were  killed  and  others  wounded  in  the  street  fight. 
Marure,  Bo<q.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  102-3.  On  the  10th  of  Jan.  following  those 
who  perished  in  defence  of  the  assembly  were  declared  ‘benemdritos  de  la 
patria  en  grado  heroico. ’ Id.,  Efem.,  8. 

5lMarure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  104,  gives  the  almost  incredible  ac- 
count that  the  soldiery  behaved  in  an  orderly  manner. 

5jHis  principal  assistant  and  second  in  command,  Manuel  Estrada,  was 
imprisoned  and  executed.  An  erroneous  account  of  Ariza’s  revolt  is  given  by 
Puydt  and  Binckum,  Colonisation,  118-19,  who  place  it  in  1823,  and  assert  it 
was  effected  by  order  of  the  government  in  Spain. 

06  It  found  support  among  some  of  the  deputies  who  had  not  been  present 
at  the  election  of  the  members  of  the  executive.  Mem.  liej.  Cent.  Am.,  25. 


74 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  CONFEDERATION. 


Manuel  Jose  Arce  was  again  elected,  together  with 
Jose  del  Valle  and  Tomas  O’Horan,57  and  as  substi- 
tutes for  the  two  first,  then  absent,  Jose  Santiago 
Milla  and  Villacorta,  the  same  person  who  had  re- 
signed.58 The  new  government  found  at  once  its  at- 
tention engrossed  by  the  troublesome  situation,  which 
had  arisen  from  the  coming  of  a Salvadoran  force, 
called  to  help  against  the  revolting  soldiers.  Although 
forbidden  to  approach  the  city,  and  ordered  to  return 
home,  it  refused  to  comply,59  and  on  the  12th  of  Octo- 
ber entered  the  city  of  Guatemala,  all  remonstrances 
to  the  contrary  having  proved  unavailing.  The  Sal- 
vadorans occupied  the  capital  three  weeks,  during 
which  rumors  were  rife  of  their  plans  to  pillage  the 
place  in  retaliation  of  Guatemalan  troops  having  oc- 
cupied San  Salvador  the  previous  year.  Brawls  and 
fights  between  them  and  soldiers  from  other  provinces 
were  of  daily  occurrence. 

The  regular  garrison  and  all  the  inhabitants  breathed 
more  freely  when  at  last,  on  the  3d  of  November,  the 
unwelcome  guests  departed.50  The  same  day  the 
auxiliary  troops  from  Quezaltenango,  who  had  been  of 
good  use  in  keeping  others  somewhat  in  check,  also 
returned  home. 

67  The  last  named  being  a foreigner,  congress  repealed  the  law  which  ad- 
mitted only  natives  to  the  executive  power,  passed  July  8th,  when  Filisola 
had  been  proposed  as  a candidate.  Foreigners  who  had  rendered  services  to 
the  republic  were  made  eligible.  Mature,  Bosq.  Ilist.  Cent.  Am.,  107. 

68  Villacorta  at  first  declined  the  position,  on  the  ground  that  to  exercise,  as 
a mere  substitute,  the  functions  he  had  just  been  discharging  as  proprietary  in 
the  office,  affected  his  honor,  ‘era  un  pasoque  lastimabasu  honor.’  A unani- 
mous resolution,  however,  of  the  congress,  directing  him  to  fill  the  office,  in- 
duced him  to  accept  it.  Id.,  107-S.  It  has  been  said  of  him  for  his  final 
acceptance:  ‘Tuvo  la  falta  de  delicadeza  de  admitir  la  suplencia.’  Mem.  Rev. 
Cent.  Am.,  26. 

59  The  Salvadoran  commander  alleged  instructions  from  his  government 
not  to  go  back  till  he  became  convinced  that  the  assembly  could  continue  its 
labors  without  hinderance  in  the  future.  In  Guatemala  it  was  said  that  he 
had  been  prevailed  on  by  the  liberal  party,  somewhat  displeased  at  the  last 
elections  for  executive,  not  to  heed  the  command  to  retire.  In  consequence  of 
the  events  of  Sept.  14th  in  Guatemala,  the  diputacion  provincial  at  San  Sal- 
vador on  the  27th  of  Oct.  assumed  the  powers  of  a junta  gubemativa,  and 
exercised  them  till  the  constituent  congress  of  the  state  was  installed.  M a- 
rure,  Efern.,  8. 

60  ‘ No  sin  algunos  aparatos  escandalosos  y hostiles  de  parte  de  loa  salva- 
doreuos.’  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  27. 


A CONSTITUTION. 


75 


The  labors  of  the  assembly  had  been  continued  in 
the  mean  time,  and  on  the  17th  of  December,  1823, 
were  decreed  and  published  the  bases  of  the  constitu- 
tion for  the  republic,61  adopting  a popular,  represent- 
ative, federal  form  of  government.  Each  one  of  the 
five  states,  Guatemala,  Salvador,  Honduras,  Nicara- 
gua, and  Costa  Rica,  which  were  to  form  the  confeder- 
ation of  Central  America,  was  to  have  the  same 
division  of  powers,  and  with  the  same  functions,  in 
its  internal  administration,  as  the  general  government 
with  respect  to  the  whole  republic.62 

The  labors  of  framing  the  constitution  lasted  a 
year  longer,  and  were  terminated  only  on  the  22d  of 
November,  1824,  when  the  fundamental  law  of  the 
Central  American  republic  was  promulgated,  strict 
obedience  thereto  being  solemnly  sworn  on  the  15th 
of  April,  1825, 63  and  ratified  by  the  national  congress 
five  months  later,  namely,  on  the  1st  of  September. 
While  discussing  the  constitution,  both  the  liberal 
and  moderado  parties  used  their  best  efforts  for  the 
adoption  of  their  respective  principles.  The  former 
triumphed,  being  especially  strong  in  the  provinces, 
whereas  its  antagonists  resided  chiefly  in  the  capital. 
Although  a number  of  good  and  able  men  were  among 
the  members  of  the  congress,  their  good  purposes 
were  repeatedly  balked  by  party  spirit;  and  thus  only 
an  imperfect  result  was  obtained  in  the  constitution 
adopted  November  22,  1824. 64  It  was  the  first 
effort  to  define  the  rules  for  the  government  of  a coun- 
try which  at  that  time  was  beginning  the  life  of  an 

61  They  had  been  reported  to  the  chamber  by  its  committee  on  the  25th  of 
Oct.  Mar ure,  Efem.,  8. 

62  The  states  had  already  constituted  their  governments  by  Sept.  1824. 
Chiapas  was  not  included  among  the  new  states.  Her  admission  was  left  open 
for  such  a time  as  she  should  apply  for  it,  the  belief  in  Cent.  Am.  being  that 
the  province  had  not  voluntarily  attached  itself  to  Mexico.  Ouat.,  Recop. 
Leyes,  i.  40-2,  59-G2,  G8,  90—7 ; Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  27;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist, 
Cent.  Am.,  i.  120-1,  140;  La  Tribuna,  ii. , no.  2. 

64  Marure,  Efem.,  12,  gives  the  date  as  April  10th. 

04  Cent.  Am.,  Informe  sobre  la  Constituc.,  1-73,  and  1-30.  This  constitu- 
tion has  been  called  ‘el  bello  ideal  de  copiantes  y teoristas  que  sonaron  un 
pueblo  para  constituirlo,  y que  no  conocian  el  pais  en  que  nacieron.  ’ Mem.  Rev. 
Cent.  Am.,  36. 


76 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  CONFEDERATION. 


independent  nation.  The  constitution  of  the  United 
States  had  been  taken  as  a model;  but  it  had  not 
been  borne  in  mind  that  a difference  existed  between 
the  people  of  the  northern  and  Central  American 
republics  at  the  time  when  they  respectively  gained 
their  independence.  However  good  the  intentions  of 
the  framers  of  the  Central  American  constitution, 
they  fell  short  of  their  object;  for  in  adopting  certain 
forms,  altogether  inappropriate,  they  also  introduced 
contradictory  clauses.  No  provision  was  made  for  a 
federal  district  to  hold  the  national  capital.  Thus 
Guatemala,  where  the  federal  authorities  then  and 
afterward  resided,  became  also  the  seat  of  the  state 
government,  and  in  the  course  of  time  collisions  were 
unavoidable.65  The  constitution  further  defined  the 
rights  of  property  and  liberty  of  thought,  as  well  as 
freedom  of  the  press,  and  placed  the  chief  authority 
of  the  republic  in  the  hands  of  congress,66  in  addition 
to  the  legislative  power  with  which  it  was  vested. 
Laws  were  to  be  enacted  by  the  two  houses  forming 
the  congress,  one  of  which  was  the  senate,  whose 
members  were  also  elected  by  the  people,  two  for 
every  state.  This  body  acted  as  an  executive  coun- 
cil, with  a general  supervision  to  see  that  the  different 
high  officials  and  magistrates  faithfully  discharged 
their  duties.  Its  president  was  ex  officio  vice-presi- 
dent of  the  republic.67  A supreme  court  of  justice 


63  The  asamblea,  foreseeing  this,  had  designed  La  Antigua  as  the  meeting 
place  of  the  local  congress;  but  the  latter  at  its  first  sittings  selected  for 
future  times  the  capital.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  179. 

6GSuch  as  to  determine  the  military  and  financial  budgets,  superintend  the 
education  of  the  people,  declare  war  and  conclude  peace,  and  regulate  the 
financial  and  commercial  interests  of  the  country.  Its  members  were  to  be 
elected  at  the  rate  of  one  for  every  30,000  inhabitants.  Id.,  174-5.  There 
were  17  representatives  for  Guatemala,  nine  for  Salvador,  five  for  Honduras, 
six  for  Nicaragua,  and  two  for  Costa  Rica.  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  13. 
Dunlop,  Cent.  Am.,  164,  says  Honduras  had  six  representatives. 

c:  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  13.  Molina,  Costa  Rica,  19,  criticises  this  or- 
ganization as  follows:  ‘Se  establecio  un  senado  nulo,  un  Ejecutivo  impotente 
y un  congreso  absoluto.’  Necessarily  the  greater  number  of  representatives 
of  Guatemala  would  outweigh  those  of  the  other  states,  and  thus  make  the 
constitution  only  an  imperfect  copy  of  that  which  had  originally  served  as  a 
model. 


SLAVERY  ABOLISHED. 


77 


was  also  created,  the  members  being,  like  those  of 
congress  and  senate,  chosen  by  popular  vote.68 

Among  the  most  important  laws  enacted  were 
those  of  December  31,  1823,  and  April  17  and  24, 
1824,  which  emancipated  all  slaves,  and  made  free 
slaves  of  other  countries  coming  to  Central  Amer- 
ica.69 The  slave-trade  was  prohibited,  under  the  pen- 
alty of  forfeiture  of  the  rights  of  citizenship.70  Of  all 
the  nations  of  North  America,  to  the  Central  Amer- 
ican republic  belongs  the  honor  of  having  first  prac- 
tically abolished  slavery.71 

The  new  republic  also  took  a deep  interest  in  a pro- 
ject for  the  union  of  all  the  American  states.72  The 
project  failed,  because  of  its  impracticability.  The 
particulars  of  this  subject  are  given  in  treating  of  the 
famous  Panamd  congress  of  American  nations. 

The  exhausted  condition  of  the  treasury  appearing 
to  be  the  chief  impediment  to  all  projected  improve- 
ments, the  remedy  was  looked  for  in  a foreign  loan, 
about  $7,000,000  being  borrowed  on  rather  favorable 
terms  from  a London  firm.73  The  tobacco  and  cus- 
toms revenues  were  pledged  toward  its  repayment.74 

68  Part  of  the  constitution  is  given  in  Rocha,  Cdcligo  Nic.,  i.  37-9;  on  the 
following  pages  will  be  found  such  clauses  of  the  old  Spanish  constitution  as 
were  retained  under  the  new  system.  See  also  Peralta,  Costa  R.,  5;  Asia- 
buruaga,  Cent.  Am.,  13-5. 

69  ‘Se  hacen  libres  los  esclavos  que  de  reinos  extranjeros  pasen  a nuestros 
Estados,  por  recobrar  su  libertad.’  Rocha,  Codigo  Nic.,  i.  212-13;  Gnat.,  Recop. 
Leges,  i.  217-9;  Mature,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  133-5;  Id. , Efem.,  10. 

70  Holders  of  slaves  thus  emancipated  were  to  be  indemnified.  We  are 
assured  that  no  one  ever  applied  for  such  indemnification. 

71  In  1840  Great  Britain,  would-be  champion  of  the  world’s  high  morality, 
on  one  occasion  claimed  the  return  of  some  fugitive  slaves  from  Belize,  and 
supported  the  demand  with  the  presence  of  a man-of-war.  Notwithstanding 
her  weakness,  Central  America  refused  to  comply,  on  the  ground  that  under 
her  constitution  there  were  no  slaves  in  the  country.  Crowe's  Gospel,  121-2; 
Squier’s  Travels,  ii.  385-6;  Revue  AmAricaine,  ii.  550;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am., 
163.  According  to  Molina,  the  number  of  slaves  thus  emancipated  was  about 
1,000. 

72 ‘Una  confederaciou  general  que  representase  unida  & la  gran  familia 
americaua.  ’ Mature,  Bosq.  Ilist.  Cent.  Am.,  138. 

73  Barclay,  Herring,  Richardson,  & Co.,  whose  agent  was  J.  Bailey.  Thomp- 
son's Guat.,  266;  Mature,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  143. 

74  One  of  the  conditions  was  that  the  republic  should  not  contract  for 
another  loan  within  two  years.  It  was  estimated  that  the  debt  could  be  paid 
in  20  years.  Ascimb/ea  Nac.,  Decreto,  Dec.  6,  1824,  in  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist. 
Cent.  Am.,  i.  144.  That  expectation  was  not  realized.  Details  will  appear 
in  connection  with  the  finances  of  the  republic,  elsewhere  in  this  volume. 


78 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  CONFEDERATION. 


It  is  understood  that  a portion  of  the  money  was 
applied  to  strengthening  the  fortifications,  and  the 
remainder  was  distributed  among  the  states  for  their 
local  requirements. 

The  initiation  and  execution  of  the  different  meas- 
ures I have  made  mention  of,  and  others  of  less  maof- 
nitude,  were  the  work  of  the  constituent  assembly, 
which  closed  its  session  on  the  23d  of  January,  1825. 
If  all  its  resolutions  were  not  wise  ones,  allowance 
must  be  made  for  the  many  difficulties  that  were  in 
the  way,  and  a full  recognition  given  its  members  of 
the  good  faith  and  assiduity  with  which  they  per- 
formed their  work.76 

75  The  total  number  of  decrees  passed  was  1S7,  and  of  orders  1186.  El  In- 
dicador  de  Ouat.,  1825,  no.  16. 


CHAPTER  V. 


CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 

1825-1830. 

General  Elections — Meeting  of  the  First  Congress — Manuel  Jos 6 
Arce,  First  President  of  the  Refublic — Foreign  Relations— Arce’s 
Prevarications — Conflict  with  Guatemala — Party  Bickerings — 
Liberals  Quarrel  with  Arce — He  Joins  their  Opponents — Bitter- 
ness Engendered — President  versus  Guatemalan  Rulers — Arrest 
of  J efe  J uan  Barrundia — Riots  at  Quezaltenango — Murder  of  Vice- 
jefe  Cirilo  Flores — Arce  as  Dictator  in  Guatemala — War  against 
Salvador — Arce  Defeated — He  Gives  up  the  Presidency,  and  Can- 
not Recover  It — Bloody  War  of  1826-9 — Morazan  the  Victor — 
Jose  Francisco  Barrundia,  Acting  President — Liberal  Measures — 
Peace  Restored — Spanish  Schemes. 


The  first  constitutional  congress  of  the  Estados 
Feclerados  de  Centro  America  was  installed  on  the 
6th  of  February,  1825,  Mariano  Galvez  being  chosen 
president,1  as  well  as  the  leader  of  the  liberal  party. 
A number  of  the  old  delegates  had  been  reelected  for 
the  new  body,2  whose  principal  duties  were  the  elec- 
tion of  a president,  and  the  ratification  of  the  consti- 
tution. The  latter,  as  we  have  already  seen,  was  on 
the  1st  of  September;  the  former  proved  a more  diffi- 
cult task,  and  was  achieved  amidst  contradictions  and 
stormy  discussions.  The  provisional  executive  power 

1 He  is  represented  as  an  able  man,  who  had  formerly  favored  the  union 
with  Mexico,  but  afterward  joined  the  liberal  party,  becoming  one  of  its  most 
prominent  members.  The  author  of  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  39-41,  46,  while 
acknowledging  his  ability,  says  that  he  was  ‘ de  poca  delicadeza. . .de  un  ca- 
rdcter  falso,  y afectando  una  franqueza  y una  moderacion  que  no  le  es  propia.  ’ 

2 The  delegates  of  the  different  states  were  in  the  following  proportion: 
Guatemala  17,  Salvador  9,  Honduras  and  Nicaragua  6 each,  Costa  Rica  2. 
The  total  number  being  40,  and  not  34  as  Squier  erroneously  kaa  it.  Travel *, 
if 


(79) 


80 


CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 


elected  in  1823  had  not  been  harmonious.  Arce  and 
Valle  assumed  their  duties  soon  after  their  election, 
and  before  many  days  had  serious  differences,  which 
ended  in  Arce’s  resignation  of  the  presidency  of  the 
triumvirate.  Being  replaced  by  Jose  Manuel  de  la 
Cerda,  he  departed  for  Salvador  and  Nicaragua,  ex- 
erting himself  in  the  pacification  of  the  latter.  His 
services  in  this  direction  won  him  much  good-will, 
and  it  was  proposed  to  make  him  the  first  constitu- 
tional president  of  the  republic,  a proposition  that  met 
with  popular  favor.  Meanwhile  his  opponent,  Valle, 
was  also  working.3  Since  May  1824  the  congress  had 
been  convoked.  Both  liberals  and  moderados  had 
untiringly  worked  for  their  respective  candidates. 
The  latter  seemed  to  have  every  prospect  of  victory; 
of  the  79  votes  cast,  41  being  for  Valle,  their  candi- 
date.4 As  42  votes  were  necessary  for  a choice  under 
the  constitution,  congress  assumed  the  right  of  select- 
ing  one  of  the  two  candidates.  A compromise  be- 
tween the  contending  parties  was  effected,  Arce 
pledging  himself  to  remain  neutral  on  certain  ques- 
tions upon  which  the  other  party  was  much  disturbed.5 
The  moderados  then  voted  for  Arce,  and  congress,  on 
the  21st  of  April,  1825,  declared  him  to  have  been  duly 
elected  by  a majority  of  twenty-two  votes  against  five 
for  Valle.  The  latter  was  recognized  as  the  vice- 
president,  and  having  declined  the  position,  Mariano 
Beltranena  was  chosen  in  his  place.6  The  justices  of 

3 Arce  had  in  his  favor  the  prestige  of  past  services,  and  his  sufferings  in 
the  cause  of  independence.  Valle  had  the  support  of  those  who  objected  to 
Salvadoran  predominance.  Moreover,  he  had  been  educated  in  Guatemala, 
and  had  property  there;  from  which  circumstances  it  was  surmised  that  lie 
would  be  more  in  sympathy  with  that  state  and  the  so-called  serviles.  Ma- 
rare,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  150;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  2S-9. 

4 The  total  number  of  votes  for  the  whole  republic  was  82,  but  three  had 
been  rejected  by  congress  for  various  reasons.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Ain., 
i.  210-11;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  40-1. 

5 Salvador  insisted  on  having  an  episcopal  see,  in  order  to  be  independent 
of  Guatemala  in  ecclesiastical  affairs.  This  was  the  chief  question  at  issue. 
Arce  promised  to  leave  its  decision  to  the  next  congress.  Arce,  Mem.,  3. 
Valle  really  had  obtained  more  votes  than  Arce,  and  congress  defrauded  him 
of  his  election.  Montufar,  Resend  Hist.,  i.  2G8. 

6 Barrundia  had  been  elected  upon  Valle’s  refusal  to  accept  the  office,  and 
likewise  declined  it.  Valle  protested  against  Arce’s  election  as  illegal,  in 


RECOGNITION  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


81 


the  supreme  court  were  elected  at  the  same  time,  and 
on  the  29th  of  April 7 took  possession  of  their  offices. 

The  recognition  of  the  Central  American  republic 
as  an  independent  nation  had  engaged  the  attention 
of  the  supreme  authorities  at  the  same  time  that  the 
internal  organization  was  proceeding.  The  first  treaty 
concluded  by  the  new  republic  was  on  the  15th  of 
March,  1825,  with  Colombia,  Pedro  Molina  acting  as 
its  plenipotentiary  at  Bogota.8  A few  months  later, 
at  Washington,  on  the  5th  of  December,  1 825,  a treaty 
was  entered  into  with  the  United  States  of  America, 
with  which  power  there  had  been  formal  relations 
since  the  beginning  of  the  year.9  Antonio  Josd  Canas 
represented  Central  America  as  her  plenipotentiary. 
The  United  States  soon  after  accredited  William 
Miller  as  chargd  d’affaires  near  the  new  republic. 
Diplomatic  relations  with  Great  Britain  and  the 
Netherlands  were  opened  early  in  1825.  Spain  con- 
tinued refusing  to  recognize  the  independence  of  Cen- 
tral America,  and  the  pope  followed  in  her  footsteps, 
as  he  had  done  in  regard  to  Mexico.10 

o 

several  writings,  apparently  to  little  purpose.  El  Indicador,  1825,  no.  26  et 
seq. ; El  Liberal,  1825,  no.  7,  8;  Nulidad  de  la  prim,  elec.,  passim;  Marare, 
Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  212-13;  Id. , Efem.,  13. 

7 Arce,  Mem.,  4,  has  it  April  30th,  hut  in  view  of  the  numerous  misprints 
in  his  work,  the  date  given  in  the  text  is  probably  more  correct.  It  is  the 
one  supported  by  Mat  ure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  213;  Squier’s  Travels,  ii. 
3S8;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  104.  Its  first  president  was  Tomfis  Antonio  O’Horan. 
This  court  superseded  the  audiencia  founded  in  1544  at  Gracias  <i  Dios,  and 
transferred  in  1549  to  Guatemala.  Manure , Efem.,  14. 

B It  was  for  a defensive  and  offensive  alliance  and  equal  privileges  of  trade. 
It  was  ratified  by  the  Cent.  Am.  govt  Sept.  12,  1825.  The  full  text  is  given 
in  Rocha,  Cddigo  Nic.,  i.  95-9;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  xxxviii.- 
xlvii.  Sec  also  A tjon.  Consul.  Lim.,  28-9;  Gaceta  de  Salv.,  Oct.  12,  1854. 

9 It  was  therein  stipulated  that  the  citizens  of  both  republics  should  enjoy 
all  the  rights  granted  by  one  or  the  other  to  the  most  favored  nation.  The 
same  rights  for  political  purposes  were  also  agreed  upon,  that  of  free  exercise 
of  religion  being  included.  All  clauses  of  a commercial  character  were  to  be 
in  force  12  years;  the  others  perpetually.  Privileges  and  rights  enjoyed  by 
the  citizens  of  either  republic  were  to  be  also  allowed  to  those  immigrating 
from  the  other.  This  treaty  was  ratified  by  the  younger  republic  on  the  28th 
of  June,  1826.  The  text  in  both  English  and  Spanish  may  be  seen  in  U.  S. 
Govt  Doc.,  U.  S.  Acts,  Cong.  19,  Sess.  2,  Sen.  Doc.  1,  i.  149-70;  Am.  St. 
Pap.,  For.  Rel.,  v.  774-82;  Gordon's  Digest  of  Laws,  328-35;  Marure,  Bosq. 
llist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  xlvii.-lxv. 

10Arce’s  Mess.,  March  1,  1826,  in  Repertorio  Am.,  i.  274- S;  Santangelo, 
Cong  re  :o  Panama,  73-5. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  0 


82 


CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 


The  republic  being  now  fairly  launched,  had  Arce 
possessed  the  ability  all  might  have  gone  well.  But 
he  either  overestimated  his  administrative  powers,  or 
underrated  the  magnitude  of  his  task;  and  after  de- 
creeing some  wise  measures  upon  the  military  defences, 
he  began  to  sow  dissatisfaction  by  his  vacillating 
policy.  A member  of  the  liberal  party  from  the  first 
day  that  he  took  part  in  the  political  affairs  of  the 
country,  he  now  committed  the  serious  error  of 
abandoning  the  ground  upon  which  he  might  have 
trod  with  safety.  In  his  endeavors  to  please  both 
parties,  he  succeeded  in  offending  the  liberals  without 
securing  the  confidence  of  their  opponents,  who,  though 
willing  enough  to  admit  him  to  their  ranks,  declined 
rendering  implicit  obedience.  His  former  friends  now 
openly  assailed  him.11 

A conflict  sprang  up,  also,  between  the  federal  gov- 
ernment and  the  local  authorities  of  Guatemala  City, 
because  the  latter  refused  to  take  part  in  celebrating 
the  anniversary  of  the  installation  of  the  first  assembly 
on  the  24th  of  June,  and  force  was  at  last  brought  to 
bear  upon  them.12 

The  ill-feeling  against  Arce  became  intensified  when 
the  state  government  soon  after  decreed  a transfer  of 
its  seat  to  Guatemala,  and  for  want  of  accommodations 
in  public  buildings,  took  possession  of  the  property  of 
private  citizens  without  their  consent.  The  owners 
claimed  protection  from  the  federal  congress,  and 
serious  disturbances  were  averted  only  by  a compro- 
mise. During  this  episode  the  modcrados  or  serviles 
kept  fanning  the  flame  of  discord  between  Arce  and 
the  liberals,  extolling  his  measures.  When  the  first 
congress  closed  its  session,  on  the  25th  of  December, 


"Their  newspapers,  El  Liberal  and  Don  Mrliton,  charged  him  with  par- 
tiality and  incapacity.  The  latter,  for  its  satire  and  ridicule,  was  the  more 
formidable  foe,  as  Arce  himself  acknowledges.  Mem.,  5. 

"The  departmental  chief  of  Guatemala  claimed  that  he  was  not  under 
Arce’s  authority,  but  under  that  of  the  state,  then  residing  at  La  Antigua. 
Congress  empowered  the  executive  to  compel  the  local  authorities  to  attend 
the  celebration,  and  it  was  done.  Arce,  Mem.,  8. 


ARCE,  RAOUL,  AND  VALLE. 


83 


1825, 13  the  political  features  of  the  country  had  notably 
changed.  But  fortunately  the  danger  to  the  republic 
from  the  action  of  the  serviles  was  avoided,  because, 
upon  lots  being  cast  on  the  1st  of  October  for  the  re- 
newals of  members  of  congress,14  the  retiring  members 
happened  to  be  chiefly  of  districts  where  the  servile 
party  had  majorities  before,  and  were  now  replaced 
by  liberals,  the  preponderance  of  the  latter  being  thus 
increased.  The  second  constitutional  congress  assem- 
bled on  the  1st  of  March,  1826.  Among  its  mem- 
bers was  Valle,  who,  bent  on  revenge,  erelong  made 
common  cause  with  the  liberals,15  though  he  was  not 
allowed  to  exercise  a predominant  influence  in  their 
counsels. 

On  the  day  congress  opened,  the  president  delivered 
his  message  detailing  the  condition  of  the  country, 
but  most  of  it  had  reference  to  the  relations  with 
foreign  powers.18  The  impending  rupture  was  finally 
hastened  by  the  president’s  course  toward  Colonel 
Nicolas  Raoul,  a French  officer  who  had  recently  ar- 
rived from  Colombia,  and  bad  been  made  commander 
of  the  artillery  and  a member  of  the  council  of  war.17 
Notwithstanding  the  considerations  and  favors  con- 
ferred on  him  by  Arce,  no  sooner  had  he  received  his 
appointment  than  he  openly  sided  with  the  liberals 
and  gave  utterances  against  the  government.  There- 
fore, when  Raoul  v7as  summoned  by  congress  to  aid 
in  the  organization  of  the  federal  troops,  the  president, 
to  get  rid  of  him,  sent  him  to  explore  the  northern 
coasts.18  Arce  then  undertook  to  increase  the  federal 

13  The  total  number  of  decrees  enacted  was  92,  and  that  of  orders  sub- 
mitted to  the  executive  308.  For  more  details,  see  El  Centro  Americano, 
18-20,  38. 

14  One  half  of  the  representatives  of  every  state  had  to  retire,  according  to 
the  constitution. 

15 He  had  at  first  declined  the  connection,  but  afterward  accepted  it  ‘para 
dar  rienda  suelta  4 sus  resentimientos  y pasiones  contra  el  presidente  Arce.’ 
Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  48. 

10  Text  in  Repertorio  Am.,  i.  273-S9. 

17  He  brought  letters  of  recommendation  from  Pedro  Molina,  who  was 
representing  Cent.  Am.  at  Bogota,  and  had  a high  opinion  of  him,  as  lie  had 
served  under  Napoleon.  Marure,  /iosq.  hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  230. 

18After  he  completed  that  work  he  was  ordered  to  remain  on  the  coast  till 
further  orders  from  the  government.  The  congress  tried  in  vain  to  prevent  it. 


S4 


CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 


army  to  4,000  men,  under  the  pretext  that  such  a 
force  was  needed  for  the  pacification  of  Nicaragua, 
and  the  defence  of  the  country  against  a Spanish  in- 
vasion, rumors  of  which  were  circulating.  In  order 
to  facilitate  the  operation,  he  proposed  that  the  mem- 
bers of  congress  should  stir  up  public  enthusiasm  in 
their  respective  states;  but  instead  of  acceding  to  his 
recommendation,  several  persons  known  to  be  hostile 
to  the  government,  among  them  Raoul,  were  selected 
b}^  that  body.  All  remonstrances  to  the  contrary  on 
the  part  of  Arce19  had  no  other  effect  than  to  imbitter 
the  liberals  against  him.  Charges  were  accordingly 
brought  forth,  such  as  his  neglecting  to  lay  before 
congress  an  account  of  expenditures  during  his  ad- 
ministration, and  his  having  squandered  a considerable 
portion  of  the  money  raised  by  loan  in  London.  The 
outcry  against  his  conduct  was  growing  louder  from 
day  to  day. 

This  unsatisfactory  state  of  affairs  determined  Arce 
to  dissolve  congress.  Still  he  was  loath  to  use  violent 
means,  and  in  fact,  there  was  no  need  of  it.  One  of 
the  clauses  of  the  constitution  allowed  the  admission 
of  substitutes  for  the  deputies  to  congress  in  certain 
cases,  and  both  parties  had  taken  advantage  of  it 
without  opposition.  However,  when  the  question  of 
calling  the  president  to  account  arose,  the  serviles 
protested  against  the  presence  of  the  liberal  substi- 
tutes which  gave  to  that  party  the  majority.20  On 
the  2d  of  June  the  deputies  from  Salvador,  under  in- 
structions from  their  government,  which  was  friendly 
to  Arce,  abandoned  their  seats,  their  example  being 
followed  by  those  from  Costa  Rica  and  most  of  the 
serviles,  thus  leaving  the  chamber  without  a quorum.21 
The  session  was  reopened,  however,  ten  days  later, 

19 The  reasons  adduced  by  him  in  his  Mem.,  22-4,  and  comments  on  the 
same  in  Marure,  Dosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  236-7. 

20 1 Este  asunto  se  renovaba  cada  vez  que  d los  diputados  ministeriales 
convenia  paralizar  algun  golpe  contra  el  egecutivo.’  Mem.  l!ev.  Cent.  Am.,  51. 

21  The  deputies  of  Salvador  defended  their  course  in  a loug  argument, 
June  8,  1826,  calling  it  an  inevitable  result  of  the  unlawful  conduct  of  the 
majority  of  congress.  Doc.,  in  Arce,  Mem.,  10-17. 


STATE  AXD  NATIOX. 


85 


upon  the  liberals  pledging  themselves  not  to  introduce 
any  motion  against  the  president  or  the  serviles,  and 
thenceforth  the  discussions  were  confined  to  matters 
of  a general  character  till  the  30th  of  June,  when  the 
session  was  closed;  but  the  deputies  of  Salvador  and 
Costa  Rica  had  not  resumed  their  seats. 

It  was  now  evident  that  a collision  was  unavoidable. 
The  state  government,  controlled  by  the  liberals,  be- 
came fearful  that  the  serviles,  in  their  endeavor  to 
support  the  president,  might  also  attack  the  author- 
ities of  Guatemala,  and  under  the  pretext  of  an  inva- 
sion threatening  from  Chiapas,  secretly  began  to  make 
military  preparations.  Salvador  and  Costa  Rica,  on 
the  other  hand,  offered  aid  of  troops  to  the  federal 
government.  Both  parties  precipitated  the  crisis : the 
liberals  by  their  heedless  attacks  on  the  clergy,22  and 
specially  by  ridiculing  its  members;  the  serviles  by 
fanning,  jointly  with  the  clericals,  ill  feeling  among 
the  low,  ignorant  classes,  whom  it  was  easy  to  per- 
suade that  the  liberal  party  aimed  at  the  destruction 
of  their  religion.  This  had  now  become  a matter  of 
greater  ease,  owing  to  the  irritation  already  existing, 
caused  by  the  forced  loans  and  recruiting  for  the  army 
decreed  by  the  state  government.  Strange  though 
it  may  appear,  the  serviles  had  no  suspicion  that  the 
federal  authorities  were  aware  of  their  intrigues.  The 
clash  came  in  May  182G,  when  Raoul,  without  having 
fulfilled  his  commission  on  the  northern  coast,  tendered 
his  resignation,  accompanied  with  a number  of  invec- 
tives against  the  executive,  which  he  subsequently 
repeated  in  a second  letter.23  He  was  arrested  on  the 
17th  of  July,  and  subjected  to  the  action  of  a court- 
martial  for  disrepect  and  insubordination.  This  raised 
a storm  of  fury  in  the  local  legislature,  where  Raoul’s 


22  Restricting  the  archbishop’s  powers,  and  placing  him  to  some  extent 
under  civil  authority;  suppressing  the  subventions  of  curates,  and  abolishing 
certain  privileges  the  clergy  had  till  then  enjoyed;  tithes  were  reduced,  and 
persons  under  25  years  of  age  were  not  allowed  to  take  monastic  vows.  Ma- 
rure,  Dosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  244-5. 

23 The  full  text  of  the  resignation  is  given  in  Arce,  Mem.,  25-7. 


86 


CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 


nrrcst  was  considered  as  an  encroachment  on  the  state’s 
authority.  An  order  of  arrest  was  issued  against 
Captain  Espmola,  the  officer  who  had  carried  out  the 
commands  of  the  federal  executive,  and  the  jefe,  or 
chief  of  the  state,  Juan  Barrundia,  was  authorized  to 
raise  a sufficient  force  to  seize  Espinola’s  person,24  and 
the  pecuniary  contingent  of  the  state  for  federal  ex- 
penses was  withheld.25 

The  troops  despatched  to  arrest  Espmola  numbered 
300  men,  and  were  commanded  by  Cayetano  de  la 
Cerda,  who  encountered  his  man  near  Acasaguastlan. 
To  avoid  bloodshed,  a capitulation  was  agreed  upon 
by  both  parties  until  they  should  obtain  further  orders 
from  their  respective  governments.28 

When  news  of  this  agreement  reached  Guatemala, 
a few  days  later,  simultaneously  rumors  came  to  the 
cars  of  Arce  that  a coup-de-main  was  contemplated 
by  Barrundia,  with  the  evident  intent  of  effecting  his 
removal.  To  anticipate  the  blow,27  on  the  5th  of 
September  Arce  secretly  ordered  the  commander  of 
the  federal  forces  to  arrest  Barrundia  at  an  early  hour 
the  following  morning,  and  disarm  the  state  troops, 
using  force  if  necessary.28  This  was  done,  the  officer 
meeting  with  no  resistance.29  The  liberals  had  no 
suspicion  of  Arce’s  resolve  till  after  its  execution. 

24  ‘ Pond r A sobre  las  armas  toda  la  fuerza  que  crea  necesaria. . .En  caso  de 
resistencia  repelerA  la  fuerza  con  la  fuerza.’  Id.,  32. 

25  On  the  ground  that  only  Guatemala  had  paid  such  contingent,  and  even 
more,  and  the  other  states  had  arbitrarily  eluded  payments.  Arce  was  ac- 
cused, not  without  foundation,  it  seems,  of  allowing  such  discrimination. 

23  On  September  3,  1826;  the  document  merely  stipulates  a temporary  sus- 
pension of  hostilities,  without  further  entering  into  the  question.  Arce,  Mem., 
30.  It  has  been  asserted  that  Espinola  held  a favorable  position,  and  adds: 
‘A  pesar  de  csto,  capituld  vergouzosamente  ’ — a charge  without  much  founda- 
tion, in  view  of  the  numerical  superiority  of  the  Guatemalan  forces.  Mem.  Rev. 
Cent.  Am.,  52-3. 

17  Arce,  Mem.,  39-41,  gives  a lengthy  account  of  his  deliberations,  and 
doubts  whether  it  would  or  not  be  just,  and  consistent  with  his  duties,  to  im- 
prison Barrundia,  all  of  which  is  at  least  doubtful. 

23 Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  53.  Crowe's  Gospel,  127,  and  Squicr's  Travels,  ii. 
395,  confound  the  jefe  with  his  brother  JosA  Francisco.  The  orders  were, 
‘Que  cn  el  caso  de  resistencia  obre  fuertemente  hasta  concluir  el  arresto  y ocu- 
pacion  do  las  armas.’  Arce,  Mem.,  41-2. 

29  This  non-resistance  is  attributed  to  treachery  on  the  part  of  Vera,  a 
Mexican  commanding  the  state  forces,  who  subsequentlv  entered  the  federal 
service.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  254-5. 


ARREST  OF  BARRUSTDIA. 


87 


The  vice-jefe  of  the  state,  Cirilo  Flores,  then  forth- 
with assumed  the  government,  and  being  tendered 
the  aid  of  federal  troops  to  support  his  authority, 
proudly  rejected  it.30 

On  the  following  day  the  chiefs  of  the  other  states 
were  apprised  of  Barrundia’s  arrest,  in  a circular  from 
Arce  defending  his  course,  which  he  declared  to  have 
been  pursuant  to  duty  under  the  constitution.31  Such 
was  the  position  assumed  by  his  friends  and  by  the 
serviles  in  general;  while  the  radical  liberals,  taking  a 
different  view,  denounced  him  as  a violator  of  the 
constitution.32  However,  the  energy  thus  displayed 
by  Arce  was  rather  favorably  looked  upon,  perhaps 
from  a feeling  of  relief  arising  from  the  supposition 
that  party  bickerings  had  been  brought  to  an  end, 
more  than  from  any  sympathy  for  Arce.  The  presi- 
dent might  now  have  strengthened  his  party,  but  did 
not,  and  went  on  committing  serious  mistakes.  In- 
stead of  turning  the  imprisoned  Barrundia  over  to  the 
state  assembly,  as  prescribed  by  the  constitution,  to 
be  tried  upon  the  several  charges  that  had  been  osten- 
tatiously preferred  against  him,  he  allowed  the  legal 
time  for  prosecution  to  elapse,  and  then  released  the 
prisoner  under  bonds.33 

The  second  constitutional  congress  was  to  meet  on 
the  1st  of  October,  182G,  and  the  liberal  party  had, 
since  September,  industriously  worked  to  secure  a 
majority.  But  on  the  appointed  day  there  was  no 
quorum,  the  members  of  the  opposition  having  re- 
fused to  take  their  seats,  evidently  to  prevent  the 
adoption  of  any  measures  against  the  president.34  It 

30 Doc.,  in  Arce,  Mem.,  20. 

31  It  is  a long  doc.,  giving  details,  and  dwelling  specially  on  the  part 
Raoul  had  played.  Id.,  27-31. 

33  Comments  and  details  on  the  subject  in  Marure,  Dosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am., 
i.  255-8;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  53-4. 

33  ‘Este  desenlace  hizo  ridiculo  todo  lo  que  dntes  habia  parecido  un  golpe 
maestro.’  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  54. 

31  To  save  appearances,  Arce  pretended  to  induce  his  supporters  to  assume 
their  positions  in  the  chamber,  but  there  is  little  doubt  of  its  being  mere 
sham.  It  has  been  intimated  that  even  some  liberals  declined  to  sit,  from 
apprehension  that  an  investigation  of  Arce’s  conduct  might  lead  to  civil  war 


88 


CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 


was  rather  suspicious  that  the  government  at  San  Sal- 
vador, always  friendly  to  Arce,  had  forbidden  its  del- 
egates to  occupy  their  seats  in  congress  unless  it  were 
to  discuss  the  expediency  of  transferring  the  federal 
authorities  to  some  place  distant  from  Guatemala.35 
It  soon  became  apparent  that  the  president’s  aim  was 
to  have  bis  own  assembly,  for  on  the  10th  of  October 
he  convoked  an  extraordinary  congress.36  This  was 
open  violation  of  the  constitution,  which  vested  in  the 
senate  the  authority  for  convoking,  and  moreover 
limited  representation  to  only  one  delegate  for  everv 
30,000  inhabitants.  Much  indignation  was  felt  by 
the  members  of  congress,  who  had  constituted  them- 
selves into  an  organizing  commission,  but  dispersed 
on  the  same  day  that  Arce’s  decree  was  published.37 

Exciting  events  now  followed  in  quick  succession. 
The  vice-jefe  Cirilo  Flores  and  the  state  authorities 
had  retired  on  the  8th  of  October  to  Quezaltenango, 
where  he  was  murdered  a few  days  afterward — on  the 
13th — by  a mob  of  fanatical  Indians.38  The  act  was 

85 Still  declaring  its  allegiance  to  the  federation.  Gaz.  de  21  ex.,  Jan.  25, 
1827;  Arce,  Mem.,  51. 

86  The  impossibility  of  obtaining  a quorum  of  members  chosen  to  the  2d 
congress,  and  impending  civil  war,  were  among  the  reasons  assigned  for  his 
action.  The  elections  were  to  be  made  on  the  basis  of  two  deputies  for  every 
30,000  inhabitants,  and  Cojutepeque  in  Salvador  was  appointed  as  the  place 
of  meeting.  This  measure  was  at  first  well  received  by  the  states,  but 
afterward  rejected  in  consequence  of  a decree  of  the  Salvador  government  on 
the  Gth  of  Dec.,  inviting  the  federal  deputies  to  meet  at  the  villa  of  Ahuacha- 
pan.  Marure,  Efcm.,  17;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  56. 

87  Oct.  11,  1S26.  Marure,  Dosq.  Hint.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  273;  Corres.  Fed.  Mex. , 
Nov.  27,  1826. 

38He  sought  refuge  iu  the  parish  church,  but  was  pursued  by  the  crowd. 
His  only  safety  lay  in  the  pulpit,  the  remonstrances  of  the  religious,  and  the 
presence  of  the  host.  The  religious  succeeded  at  times  in  calming  the  rab- 
ble, promising  that  Flores  should  be  sent  into  exile.  But  Antonio  Corzo,  who 
was  in  the  court-yard  with  a few  poorly  armed  militiamen,  fired  a volley  upon 
the  mob,  which  became  still  more  excited.  The  women  dragged  Flores  from 
the  pulpit,  took  him  out  of  the  temple,  ‘y  le  inmolaron  en  un  claustro  bar- 
bara  y horrorosamente.’  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  57-8.  Squier's  Travels,  ii. 
396,  has  it  that  the  Indians  had  been  infuriated  by  the  harangues  of  a friar 
from  the  pulpit,  and  that  the  rabble  slaughtered  Flores  at  the  very  foot  of 
the  altar,  literally  rending  his  body  in  pieces;  the  apparent  cause  of  this 
vindictiveness  of  the  priests  being  that  in  the  general  levy  of  taxes  for  the 
state  the  property  of  the  convents  had  not  been  spared.  ‘And  thus  was  the 
movement  started  by  the  aristocrats,  seconded  by  their  allies,  the  priests.’ 
Ex-president  Morazan,  referring  to  that  catastrophe,  uses  these  words:  ‘Pues- 
to  en  manos  de  un  feroz  populacho,  instigado  por  las  funestas  ideas  que  le 


MURDER  OF  FLORES. 


89 


attributed  to  Arce  and  his  immediate  friends,  but 
apparently  without  much  reason,35  though  it  must  be 
admitted  that  intrigues  of  the  servile  party  and  the 
preaching  of  hostile  priests  aroused  the  fanaticism  of 
the  populace  to  such  a degree  that  the  slightest  cause 
would  bring  about  the  commission  of  outrages.  The 
trouble  did  not  end  with  Flores’  death,  for  many  mem- 
bers of  the  assembly  and  representative  council  were 
compelled  to  flee  for  their  lives. 

The  state  was  now  powerless,  for  even  its  military 
forces  disappeared  before  the  federal  troops.  The 
liberals  in  the  state  and  republic  saw  their  hopes 
dashed,  and  manv  emigrated.43  Arce  held  the  execu- 
tive  authority  of  both  the  federation  and  the  state  of 
Guatemala;  and  acting  upon  the  advice  of  Salvador, 
he  began  reorganization,  decreeing  on  the  31st  of 
October  the  election  of  a new  executive  and  legisla- 
ture for  Guatemala,  from  which  the  inhabitants  enter- 
tained hopes  of  a final  restoration  of  peace  throughout 
the  republic.  But  those  hopes  were  frustrated  by  a 
sudden  change  of  policy  on  the  part  of  the  Salvador 
government,  which  surprised  everybody,  all  the  more 
from  the  fact  that  it  had  heretofore  firmly  supported 
the  president. 

inculcaron  sus  sacerdotes,  perecid  al  pi<S  do  las  itndgenes  de  los  santos,  d la 
vista  de  sus  inicuos  jueces,  y en  presencia  de  la eucaristia,  que  estos  cubrieran. ’ 
Ayuntes,  MS.,  4.  Flores  had  been  noted  for  his  charity  to  the  poor,  specially 
to  the  Indians,  to  whom  he  constantly  gave  medical  aid,  medicines,  and 
other  necessaries.  The  state  assembly,  after  being  restored  in  1829,  decreed 
honors  to  his  memory,  and  ordered  placed  in  its  hall  of  sessions  an  inscription 
in  letters  of  gold,  as  follows:  ‘ Al  inmortal  Vice-jcfe  Ciudadano  Cirilo  Flores, 
mdrtir  de  la  Libertad,  sacrificado  en  Quezaltenango,  e i las  aras  de  la  ley.’ 
In  May  1831  the  name  of  Ciudad  Flores  was  given  in  his  honor  to  the  head 
town  of  the  district  of  Peten.  Marure,  Efem.,  17,  28. 

39  The  liberals  looked  upon  it  as  the  result  of  an  arrangement  of  Arce  and 
his  partisans;  the  latter  declared  it  to  have  resulted  from  an  accident,  or  rather 
from  violent  acts  on  the  part  of  liberals  in  Quezaltenango,  such  as  forcibly 
taking  horses  in  the  night  from  private  houses  and  the  Franciscan  convent. 
Marure  states  that  he  thorougly  examined  every  document  bearing  on  the 
subject,  and  found  no  evidence  against  Arce  or  his  party.  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent. 
Am .,  i.  273-85.  The  author  of  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  58,  acquits  Arce, 
attributing  the  act  to  a sudden  popular  excitement.  See  also  Astabumcaija, 
Cent.  Am.,  15;  Crowe's  Gospel,  127-8;  Pineda,  in  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  id. 
34S;  Corres.  Fed.  Alex. , Nov.  9,  1826;  Doc.,  in  Arce  Mem.,  32-3. 

40  There  was  an  effort  toward  reconciliation,  the  liberals  offering  to  make 
concessions,  and  Arce  favoring  their  proposals;  but  the  serviles  haughtily  re- 
fused. 


90 


CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 


Pedro  Molina  arrived  at  San  Salvador  from  Panamri, 
when  Arce  had  in  his  charge  the  affairs  of  Guate- 
mala, and  had  decreed  the  new  elections  for  the  state. 
Being  a political  opponent  of  the  president,  Molina 
refused  to  go  to  Guatemala  to  report  the  action  of 
the  Panamd  congress.  It  was  not  a difficult  matter 
for  him  to  find  congenial  spirits  for  an  intrigue  against 
the  federal  executive.  An  estrangement  had  occurred 
between  Arce  and  Delgado,  who  aspired  to  be  bishop 
of  San  Salvador,41  and  was  a man  of  great  political 
power.  Moreover,  it  so  happened  that  the  jefe  of 
Salvador,  owing  to  ill  health,  had  to  turn  over  his 
office  to  the  vice-jefe,  Mariano  Prado,  who  was  under 
the  influence  of  the  discontented  party.  His  first  act 
was  to  repeal  Arce’s  decree  of  October  10th  convok- 
ing an  extraordinary  congress  at  Cojutepeque.42  Then 
simultaneous^  forces  were  levied  in  Salvador,  osten- 
sibly to  protect  congress  when  assembled  at  Ahua- 
chapan.  Internal  difficulties  in  Honduras  led  the 
federal  government  to  interfere;43  and  thus,  at  the 
end  of  1826,  there  were  a number  of  forces  at  work 
to  drive  Arce  from  the  presidential  seat.  This  state 
of  affairs  continued  till  February  1827,  when  rumors 
of  an  invasion  began  to  circulate  in  Guatemala.  The 
next  month  Salvadoran  forces,  under  Trigueros,  started 
on  their  march  toward  the  capital.  All  doubts  about 
the  plans  of  the  invading  arm}^  having  ceased,  Arce 
displayed  unusual  activity  in  his  preparations  to  meet 
the  enemy.  With  the  aid  of  the  newly  chosen  jefe 
of  Guatemala,  Aycinena,  he  increased  the  garrison  to 


41  Owing,  it  was  said,  to  the  publication  of  a pontifical  bull,  which,  under 
Arce’s  exequatur,  had  been  restricted  to  Guatemala  by  tbe  archbishop,  a 
step  that  Delgado  supposed  to  have  been  by  Arce’s  instigation,  or  at  least  a 
lack  of  interest  on  liis  part  for  San  Salvador.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  00. 
Arce  himself  attributed  the  estrangement  to  party  intrigues.  Mem.,  00. 
Dunlop,  Cent.  Am.,  165,  assigns  disputes  about  the  erection  of  the  bishopric 
as  the  cause  of  the  rupture. 

42  Arce,  Mem.,  61,  finds  fault  with  Prado’s  act,  when  his  own  had  been 
just  as  illegal. 

43  Colonel  Milla  invaded  the  state  with  a federal  force,  captured  Comaya- 
gua  on  the  9th  of  May,  1827,  and  arrested  the  jefe  of  the  state,  Herrera 
The  whole  was  a wanton  proceeding.  Morazan,  Apunten,  MS.,  0-9. 


ARCE’S  VICTORY  AND  DEFEAT. 


91 


2,000  men,  and  leaving  the  executive  authority  in 
charge  of  Vice-president  Beltranena,  took  personal 
command  of  the  troops.  He  made  an  effort,  how- 
ever, to  avert  an  encounter,  but  without  avail;44  and 
they  fought,  a few  days  later,  at  Guadalupe,  a short 
distance  from  Guatemala,  the  invaders  being  repulsed, 
and  the  following  day,  March  23d,  utterly  routed  at 
Arrazola.45  This  victory  caused  great  exultation  in 
Guatemala,  and  Arce’s  prestige  grew  rapidly.  Money 
and  reenforcements  were  cheerfully  placed  at  his 
command,  and  he  allowed  himself  to  be  carried  away 
b}7  evil  counsels  to  pursue  an  aggressive  policy  and 
punish  Salvador.46 

The  federal  army  marched  in  April  into  the  state 
of  Salvador,  and  reenforced  from  Sonsonate  and  Santa 
Ana,47  reached  Nejapa  without  opposition,  that  place 
being  about  twelve  miles  from  the  city  of  San  Salva- 
dor. After  certain  negotiations  for  peace,  which  had 
no  satisfactory  result,  Arce  attacked  the  city  on  the 
18th  of  May,  at  the  head  of  2,000  men,  and  was  re- 
pulsed with  heavy  loss.  His  slow  movements  had 
given  the  Salvadorans  time  to  act.46  His  retreat  was 
in  good  order  to  Santa  Ana;  but  from  this  place,  de- 
sertions having  greatly  diminished  the  force,  it  degen- 
erated into  flight,  of  which  the  pursuing  Salvadorans 
failed  to  take  advantage.  Arce  reached  Cuajiniqui- 
lapa  toward  the  end  of  May,  with  only  300  men. 

41  The  commander  of  the  Salvadorans  was  unable  to  explain  his  illegal 
proceeding.  Doc.,  in  Arce,  Mem.,  45-6. 

45  Detailed  accounts,  with  copies  of  the  official  exaggerated  reports,  are 
given  in  Gaz.  cle  Mex.,  Apr.  20  till  May  1 and  May  22,  1627;  Marure,  Efem., 
19;  Mem.  llev.  Cent.  Am.,  62-4.  Decree  of  government  of  Guatemala  on  the 
subject,  March  2S,  1827.  Quat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  250. 

40  Beltranena  and  several  of  Arce’s  officers  disapproved  the  retaliatory 
plan.  Aycinena,  on  the  contrary,  favored  it,  though  willing  to  abide  by 
Arce’s  decision. 

4!  Both  districts  had  seceded  from  the  state  government  of  Salvador, 
attaching  themselves  to  the  federal  cause. 

48  He  committed  the  error  of  entertaining  peace  proposals,  which  were  made 
only  to  gain  time.  He  endeavored  to  explain  it  away  on  the  plea  of  Cent. 
Am.  brotherhood:  ‘Puedoyo  dejar  de  tener  un  corazon  Centro  Americano ? 
No  es  posible.’  Arce,  Mem.,  69.  On  the  same  and  following  pages  is  a de- 
tailed account  of  the  action,  carefully  worded  and  extolling  the  bravery  of  his 
Guatemalan  soldiers.  The  official  reports  are  in  El  Sol.,  Mex.,  July  3,  1827; 
Marure,  Efem.,  19. 


92 


CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 


This  early  failure  of  a war  from  which  were  to  flow 
such  great  results  brought  odium  on  Arce;  but  by  the 
efforts  of  friends,  confidence  in  him  was  restored,  and 
about  700  men  were  obtained  to  resume  operations  by 
taking  Santa  Ana.41  For  several  months  no  events 
of  importance  occurred.  The  time  was  employed  by 
Arce  in  strengthening  his  force,  with  which  he  made 
a fruitless  attempt  to  intercept  a Salvador  division  that 
assailed  Sonsonate.  Overtures  for  peace  were  again 
made  by  Salvador,  but  though  not  absolutely  rejected, 
no  understanding  was  arrived  at.  They  gave  rise, 
however,  to  a discussion  as  to  whether  the  federal 
president  was,  as  he  thought  himself,  authorized  to 
decide  upon  the  question  of  peace  or  war  without  con- 
sulting the  state  government  of  Guatemala.63  Piqued 
at  the  opposition  he  had  met,  which  he  supposed  to 
arise  from  want  of  confidence,  Arce  received  with 
pleasure  a request  from  Vice-president  Beltranena 
to  give  up  the  army  and  return  to  Guatemala  and 
take  charge  of  the  government.51  Brigadier  Fran- 
cisco  Cascaras  was  thereupon  made  commander  of  the 
army  on  the  12th  of  October,  1827.  Soon  after  Arce’s 
return  to  Guatemala  he  took  steps  to  restore  peace, 
and  issued,  on  the  5th  of  December,  a decree  to  con- 
voke a new  congress,52  and  at  the  same  time  ordered  a 
suspension  of  hostilities.  But  his  commissioner,  J uan 

19  The  government  of  Salvador  had  in  May  made  peace  proposals,  but  the 
federal  authorities  rejected  them.  Docs,  in  Arce,  Mem.,  47 —07. 

50  It  was  decided  in  secret  session  of  the  state  assembly  on  the  16th  of  Oct. 
that  the  state  had  a right  to  intervene,  and  if  it  was  ignored,  and  treaties  dis- 
pleasing to  the  state  were  concluded,  the  latter  should  defach  itself  from  the 
federation,  and  its  troops  continue  occupying  the  towns  they  then  held.  Arce’s 
letter  of  Oct.  17,  1S27,  to  Brig.  Ciscaras,  in  Moutufar,  Hernia  Hist.,  i.  22. 

51  It  may  have  been  of  his  own  seeking,  for  he  must  have  seen  ere  this  the 
great  difficulty  of  conquering  San  Salvador  with  his  small  force,  and  that  to 
continue  longer  in  the  field  would  only  bring  him  into  further  disrepute. 

5iEx-marqu6s  de  Aycinena,  brother  of  the  jefe  of  Guatemala,  called  the 
decree  impolitic,  illegal,  and  arbitrary.  The  serviles  could  see  that  it  would 
restore  the  old  congress,  so  hostile  to  them;  and  with  a majority  against  them 
in  both  houses,  they  might  have  to  resort  to  the  dangerous  expedient  of  driv- 
ing away  the  senators  and  deputies  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  It  was  ridic- 
ulous in  them  to  rail  against  arbitrariness,  when  they  had  arbitrarily  deposed 
Barrundia  in  Guatemala  and  Herrera  in  Honduras.  It  was  arbitrary  to  keep 
the  nation  without  a congress,  which  was  their  work.  Moutufar,  Reseda  Hist., 
i.  9,  23. 


ClSCARAS  IN  SALVADOR. 


93 


de  Dios  Mayorga,  who  was  to  notify  the  authorities 
at  San  Salvador  of  his  measures,  was  not  allowed  to 
proceed  to  that  city,  the  Salvadorans,  now  reenforced 
with  officers  exiled  from  Colombia,63  being  more  than 
ever  opposed  to  conciliation.  Hostilities  were  re- 
sumed and  conducted  with  alternating  success;64  but 
on  the  whole,  disadvantageously  for  the  federal  force, 
owing  to  Cascaras’  lack  of  strategy,  and  the  tempor- 
izing policy  of  the  enemy;  for  the  latter,  whenever 
pressed,  would  make  overtures  of  peace,  protesting  a 
willingness  to  terminate  the  war,  though  breaking 
their  promises  as  fast  as  they  were  made.66  Cdscaras’ 
situation  was  daily  becoming  perilous,  on  account  of 
the  numerous  desertions  of  his  troops.  At  last,  on 
the  17th  of  December,  a bloody  encounter  took  place 
in  the  streets  of  Santa  Ana,  which  terminated  in  a 
capitulation,  under  which  both  forces  were  to  leave 
the  place  the  next  day.  Cascaras  left  it  as  stipulated, 
but  Colonel  Merino  with  the  Salvadorans  remained.66 
Cascaras  returned  to  Guatemela  toward  the  end  of 
December,  the  Salvadorans  having  regained  posses- 
sion of  Santa  Ana,  and  of  all  the  other  places  formerly 
occupied  by  the  federal  army. 

Shortly  after,  with  Aycinena’s  assistance,  another 
federal  army  was  organized,  but  Arce  took  good  care 
to  give  positions  in  it  only  to  trusted  friends.57  As 
soon  as  the  organization  was  nearly  completed,  detach- 
ments were  sent  to  check  the  enemy’s  raids  in  Chi- 
quimula,  and  then,  under  the  command  of  a foreigner 
named  William  Perks,  the  army  marched  against  the 


63  Three  brothers  Merino,  and  a Frenchman  named  Soumaestra.  Rafael 
Merino  was  made  commander-in-chief.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  75;  Arce,  Mem., 
77. 

54  Near  the  hill  of  La  Trinidad  the  federal  forces  which  had  control  of 
Honduras  were  defeated  by  Nicaraguans  and  Salvadorans  under  Lieut-col 
Remigio  Diaz.  Marure,  Efem.,  20. 

53  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  Guatemalans  could  place  faith  on  pledges 
so  often  violated;  evidently  given  to  gain  time. 

36  This  ended  the  second  campaign  between  Salvadorans  and  Guatemalans. 

07  This  army  was  to  be  used,  first  in  subduing  Salvador,  and  next  Guate- 
mala, where  Arce  encountered  more  and  more  opposition  to  his  plans.  Mem, 
Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  Sl-2. 


94 


CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 


Salvadoran  headquarters  at  Ahuachapan.  Once  more 
stratagem  was  resorted  to  by  the  wily  Salvadorans, 
who  made  proffers  of  peace,  the  farce  ending  as  usual.68 
In  the  mean  time  troubles  broke  out  in  the  federal  army, 
and  Perks,  the  commander,  was  deposed  by  the  field- 
officers  and  sent  to  Guatemala  as  a prisoner.59  The 
command  then  devolved  upon  Colonel  Antonio  Josd 
Irisarri.  Arce  tried  in  vain  to  have  Perks  reinstalled, 
and  his  efforts  in  that  direction  only  served  to  increase 
the  ill  feeling,  which  grew  so  strong  that  on  the  14th 
of  February,  1828,  he  turned  over  the  executive 
office,  though  without  a formal  resignation,  to  Beltra- 
nena,60  who  conferred  the  command  of  the  federal 
army  on  Brigadier  Manuel  Arzu.  This  officer  inarched 
at  once  against  the  Salvadorans,  refusing  to  listen  to 
• any  overtures  for  negotiations  from  their  chief,  [Me- 
rino. The  armies  met  at  Chalchuapa  on  the  1st  of 
March,  and  the  federal  troops  obtained  a victory,  which 
drove  the  foe  back  to  San  Salvador.61  Arzu  followed 
and  made  an  assault  on  that  city,  in  which  both  sides 
gave  proofs  of  extraordinary  bravery.  The  assault 
failed;  at  the  end  of  six  hours’  fighting  the  assailants 
had  to  retreat  behind  their  intrenchments.62  From 
this  time  San  Salvador  and  San  Miguel  became  the 
theatres  of  war.  A series  of  encounters,  none  of  suf- 

58  The  commissioners,  as  agreed  upon,  were  to  meet  at  Jutiapa.  Those  of 
the  general  government  went  there  and  waited  several  days;  no  Salvadorans 
appeared. 

58  The  mutiny  took  place  at  Xalpatagua  on  the  9th  of  Feb.  Marure,  Efem., 
20;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  83-5.  Aycinena  wrote  his  cousin  Antonio,  who 
was  in  the  theatre  of  war,  that  in  order  to  hinder  all  peace  arrangements, 
measures  would  be  resorted  to  that  were  unknown  even  to  Machiaveili.  The 
mutiny  against  Perks  was  evidently  one  of  these  measures. 

63  He  alleged  as  a reason  the  unwillingness  of  Salvador  to  enter  into  nego- 
tiations as  long  as  he  remained  at  the  head  of  affairs.  Arce,  Mem.,  84-7.  The 
real  cause,  however,  was  a resolution  of  the  assembly  of  Guatemala  demand- 
ing his  resignation,  and  he  was  unable  to  disregard  it.  This  course  of  the 
assembly  was  altogether  illegal,  but  the  time  for  the  expiation  of  Arce’s  politi- 
cal sins  had  arrived.  According  to  his  own  statement,  he  retired  to  his 
plantations  at  Santa  Atia. 

f’1  This  was  the  most  bloody  fight  of  the  war  of  1S2G-9,  and  opened  the 
third  campaign  between  Guatemala  and  Salvador.  Marure,  Efem.,  21. 

ci Their  supply  of  ammunition  had  been  destroyed  by  fire,  and  their  com- 
mander had  received  a serious  contusion.  This  fight  has  been  since  known 
as  the  ‘ata<|ue  del  vi6mes  santo,’  having  taken  place  on  good-friday,  March 
12,  1828.  Id.,  21. 


GUATEMALA  AND  SALVADOR. 


95 


ficient  importance  to  be  lengthily  described,  followed, 
with  varying  success  for  either  side.63  The  Salvador- 
ans having  besieged  the  remnants  of  the  federal  army 
under  Colonel  Manuel  Montufar,  at  Mejicanos,  after 
eight  months  compelled  them  to  surrender,  on  the 
20th  of  September.  Their  commander  and  general 
staff  were  held  as  prisoners  of  war.64 

The  division  of  the  federal  army  that  occupied  t.he 
department  of  San  Miguel,  which  had  been  defeated 
by  General  Morazan  at  Gualcho  on  the  6th  of  July, 
being  intercepted  on  its  retreat  toward  the  Lempa, 
laid  down  its  arms,  under  honorable  terms,  at  San 
Antonio,  on  the  9th  of  October.65 

63  April  13th,  action  of  Quelepa,  in  which  the  Salvadorans  were  defeated. 
With  that  victory,  and  another  at  Guascoran  on  the  25th  of  the  same  month, 
the  whole  department  of  San  Miguel  was  brought  under  subjection  to  the 
federal  government.  June  12th,  peace  stipulations  were  signed  at  the  house 
of  Esquibel,  Manuel  F.  Pavon  acting  for  the  federal  government  and  Matias 
Delgado  for  Salvador,  by  which  the  former  was  to  be  recognized  by  the  latter, 
a general  diet  was  to  meet  at  Santa  Ana,  and  a federal  force  occupy  San  Sal- 
vador; but  the  Salvador  government  refused  to  sanction  the  arrangement, 
and  the  war  continued  with  more  fury  than  ever.  Details  on  those  prelim- 
inaries are  given  in  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  100-1.  July  6th,  battle  of  Gualcho, 
on  the  banks  of  the  Lempa,  in  the  department  of  San  Miguel,  between  Hon- 
durans and  Guatemalans.  The  latter,  under  Col.  Dominguez,  hitherto  vic- 
torious. were  utterly  defeated.  Marure,  Efem.,  21-2;  El  Espiritu  Pub.,  Jan. 
18,  1829. 

64  Arzii  had  abandoned  them  to  their  fate.  Montufar , Reseila  Hist.,  i.  47-51 . 

65  Morazan,  Apuntes , MS.;  Montufar,  Rexefla  /list.,  i.  53-4.  Thus  ended 
disastrously  for  the  federal  forces  their  third  invasion  of  Salvador  territory. 
The  actions  of  Gualcho  and  San  Antonio  were  the  first  in  which  the  great 
Central  American  soldier  and  statesman  Francisco  Morazan  figured  as  a gen- 
eral. Morazan  will  stand  in  history  in  many  respects  as  the  best,  and  in  all  as 
the  ablest,  man  that  Central  America  had.  He  was  born  in  Honduras  in  1799, 
his  father  being  a French  creole  from  the  W.  I.,  and  his  mother  of  Tegucigalpa, 
in  Honduras.  His  education  was  such  as  he  could  obtain  in  the  country  at 
that  time;  but  his  quickness  of  apprehension  and  thirst  for  knowledge  soon 
placed  him  far  above  his  countrymen.  He  was  of  an  impetuous  tempera- 
ment, and  possessed  at  the  same  time  great  decision  and  perseverance.  His 
bearing  was  free  and  manly,  and  his  manner  frank  and  open.  These  quali- 
ties could  not  fail  to  and  did  secure  him  the  love  and  respect  of  his  fellow- 
citizens,  giving  him  an  immense  influence  over  them.  In  1824  he  was  already 
occupying  the  position  of  secretary-general  of  Honduras,  and  later  was  sena- 
tor, and  for  a time  acting  jefe  of  that  state;  but  his  temperament  soon  made 
him  turn  his  attention  to  martial  affairs.  He  ever  after  was  noted  as  a re- 
publican of  very  liberal  views.  Squier’s  Travels,  ii.  400;  Dunlop’s  Cent.  Am., 
170-1;  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  17.  The  writer  of  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am., 
92,  says  that  Morazan  had  been  at  one  time  a clerk  in  a notary’s  office  at. 
Comayagua,  where  he  ‘habia  dado  4 conocer  disposiciones  muy  felices,  pero 
poco  honrosas,  para  la  imitacion  de  letras  6 firmas.’  It  has  been  said  that 
Morazan  joined  the  party  opposed  to  the  existing  federal  government  at  the 
instigation  of  Pedro  Molina.  Gaceta  tie  S.  Salv  , Oct.  3,  1851.  A portrait  of 
Morazan  is  given  in  Montufar,  Reseila  liist.,  i.  72. 


96 


CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 


The  condition  of  federal  affairs  was  now  far  from 
encouraging.  It  may  be  that  Arce,  had  he  been 
replaced,  might  have  turned  disaster;  but  his  appli- 
cation had  met  with  a refusal,  and  he  took  no  further 
part  in  the  political  events  of  the  republic.615  After  all 
hostile  forces  had  been  either  captured  or  expelled  from 
Salvador,  Morazan  made  a triumphant  entry  into  the 
state  capital  on  the  23d  of  October,  1828. 67  Shortly 
before  this  a commission  had  come  from  Costa  Rica 
to  mediate  between  Guatemala  and  Salvador,  but  the 
latter  demanded  too  much.63  Morazan’s  presence  in 
San  Salvador  greatly  strengthened  the  warlike  party, 
and  the  idea  of  invading  Guatemala  gained  favor  from 
day  to  day,  till  it  was  finally  carried  out.  After  peace 
overtures  had  been  rejected  by  the  federal  author- 
ities, Morazan  began  his  march  toward  Guatemala  in 
the  latter  end  of  November  1828. 69  The  news  struck 
terror  into  the  hearts  of  the  now  defenceless  Guate- 
malans, and  no  steps  to  meet  the  emergency  could 
be  taken,  owing  to  lack  of  order,  official  rivalries,  and 
party  intrigues.  It  was,  as  a saving  measure,  finally 
decided  in  the  assembly  to  detach  the  state  from  the 
federation,  though  it  was  never  sanctioned  or  carried 
out.  To  increase  difficulties,  a revolution  broke  out 
in  the  department  of  La  Antigua,  placing  it  under 
the  protection  of  Morazan,70  who,  at  the  head  of  about 
2,000  men,  assuming  the  title  of  ‘ejercito  aliado  pro- 
tector de  la  ley,’  laid  siege  to  the  city  of  Guatemala, 


66It  has  been  asserted  that  he  offered  his  services  to  Salvador,  and  was 
slighted,  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  97-S,  which  finds  confirmation  in  Arce’s  own 
statement.  Mem.,  S8-9.  Squier  has  it  that  Arce  went  to  Mexico,  Travel s,  ii. 
402;  but  this  seems  to  be  a mistake,  for  he  was  in  Guatemala  in  1829. 

6:  A few  days  previously,  on  the  20th,  the  assembly  of  Guatemala  decreed 
a renewal  of  all  the  powers  of  the  state,  with  the  vain  purpose  of  removing 
one  of  the  obstacles  to  the  termination  of  the  war.  Marure,  Efem.,  22. 

“Prado  and  Morazan  offered  peace  to  the  Guatemalans  on  condition  that 
the  federal  government  should  be  fully  restored.  El  Enpirilu  Pub.,  Feb. 
14,  1829. 

He  established  his  general  headquarters  in  Ahuachapan,  whence  raids 
were  constantly  made  into  the  enemy’s  territory. 

70This  took  place  on  the  22d  of  Jan.,  1829.  The  sedition,  though  soon 
quelled,  rather  hastened  the  action  of  Morazan  with  his  allied  Salvador  and 
Honduras  force. 


SUCCESS  OF  MORAZAN. 


07 


assailing  it  from  the  side  of  the  Garita  del  Golfo, 
on  the  5th  of  February.  He  was  repulsed  after  a 
brisk  fire.71  This  was  followed  on  the  15th  by  a sally 
of  the  garrison,  which  annihilated  at  Mixco  a con- 
siderable portion  of  the  invading  army.72 

In  consequence  of  this  reverse,  Morazan  raised  the 
siege  of  Guatemala,  and  concentrated  his  forces  at 
La  Antigua.  The  success  of  Mixco  was  the  last  ex- 
perienced by  the  federal  army;  for  with  the  same 
neglect  which  had  characterized  its  operations  almost 
throughout  the  whole  campaign,  no  advantage  was 
taken  of  the  victory,  nor  of  several  military  errors  of 
Morazan.73  A strong  division  under  Pacheco  sallied 
out  of  Guatemala  toward  the  towns  of  Zumpango 
and  El  Tejar,  as  if  to  confine  Morazan  in  La  Antigua; 
but  Pacheco  disseminated  his  force,  and  was  beaten.74 
Early  in  March  Morazan’s  troops  reoccupied  Mixco. 
and  when  attacked,  shortly  afterward,75  by  the  federal 
forces  at  Las  Charcas,  signally  defeated  them,  and 
the  fate  of  the  servile  party  in  Guatemala  was  thus 
sealed.70 

71  The  repulse  was  so  unimportant,  however,  that  Morazan  does  not  even 
mention  it  in  his  memoirs.  Marure,  Efem.,  2.3;  Monttifar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  i.  61. 

u Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  123;  Marure,  Efem.,  23,  gives  the  18th  as  the 
date.  Morazan,  Apuntes,  MS.,  14,  says  with  reference  to  that  defeat,  ‘Cerda 
acreditd  en  esta  derrota  su  ineptitud  y cobard  ia  y elenemigo  su  crueldad  con 
el  asesinato  de  los  veucidos.  ’ After  that  the  town  was  given  the  title  of  Villa 
de  la  Victoria;  but  later  resumed  its  original  name.  This  defeat  was  exagger- 
ated in  San  Salvador,  where  it  was  reported  that  Morazan  was  besieged  in 
La  Antigua,  and  preparations  to  meet  another  invasion  were  hastily  made. 

73  Morazan  might  have  been  besieged  in  La  Antigua;  for  during  his  stay 
there  he  despatched  a force  to  Quezaltenango,  that  should  have  been  followed 
by  another  from  Guatemala,  and  destroyed  between  the  latter  and  the  few 
forces  that  Irisarri  might  have  brought  against  it  in  the  hard  roads  of  Ista- 
guacan  and  Laja;  instead  of  which,  Irisarri  retreated  toward  Soconusco,  to  be 
afterward  undone  and  taken  prisoner.  Morazan’s  force  occupied  Los  Altos, 
took  many  prisoners,  levied  contributions  which  Irisarri  had  failed  to  get 
from  the  Quezaltecs,  and  left  the  enemy  powerless  to  recuperate.  Mem.  Rev. 
Cent.  Am.,  124;  Morazan’s  Memoirs,  quoted  in  Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  i.  63. 

71  March  6,  1829.  The  disaster  occurred  at  San  Miguelito.  Morazan, 
Apuntes,  MS.,  15.  The  place  received,  for  that  reason,  the  name  of  San 
Miguel  Morazan.  The  Frenchman  Raoul,  now  a general  under  Morazan, 
figures  prominently  in  the  military  operations  at  this  time. 

73 On  the  15th  of  March.  Marure,  Efem.,  23;  Morazan,  Apuntes,  MS.,  15; 
Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  i.  62-3. 

70  The  federal  force  that  succumbed  in  Las  Charcas  was  commanded  by 
their  mayor-general,  Agustin  Prado,  not  Col  l’acheco,  as  supposed  by  some. 
The  fcderals  had  no  general  now.  Cascaras  had  lost  his  reputation,  and  was 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  7 


9S 


CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 


Through  the  mediation  of  General  Verveer,  minis- 
ter  from  the  Netherlands,  an  attempt  was  made  to 
bring  peace  to  the  distracted  country.  Commissioners 
representing  the  several  belligerents  assembled,  on  the 
27th  of  March,  at  the  house  of  Ballesteros,  and  dis- 
cussed the  propositions  laid  before  them,  which  were 
rejected,  and  they  then  retired.  Morazan,  who  was 
anxious  for  a compromise,  specially  as  he  had  good 
reasons  to  apprehend  the  dissolution  of  his  army  by 
the  small-pox  epidemic  which  had  broken  out,  urged 
Verveer  to  invite  the  commissioners  to  hold  another 
conference.  It  took  place;  and  those  of  Salvador, 
Honduras,  and  Nicaragua  presented  four  propositions, 
which  were  likewise  rejected  by  the  federal  and  Gua- 
temalan negotiators.77  Morazan  had  felt  certain  that 

distrusted  by  the  serviles.  Arzu  would  not  take  the  command,  or  was  not 
trusted  on  account  of  his  ill  success  in  the  third  invasion  of  Salvador.  Mora- 
zan had  defeated  Milla,  Dominguez,  Aycinena,  Pacheco,  and  Prado.  Id., 
G3-4. 

77  The  representatives  were,  Arbeu  for  Vice-president  Beltranena,  Pavon 
for  Guatemala,  Espinosa  for  Salvador,  and  Morazan  for  Honduras  and  Nica- 
ragua. The  last  propositions  of  Espinosa  and  Morazan  were  the  following, 
namely:  1st.  That  a provisional  government  should  be  formed  in  Guatemala, 
composed  of  the  chief  of  the  state  Mariano  Aycinena,  Mariano  Prado,  anil 
Morazan;  2d.  That  the  two  armies  should  be  reduced  to  1,000  men,  Guate- 
malans and  Salvadorans  in  equal  parts;  3d.  That  the  provisional  government 
should  be  installed  in  Pinula,  and  afterward  enter  Guatemala  with  that  force 
to  give  it  strength  and  preserve  order  in  the  state;  4th.  A general  forgetful- 
ness of  the  past.  Morazan,  A punter,  MS.,  5,  10;  Montufar,  tieseua  Hist.,  i.  05. 
It  is  claimed,  on  the  other  hand,  that  Morazan  really  wanted  the  federal  vice- 
president  and  the  chief  of  the  state  of  Guatemala  to  throw  up  their  offices, 
the  legislative  assembly  and  representative  council  to  cease  exercising  their 
functions;  and  that  of  1S26,  sitting  at  La  Antigua,  and  which  had  made  Zen- 
teno  chief,  was  also  to  dissolve;  the  supreme  court  of  justice  was  to  stop  acting. 
Meantime,  and  until  new  elections  took  place,  Morazan  was  to  be  clothed 
with  executive,  representative,  and  judicial  powers.  Under  the  pretext  of 
restoring  the  sway  of  law  and  constitutional  order,  a dictatorship,  emanating 
from  a war  treaty,  would  have  been  created,  whose  sole  object  was  to  reward 
the  victor  with  an  unlimited  authority.  The  commissioners  of  the  federal  and 
Guatemalan  governments  refused  to  accede,  and  presented  counter-proposi- 
tions of  a different  nature,  namely,  to  the  effect  that  the  existing  high  function- 
aries should  resign  their  powers,  and  a provisional  government  be  established, 
with  one  representative  from  each  state,  to  govern  till  new  elections  and  the 
restoration  of  the  constitutional  regime.  There  were  also  propositions  re- 
specting the  government  of  the  state  of  Guatemala.  Full  details  in  Mem. 
liev.  Cent.  Am.,  125-9,  231-6,  which  are  widely  different  from  those  in  Mora- 
zan, Apuntes,  MS.,  16.  The  government  of  Mexico,  at  the  request  of  that  of 
Guatemala,  tendered  its  mediation  on  the  20th  of  February,  but  it  arrived 
too  late,  and  there  was  nothing  left  for  it  to  do  but  to  tender  the  hospitalities 
of  the  Mexican  soil  to  the  victims  of  persecution.  The  full  correspondence  is 
to  be  found  in  Mix.,  Mem.  Rel.,  1830,  2-3;  also  in  Suarez y Navarro,  Hist.  Mij., 


FALL  OF  GUATEMALA  CITY. 


99 


those  proposals  would  be  accepted,  and  believed  them 
to  be  exceedingly  generous  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
the  city  could  no  longer  hold  out.  However,  hostil- 
ities were  resumed,  and  on  the  9th  of  April  the  forces 
under  Morazan  attacked  the  city,  and  a part  of  it  was 
taken  and  plundered.78 

Aycinena  applied  on  the  11th  to  Morazan,  as 
commander-in-chief  of  the  allied  army  of  Honduras 
and  Salvador,  for  a suspension  of  hostilities,  in  order 
to  negotiate  a capitulation  which  he  was  disposed  to 
enter  into.  Morazan  replied  at  once  that  he  could 
acrree  to  nothing  but  the  unconditional  surrender  of 
the  city,  though  offering  to  guarantee  the  lives  and 
property  of  all  persons  existing  therein.79  The  fight- 
ing continued,  and  on  the  12tli  the  place  capitulated. 
The  occupation  was  effected  on  the  following  day,80 
and  immediately  Vice-president  Beltranena  and  his 
ministers  of  relations  and  treasury,  Aycinena  and  his 
secretary  Pielago,  and  Ex-president  Arce81  were 


407-14;  this  authority  claims  that  Mexican  mediation  might  have  been  finally 
successful  in  restoring  peace  but  for  the  opposition  of  the  new  chief  of  Guate- 
mala. 

18  A long  account  of  the  alleged  outrages  of  Morazan ’s  forces  appears  in 
Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  132-3.  Marure,  Efem.,  24,  in  referring  to  the  capture 
of  Guatemala,  makes  no  mention  of  any  such  abuses. 

"a  Morazan’s  answer  was  addressed  to  Gen.  Aycinena,  not  recognizing  the 
lafrteras  chief  of  Guatemala,  Juan  Barrundia’s  term  not  having  expired  when 
Arce  deposed  him,  in  consequence  of  which  act  Aycinena  rose  to  that  position. 
The  dissolved  authorities  of  1826  were  now  assembled  in  La  Antigua,  and  Mo- 
razan held  relations  with  them.  Aycinena  had  changed  his  tone;  he  was  no 
longer  the  man  of  the  manifestoes  of  1827,  of  the  proscriptive  decrees,  nor  of 
the  stringent  military  orders  of  the  first  months  of  1829.  He  did  not  now 
call  his  opponents  ‘un  puuado  de  enemigos  del  brden,  descamisados  y fora- 
jidos.’  Montufar , Reseiia  Ilist.,  i.  72-5,  79-80. 

eu  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  18,  erroneously  places  the  surrender  on  the 
20th.  The  terms  of  the  capitulation  are  given  in  Arce,  Mem.,  98-4;  Montufar, 
Reseiia  Hist.,  i.  70-7.  Only  the  life  aud  property  of  the  inhabitants  were 
guaranteed;  the  vanquished  were  in  all  else  subject  to  the  good-will  of  the 
victor.  Jos<5  Milla  y Vidaurre,  in  his  biographical  sketch  of  Manuel  Francisco 
Pavon,  who  figured  in  these  events,  claims  that  the  capitulation  was  con- 
trary to  Aycinena’s  wishes,  who  was  ready  to  defend  the  place  foot  by  foot. 
Montufar,  quoted  above,  denies  the  statement,  adding  that  it  was  advanced 
solely  to  make  the  chief  of  the  serviles  and  head  man  of  the  nobles  appear  as 
a hero,  and  refers  to  the  correspondence,  which  will  show  Aycinena  quite 
anxious  to  accept  the  guarantee  of  life  and  property. 

81  According  to  Miguel  Garcia  Granados,  who  in  later  years  was  a liberal 
leader  and  acting  president  of  Guatemala,  Arce  had  remained  unmolested  at 
his  house  in  sight  of  the  besiegers  during  the  three  days’  attack.  Id.,  103. 


100 


CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 


placed  under  arrest.82  Morazan,  assuming  then  all  the 
powers  of  state,  restored  Juan  Barrundia  to  the  posi- 
tion of  jefe  of  Guatemala,83  whereof  he  had  been 
deprived  by  Arce.  The  capitulation  of  April  12th 
was  on  the  20th  declared  void,  on  the  ground  that 
the  federal  commander  had  failed  to  comply  with  its 
terms  in  not  giving  up  all  the  arms  his  forces  held  at 
the  time  of  the  surrender.81  Morazan  treated  the  func- 
tionaries, both  federal  and  of  the  state  of  Guatemala, 
who  had  taken  part  in  the  revolution  of  1826  to  1829, 
with  much  rigor.85 

A period  of  reaction,  or  restoration  as  it  was  prop- 
erly called,  was  now  inaugurated.  During  several 
years  the  servile  party  had  held  undisputed  control  of 
public  affairs  in  Guatemala,  crushing  out  all  opposi- 
tion to  the  best  of  its  ability.  Its  policy  had  been 
one  of  intolerance,  and  its  downfall  was  hailed  with 
joy.  Morazan  seemed  to  have  been  chosen  by  provi- 


82  This  was  done  pursuant  to  orders  from  the  governments  of  the  states. 
So  says  Morazan  himself,  adding  that  the  measure  was  in  consonance  with 
his  own  views,  to  reduce  the  number  of  prisoners  to  a minimum,  ‘y  tenia 
tambien  por  objeto  poner  en  absoluta  incapacidad  de  obrar  A los  principales 
jefes  que  habian  llevado  la  guerra  A los  Estados.’  Apuntes,  MS.,  16-17. 

83  He  took  charge  of  the  provisional  government  at  the  end  of  April,  Ma- 
riano Zenteno,  who  had  held  the  position  ad  int.,  was  given  a vote  of  thanks 
for  his  patriotism  and  courage.  Montufar,  Helena  Hist.,  i.  127. 

8lThe  federal  authorities  alleged  that  their  soldiers  only  had  461  muskets, 
and  not  1,500,  as  demanded  from  them.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  236-9.  Mora- 
zan says  that  soldiers  were  allowed  to  leave  the  city  with  their  arms,  infring- 
ing the  4th  clause  of  the  capitulation,  and  he  could  get  only  evasive  answers. 
Apuntes,  MS.,  17;  Arce,  Mem.,  58-9,  98-103,  from  which  the  conclusion  will  be 
drawn  that  the  charges  against  the  federal  party  were  not  unfounded.  Mon- 
tufar, Resend  Ilist.,  i.  109-17.  On  this  subject  Morazan  himself  said:  ‘Noone 
was  put  to  death,  or  had  money  exacted  from  him  by  me.  The  capitulation 
was  faithfully  carried  out,  even  after  being  annulled.  Duty  gave  way  to  mag- 
nanimity, and  there  was  no  cause  to  regret  it.  Not  that  there  was  no  blood 
to  avenge,  grievance  to  pnnish,  and  reparation  to  demand.  Among  many 
other  victims  sacrificed,  there  were,  calling  for  vengeance,  generals  Pierzon 
and  Merino,  the  one  shot,  without  even  the  form  of  a trial,  the  other  taken 
out  of  a Chilian  vessel  on  which  he  intended  to  return  to  Guayaquil,  his 
country,  to  be  murdered  in  the  city  of  San  Miguel.  There  were,  besides,  the 
burning  and  plundering  of  the  towns  of  Salvador  and  Honduras,  which 
demanded  a just  reparation.’  Apuntes,  MS.,  10,  17. 

85  He  called  them  to  the  palace,  and  some  of  them  mistaking  the  object  of 
the  summons  made  their  appearance  in  full  uniform.  When  all  were  assem- 
bled they  were  taken  to  prison  and  kept  in  confinement  till  J uly  9th,  when 
must  of  them  were  sent  out  of  the  country.  Marure,  Efem.,  24. 


MORAZAN’S  MEASURES. 


101 


dence  to  inflict  condign  punishment  on  those  who  had 
so  cruelly  exercised  a usurped  power.  Surrounded 
as  he  was  by  so  many  diverse  elements,  the  severity  of 
the  blows  he  dealt  must  not  be  all  laid  to  his  account. 
The  state  assembly,  which  had  been  dissolved  in 
1826,  having  again  met  on  the  21st  of  April,  1829, 88 
with  its  old  president,  Nicolds  Espinosa,  was  practically 
a tool  in  the  hands  of  the  victorious  general,  and  en- 
acted several  vigorous  laws  against  the  vanquished 
party.87  On  the  4th  of  June  the  assembly  passed  an 
act,  which  was  sanctioned  by  the  consejo  representa- 
tive on  the  12th,  and  by  Jefe  Barrundia  on  the  13th, 
declaring  null  all  elections  made  pursuant  to  the  un- 
constitutional decree  of  the  president  of  the  republic 
dated  October  31,  1826,  and  the  subsequent  ones  of 
1827  and  1828.  It  furthermore  stamped  as  revolu- 
tionists and  usurpers  all  persons  who  by  virtue  of 
those  decrees  had  obtained  and  held  office  of  the 
federation  or  the  state  of  Guatemala,  and  as  such 
guilty  of  high  treason,  and  amenable  to  the  death  pen- 
alty.^ On  the  same  day  was  issued  a so-called  am- 
nesty law;  but  the  number  of  exemptions  from  its 
benefits  made  its  name  a piece  of  irony.89  The  posi- 
tion of  the  prisoners  taken  in  Guatemala  at  the  time 
of  the  capture  of  said  city,  and  others,  became  a more 
complicated  one,  in  consequence  of  a decree  passed  by 
the  assembly  of  Salvador  on  the  9th  of  June,  declar- 
ing that  it  would  not  recognize  in  the  assembly  of 
Guatemala  any  authority  to  grant,  without  the  assent 
of  the  other  states,  amnesty  to  the  factious  disturbers 
of  public  order;  and  that  the  capitulation  entered 
into  between  Morazan  and  Aycinena  having  been  an- 

t6  Mar ure,  Efem.,  24. 

B7  Among  its  acts  was  one  recognizing  the  services  of  Morazan,  to  whom 
was  due  its  reinstallation.  He  was  voted  a gold  medal,  with  the  word  ‘bene- 
mO'ito’  before  his  name.  A full-length  portrait  was  ordered  placed  in  the  hall 
of  sessions.  The  decree,  however,  was  never  carried  out.  Montufar,  Reseha 
Hist.,  i.  129;  Marure,  Efem.,  23. 

88  ‘Son  reos  de  alta  traicion,  y como  tales,  acreedores  a la  pena  capital.’ 
Arce,  Mem.,  108;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  131;  Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  i.  130. 

ea Tho  text  is  given  in  full  in  Id.,  131—4;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  233-7; 
Quat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  234-6. 


102 


CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 


nulled,  the  captives  were  really  prisoners  of  war  of  the 
allied  states.90  A number  of  the  prisoners  were,  how- 
ever, permitted  to  go  into  exile  within  fifteen  days, 
paying  first  the  expenses  of  their  support  while  in 
prison,  and  one  third  of  the  value  of  their  estates91 
into  the  federal  treasury,  as  indemnification  for  the 
damages  they  had  inflicted  on  the  country.  That 
privilege  was  not  granted  to  the  president  and  vice- 
president  and  their  ministers,  the  former  chief  of  Gua- 
temala, and  others.  In  fact,  it  was  a proscription  of 
all  the  principal  men  who  had  sided  with  the  servile 
party.92  It  was  also  decreed  that  all  salaries  paid 
from  October  1826  to  April  1829  should  be  refunded. 
Harsh  measures  were  used  to  force  a compliance. 

The  federal  congress  that  was  dismissed  in  October 
1826  assembled  on  the  22d  of  June,93  under  the  pres- 
idency of  Doroteo  Vasconcelos,  and  on  the  25th  Jose 
Francisco  Barrundia94  assumed  the  office  of  president 
of  the  republic,  he  being  the  senior  senator,  and 
having  been  specially  called  thereto  by  the  congress, 
though  the  real  power  in  the  country  was  Morazan. 

The  chief  point  of  discussion  in  congress95  was,  what 
to  do  with  the  prisoners.  Some  members  favored 


90  ‘ Y por  lo  mismo  sujetos  d la  jurisdiceion  militar  de  los  mismos  Estados.' 
Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  i.  134-5. 

91  Crowe,  Gospel  Cent.  Am.,  131,  erroneously  asserts  that  all  their  property 
was  confiscated. 

92  Arce  addressed  to  Morazan  a most  virulent  protest.  He  afterward 
boasted  that  he  had  bearded  the  tyrant.  The  very  fact  that  he  dared  to  send 
Buch  a document,  and  did  not  lose  his  head,  proves  that  Morazan  was  not 
a tyrant.  Arce,  Mem.,  113-14.  Antonio  Jos6  Irisarri,  Maiu^l  and  Juan  Mon- 
tufar,  protested  before  the  assembly  and  government  of  Salvador,  before  the 
assemblies  of  all  the  states  of  the  union,  before  Gen.  Morazan,  before  all  the 
republics  of  America,  and  before  all  the  free  people  of  the  world.  The  doc- 
ument was  drawn  up  by  Irisarri,  who  was  not  a soldier,  though  a colonel  of 
militia;  the  language  was  pure  and  elegant,  but  it  was  virulent  and  full  of 
sophistry.  Irisarri  also  in  several  publications  boasted  of  his  courage  in 
having  sent  such  a document.  He  must  have  known  that  it  would  not  have 
any  effect  on  Morazan.  The  latter  was  a generous  man.  The  effect  would 
have  been  different  on  Rafael  Carrera,  whom  the  serviles  at  a later  period 
made  their  master,  as  well  as  of  the  whole  country.  Montufar,  Reseiia  llist., 
i.  135-6. 

"Marure  has  it  in  Efem.,  25;  Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  i.  137-9. 

91  Portrait  in  Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  i.  138. 

95The  senate,  dissolved  in  1826,  was  reinstalled  July  9th.  Marure,  Efem., 


25. 


EXPULSION  OF  FRIARS. 


103 


their  execution,  and  though  others  disapproved  of 
such  a disposal  of  them,  none  had  sufficient  courage 
to  openly  condemn  such  vindictiveness.  The  discus- 
sions continued  till  July  9th,  when  a number  of  the 
prisoners  were  sent  under  an  escort  to  Sonsonate,  to 
be  embarked  at  Acajutla  and  expatriated.96  Two  days 
later  a similar  blow  was  struck  at  the  church,  evi- 
dently because  of  the  sympathy  of  its  head  men  with 
the  servile  party.97  During  the  night  between  the 
10th  and  11th  of  July,  an  armed  force,  acting  under 
orders  of  Morazan,  who  issued  them  in  accordance 
with  the  views  of  the  acting  president  and  the  jefe  of 
Guatemala,  seized  the  archbishop  and  the  friars  of 
several  orders,  and  despatched  them  to  the  Atlantic 
coast,  where  they  were  embarked  for  Habana.  Sev- 
eral of  the  friars  are  represented  to  have  died  on  the 
voyage.93  Whether  there  was  sufficient  cause  for  so 


96  Arce,  Mem.,  122-3,  and  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  1G7-9,  assert  that  they 
were  not  even  allowed  to  make  preparations  for  the  journey,  and  many  had 
furthermore  to  start  on  foot.  The  decree  of  expatriation  was  not,  however, 
issued  till  August  22d,  and  Jos6  del  Valle  is  said  to  have  been  its  author.  The 
persons  thus  exiled  for  life  were  Arce  and  Beltranena,  and  their  ministers, 
Aycincna  and  his  secretaries,  Cascaras,  Villar,  and  other  high  military  offi- 
cers, Spaniards  not  naturalized  that  served  the  usurping  governments,  and 
many  other  prominent  officers.  Others  wTere  expatriated  lor  various  terms  of 
years.  Montufar,  Reseiici  Hist.,  i.  144-50;  Marure,  Efem.,  20.  Arce  and  Ayci- 
nena  left  Guatemala  on  the  7th  of  Sept.  They  were  required  to  reside  in  the 
U.  S.  of  Am. ; embarked  at  Omoa  for  Belize,  and  thence  went  to  New  Orleans. 

97  Dunlop,  Cent.  Am.,  177,  and  Squier,  Travels,  ii.  408,  speak  of  plots 
against  the  republic  as  the  reason,  but  it  was  probably  what  the  liberal 
party  alleged. 

9S  This  step  was  subsequently  approved  by  the  federal  congress.  Marure, 
Efem.,  25;  Rocha,  Cddigo  Nic.,  ii.  373.  The  friars  sent  away  were  the  Do- 
minicans, Franciscans,  and  Recollects.  Those  of  the  order  of  Mercy  were  not 
banished;  they  were  but  few,  and  had  not  been  active  against  the  liberal 
cause.  The  Bethlehemite  hospitallers,  who  devoted  their  time  to  teaching 
and  to  the  care  of  convalescents,  were  also  allowed  to  remain.  The  author  of 
Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  170,  says  that  the  exiled  priests  were  on  the  passage 
vilely  treated,  for  they  were  allowed  only  sailers’  rations.  Montufar  con- 
fesses that  it  is  not  likely  that  the  289  friars  had  the  succulent  viands  that 
were  usually  prepared  for  them  in  their  convents,  nor  the  dainty  dishes  they 
were  so  often  favored  with  from  the  nuns,  beatas,  and  all  the  daughters  of 
confession.  As  for  the  archbishop,  he  journeyed  with  every  comfort.  Juan 
B.  Asturias,  who  made  the  inventory  of  his  property,  reported  on  31st  of  Dec., 
1829,  that  §>218  had  been  paid  for  a saddled  mule  to  take  the  archbishop  to 
the  coast;  he  was  allowed  $2,000  for  the  expenses  of  his  journey,  and  $1,008.50 
were  given  to  the  pages  for  conveying  him  and  his  effects.  A person  having 
all  that  cannot  be  said  to  be  unprovided  with  edibles.  Saint  Peter  would  not 
have  needed  so  much.  Reseiia,  Hist.,  i.  156-7. 


104 


CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 


violent  a proceeding  is  doubtful.  However,  the  fed- 
eral congress  thanked  the  executive  for  his  zeal.  The 
sentence  of  expatriation  against  the  archbishop  was 
not  formally  issued  till  about  a }Tear  after.93  On  the 
28th  of  July  the  assembly  of  Guatemala  decreed  the 
suppression  of  all  monastic  establishments  of  men,  ex- 
cepting only  the  Bethlehemite  hospitallers,  who  were 
allowed  to  remain  as  secular  priests,  and  prohibited 
in  the  nunneries  vows  and  professions  in  the  future. 
All  the  temporalities  of  the  suppressed  convents  were 
declared  confiscated  to  the  state.  The  federal  congress 
approved  this  act  on  the  7th  of  September,  declaring 
that  the  nation  would  no  longer  receive  or  recognize 
within  its  territory  any  religious  orders.100 

Peace  being  finally  restored,  the  large  army  of 
Morazan  was  gradually  dissolved,  and  the  leader  be- 
came a candidate  for  the  presidency.  The  necessity 
of  an  energetic  man,  such  as  Morazan  was,  at  the 
head  of  affairs,  was  quite  apparent,  for  new  difficulties 
were  threatening  from  different  quarters.  Costa  Rica, 
disapproving  the  course  of  Salvador,  declared  her  se- 
cession from  the  union,  and  it  was  only  after  much 
persuasion  that  she  retracted  it.  The  federal  gov- 
ernment, and  that  of  the  state  of  Guatemala,  now  in 
charge  of  Pedro  Molina,101  clashed  on  several  occa- 
sions, and  specially  when,  in  1830,  the  question  of 


"In  Jane  1830  he  was  declared  a traitor.  It  has  been  said  that  it  ■was 
because  he  accepted  a pension  of  §3,000  from  the  Spanish  government  at  Ha- 
bana.  Archbishop  Casaus  was  later  appointed  to  administer  the  vacant  see 
of  Habana,  and  held  the  office  till  his  death.  The  above-mentioned  law  was 
revoked  by  the  constituent  assembly  on  the  21st  of  June,  1839,  and  Casaus 
was  restored  to  all  his  former  rights,  and  recognized  as  legitimate  archbishop. 
He  was  repeatedly  invited  to  return,  but  never  would  do  so.  Guat.,  Recop. 
Ley/*,  i.  242-3. 

1WI  This  declaration  was  subsequently  confirmed  by  all  the  states.  At  a 
later  time — Feb.  27,  1834 — a further  step  was  taken  to  consummate  the  sup- 
pression of  monastic  establishments,  ordaining  that  the  authorities  should  not 
retain  the  nuns  refusing  to  reside  in  the  convents  where  they  professed. 
These  measures  continued  in  force  till  June  21,  1839,  when  the  second  con- 
stituent assembly  of  Guatemala  repealed  them,  decreeing,  consequently,  the 
reestablishment  of  the  suppressed  convents.  Mar  are,  Efem.,  25. 

101  He  had  been  declared  elected  on  the  22d  of  Aug.,  1829.  Antonio  Ri- 
vera Cabezas  had  been  chosen  vice-jefe.  Montitfar,  Helena  Hint.,  i.  172-4, 
giving  also  a portrait  of  Molina. 


SPANISH  EFFORTS. 


105 


constituting  Guatemala  city  as  a federal  district  again 
came  upon  the  tapis.  The  state  rejected  the  plan,  as 
on  every  previous  occasion.102  A project  of  Molina 
to  reform  the  confederation  met  with  the  same  fate. 
He  favored  the  model  of  the  Swiss  republic  at  that 
time,  abolishing  the  expensive  machinery  of  a federal 
government,  which  was  almost  continually  at  variance 
with  the  different  states.103  The  failure  of  this  scheme 
brought  with  it  the  downfall  of  Molina,  who  was 
afterward  suspended  on  fictitious  charges  and  tried, 
and  though  acquitted,  was  not  reinstated.104 

The  plan  of  King  Fernando  VII.  of  Spain  for  the 
reconquest  of  his  former  American  dominions,  and  the 
steps  he  was  taking  to  accomplish  it,  naturally  caused 
a sensation  in  Central  America,  where  that  monarch 
would  be  sure  to  find  elements  favorable  to  his  views. 
The  so-called  nobles,  who  had  endeavored,  after  the 
downhill  of  Iturbide  and  the  separation  from  Mexico, 
to  establish  in  Central  America  an  aristocratic  repub- 
lic, such  as  that  of  Genoa  or  Venice,  had  been  again 
balked  in  their  aims  by  the  successes  of  Morazan.  In 
their  disappointment  they  turned  their  eyes  to  Fer- 
nando, and  through  special  agents,  as  well  as  through 
Archbishop  Casaus,  made  known  to  the  captain-gen- 
eral of  Cuba  that  the  circumstances  Central  America 
was  then  in  were  most  propitious  for  the  restoration 
of  the  royal  sway;  for,  as  they  asserted,  all  honest, 
right-thinking  men  and  women  in  the  country  yearned 
for  it,  and  the  Indians  were  likewise  anxious  for  the 
change.  Therefore,  the  only  opposition  thereto  lay  in 

102  Because  the  number  of  Guatemalan  representatives  in  the  federal  con- 
gress would  be  greatly  decreased.  Moreover,  several  of  the  best  public 
buildings  in  the  city  would  become  national  property.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am., 
200. 

103  By  his  plan  a congress  representing  the  entire  union  was  to  wield  the 
executive  powers  in  foreign  affairs.  The  scheme  fell  through,  owing  to  the 
little  interest  shown  by  the  states,  and  to  the  powerful  opposition  of  persons 
holding  or  aspiring  to  federal  offices,  among  the  most  prominent  being  Mora- 
zan. Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  201-3,  dwells  extensively  and  comments  on  the 
subject. 

lulFull  particulars  in  Montufar,  Resefia  Ilist.,  i.  205-17. 


106 


CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 


the  comparatively  small  number  of  aspirants  to  pub- 
lic offices,  who  made  revolution  in  order  to  control 
the  public  funds  for  their  own  benefit.  Such  reports 
were  full  of  encouragement  for  the  Spaniards  who 
were  intriguing  in  behalf  of  Fernando’s  interests, 
which  were  probably  also  their  own. 

Positive  information  was  at  last  received  from  a 
reliable  source  that  Spain  was  preparing,  in  Habana, 
an  expedition  to  land  at  Omoa  and  march  on  Guate- 
mala, where  it  expected  to  find  the  requisite  coopera- 
tion.105 This  report  coincided  with  the  departure  of 
the  Spanish  expedition  under  Brigadier  Barradas  to 
Tampico.108  President  Barrundia,  on  the  3d  of  Sep- 
tember, 1829,  issued  a stirring  address;  and  the  con- 
gress, in  October  and  November,  with  the  sanction  of 
the  executive,  passed  an  act  forbidding  Spaniards  to 
enter  or  land  in  Central  American  territory  under  any 
pretext.  The  ports  of  the  republic  were  closed  to  the 
Spanish  flag,  and  to  the  products  and  manufactures  of 
Spain,  her  colonies,  and  dependencies. 

There  -were  not  a few  Spaniards  who,  together  with 
the  self-styled  nobles  of  native  birth,  desired  to  see 
the  flag  of  the  old  country  waving  again  over  Central 
America.  That  anxiously  wished  for  day  had  become 
almost  the  only  subject  of  conversation  in  their  circles, 
of  which  the  assembly  of  Guatemala  took  due  warn- 
ing. In  November  it  declared  the  sequestration  of 
all  property  belonging  to  Spaniards  who  dwelt  in  the 
republic,  coupled  with  the  assurance  that  none  should 
be  restored  till  Spain  had  formally  recognized  the 
independence  of  Central  America.107 

105  This  report  came  from  Gen.  Mariano  Mantilla,  commanding  the  Colom- 
bian district  of  the  Magdalena,  dated  Jan.  8,  1829,  and  addressed  to  the  jefe 
of  Nicaragua.  It  was  a long  time  in  getting  to  Guatemala,  and  the  govern- 
ment and  Gen.  Morazan  at  once  made  preparations  for  the  defence  of  the 
coast. 

,06See  my  Hist.  Mex.,  v.  72-6. 

107  Under  this  decree  some  of  the  Spanish  property  was  sold;  but  after  a 
while,  upon  the  receipt  of  favorable  news  from  Mexico,  and  when  there  was 
a quasi  certainty  that  Spain  would  not  again  make  such  attempts  as  that 
against  Tampico,  the  law  was  revoked.  But  property  already  sold  was  de- 
clared to  be  legally  disposed  of,  adding  that  the  former  owners  should  not  be 


WORKS  OF  MONTtfFAR  AND  ARCE, 


107 


indemnified  therefor  till  Spain  had  recognized  Central  American  independence. 
The  texts  of  both  the  federal  and  Guatemalan  decrees  may  be  seen  in  Montu- 
far , Resena  Hist.,  i.  182-7. 

J\ femorias  para  la  Historia  de  la  Revolution  de  Centro  America.  Por  un 
Ouatemalteco.  Jalapa,  1832.  16mo,  257  pp.  The  authorship  of  these  me- 

moirs was  attributed  by  well-informed  men,  namely,  Morazan,  ex-president 
of  Central  America,  and  the  distinguished  statesman  and  diplomate  of  that 
country,  Lorenzo  Montiifar,  to  Manuel  Montiifar,  who  had  been  chief  of  staff 
of  the  first  president  of  the  republic,  Manuel  Jos6  Arce.  The  work  begins 
with  the  geography  and  political  and  ecclesiastical  divisions  of  the  country, 
accompanied  with  data  on  each  of  the  states  and  territories;  namely,  Costa 
Rica,  Nicaragua,  Poyais,  Honduras,  Salvador,  Guatemala,  and  Chiapas,  to- 
gether with  some  remarks  on  mining  and  other  industries,  military  defences, 
and  financial  condition.  The  political  portion,  as  the  author  himself  acknowl- 
edges, is  loosely  put  together,  and  lacks  many  necessary  details,  which  he 
attributes  to  absence  from  home  when  the  first  sheets  went  to  the  press. 
He  claims,  however,  to  have  impartially  and  correctly  narrated  the  events 
of  Cent.  Am.  history  from  1820  to  1829.  This  to  some  extent  is  true;  never- 
theless there  crops  out  in  places  class-bias,  particularly  in  describing  the 
events  from  182(1  to  1829,  by  the  ideas  which  prevailed  in  the  moderado, 
otherwise  called  servile,  party,  in  which  he  was  affiliated  and  serving,  and  for 
whose  acts  he,  like  many  others,  was  driven  into  exile  after  the  defeat  of  that 
party  on  the  field  of  battle. 

Manuel  Jose  Arce,  Memoria  de  la  Conducta  Publica  y A dministrativa  de 
..  .durante  el  periodo  de  su  presidencia.  Mex.,  1830.  8vo,  p.  140and  03.  This 
work  purports  to  be  a defence  of  his  administration  by  the  first  president  of 
the  republic  of  Central  America,  against  what  he  calls  the  slanders  heaped 
upon  his  name  by  those  who  rebelled  against  the  government  and  the  nation, 
with  documents  bearing  on  the  revolts,  the  whole  having  been  prepared  while 
the  author  was  in  exile.  The  book  is  a disconnected,  disjointed  patchwork, 
incomplete  in  its  various  records  of  events,  and  indicates,  as  does  Arce’s  ca- 
reer, a weak  character.  A number  of  meaningless  and  inapt  quotations  from 
the  old  classics  and  from  law-books  help  to  confuse  the  narrative  still  more. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


CIVIL  WAR. 

1829-1838. 

Revolution  in  Honduras  — Conservatives  Invade  the  State — Second 
General  Elections  — Francisco  Morazan  Chosen  President  — 
Plots  of  the  Serviles— Arce’s  Invasion  from  Mexico— Occupation 
of  Honduras  Ports  by  Exiled  Rebels— Spanish  Flag  Hoisted  in 
Omoa,  and  Aid  from  Cuba — Salvadoran  Authorities  in  Rebellion 
— Third  General  Elections — Morazan  Reelected  — Failure  of 
Colonization  Plans — Ravages  of  Cholera — Indian  Revolt  under 
Carrera — His  Early  Life. 


It  is  difficult  for  us  to  realize  how  long  it  takes  and 
how  hard  it  is  for  progressive  man  to  throw  away  the 
fetters,  temporal  and  spiritual,  which  in  times  past  he 
stupidly  forged  for  himself.  Intellectual  light  break- 
ing in  on  our  old  savagism  finally  tells  us  that  the 
hurtful  manifestations  of  nature  are  not  the  chastise- 
ments of  offended  deity;  and  then  we  wonder  how 
we  could  have  been  so  stupid  so  long,  with  our  pope- 
worsliip  and  king-worship,  and  our  servility  to  their 
satellites.  Then  when  we  first  gain  our  liberty  we 
know  not  what  to  do  with  it.  We  feel  lost  without 
the  harness,  the  reins,  the  whip  and  spur.  The  peo- 
ple of  Central  America,  high  or  low,  knew  little  at 
this  juncture  of  self-government.  In  times  past  they 
had  observed  that  rulership  consisted  largely  of  per- 
sonal wranglings  for  place,  from  king  and  pope  down 
to  the  lowest  aspirant;  of  wars,  political  and  ecclesi- 
astical, brother  against  brother,  priests  and  people 
butchering  and  burning  as  if  the  great  object  of  reli- 
gion and  civilization  was  to  preserve  upon  this  earth 

( 108) 


TROUBLES  IN  HONDURAS. 


109 


as  long  as  possible  the  hell  which  we  all  hope  in  one 
way  or  another  to  escape  hereafter. 

Note  further  in  regard  to  Central  America  the 
strange  union  of  widely  distinct  classes  in  their  efforts 
to  sacrifice  the  country  for  self.  Though  from  some- 
what different  motives,  we  see  join  hands  the  highest 
and  the  lowest,  a self-styled  aristocracy  and  the  igno- 
rant rabble,  aided  by  the  priests  who  would  not  see 
their  power  slip  from  them  in  the  general  overturn- 
ings, all  spending  their  energies  and  blood  in  the 
direction  of  utter  destruction  for  themselves,  their 
families,  and  their  country.  Fortunately  there  were 
others  at  hand  whose  ideas  of  self-government  were 
different;  who  earnestly  desired  that  this  new  plant 
of  liberty — a boon  which  had  so  unexpectedly  dropped 
down  to  them  from  heaven — should  have  in  their 
midst  a healthy  growth,  in  spite  of  ignorance,  ambi- 
tion, or  superstition. 

The  legislative  assembly  of  Honduras,  pursuant  to 
the  proscriptive  law  enacted  by  the  federal  congress 
in  August  1829,  issued  a decree  of  expulsion,  and  the 
government  of  the  state  transmitted  to  Guatemala  a 
list  of  those  who  had  come  within  its  provisions.1 
Some  exiles  from  Honduras  and  other  states  of  Cen- 
tral America  went  to  Belize  to  carry  on  their  plots 
from  that  quarter,  and  soon  caused  a sedition  in  the 
department  of  Olancho.  The  vice-jefe,  Vijil,  used 
his  best  endeavors  to  bring  the  seditious  to  terms 
peaceably,  but  failed.2  It  became  necessary  then  to 
resort  to  force,  and  Lieutenant-colonel  Terrelonge  was 
authorized  to  move  his  troops  from  Trujillo  against 
Olancho.  The  state  of  Guatemala  was  also  requested 

1 Most  of  them  had  been  agents  of  Milla,  and  contributed  to  the  over- 
throw of  the  state  government.  A number  had  moved  to  Guatemala,  Salva- 
dor, and  elsewhere.  The  most  prominent  in  the  list  were  the  ex-provisor, 
Nicohls  Idas,  and  Pedro  Arriaga.  The  latter  was  sent  out  of  the  countrj' 
from  the  port  of  Omoa.  He  had  been  Milla’s  chief  agent  and  adviser,  and 
brought  about  the  destruction  by  fire  of  Comayagua,  his  native  place.  This 
will  account  for  his  hostility  in  after  years  to  liberals,  and  for  his  active  coop- 
eration with  the  despots  of  Guatemala.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  190. 

2 The  pretext  for  the  movement  was  to  resist  a moderate  tax  established 
by  the  legislature;  the  real  object  was  to  bring  on  a reaction. 


no 


CIVIL  WAR. 


to  send  its  force  stationed  in  Chiquimula  to  Gracias, 
for  the  purpose  of  aiding  in  the  preservation  of  order. 
The  assembly  of  Guatemala,  on  the  24th  of  Novem- 
ber, 1829,  directed  that  500  men,  subject  to  the  orders 
of  the  chief  of  the  state,  should  repair  at  once  to 
Honduras  and  quell  the  insurrection.  The  wording 
of  the  decree  caused  a disagreement  between  the 
president  of  the  republic  and  Jefe  Molina.  The  lat- 
ter insisted  that  the  500  men  to  be  sent  to  Honduras 
should  be  under  his  orders.  President  Barrundia 


Hon  dukas. 


could  not  accede  to  it,  because  the  command  of  a mil- 
itary force  operating  out  of  the  state  belonged  by  law 
to  the  federal  government,3  and  through  his  minister 
of  war,  Nicolas  Espinosa,  applied  to  the  Guatemalan 
legislature  for  a change  in  the  decree.  Espinosa’s 
communication  caused  much  sensation,  and  the  assem- 

3 The  friendship  existing  between  Barrundia  and  Molina,  from  the  earliest 
period  of  their  political  life,  previous  to  the  independence,  became  weak- 
ened, threatening  a disruption  of  the  liberal  party.  The  disagreement  was 
increased  by  Molina’s  opposition  to  the  federal  government  remaining  in 
Guatemala. 


REVOLT  AND  ELECTION. 


Ill 


bly  repealed  the  act  of  November  24th,  and  in  its 
stead  provided  that  the  money  needed  to  muster  in 
and  equip  500  men  should  be  furnished  the  general 
government  out  of  the  state  treasury. 

Morazan,  jefe  of  Honduras,  and  general-in-chief  of 
the  Central  American  forces,  had  marched  with  a di- 
vision upon  the  departments  of  Olancho  and  Opoteca, 
and  to  him  were  despatched  the  troops  newly  raised  in 
Guatemala.  Colonel  Vicente  Dominguez  was  one  of 
the  chief  promoters  of  the  revolution  of  Honduras.4 
Morazan’s  military  reputation  made  easy  his  road  to 
victory.  He  encountered  no  great  difficulties.  The 
year  1830  was  inaugurated  with  new  triumphs.  The 
Olancho  rebels  surrendered  to  him  at  Las  Vueltas  del 
Ocote,  and  on  the  21st  of  January  solemnly  bound 
themselves  to  recognize  and  obey  the  government.6 
Morazan  next,  on  the  19th  of  February,  routed  the 
insurrectionists  of  Opoteca.6  Morazan,  after  pacifying 
Honduras,  intended  marching  into  Nicaragua,  if  po- 
litical measures  should  prove  insufficient  to  establish 
regularity  there.  He  first  despatched  Dionisio  Her- 
rera to  the  seat  of  Nicaraguan  differences,  who  ful- 
filled his  trust  with  zeal,  and  Morazan  had  no  need  of 
going  to  the  state.  Herrera  had  been  chosen  jefe,  and 
was  duly  inducted  in  his  office  on  the  12th  of  May. 

The  time  for  renewing  the  supreme  federal  authority 
having  arrived,  elections  were  held  throughout  the 
republic.  Congress  opened  its  session  with  due  so- 
lemnity on  the  27th  of  March,  1830.  The  supreme 
court  of  justice  was  likewise  installed.7  The  elec- 
tion of  president  of  the  republic  had  been  also  made. 

4 The  same  who  made  the  revolt  of  Xalpatagua,  murdered  Gen.  Merino  at 
San  Miguel,  and  was  defeated  at  Gualcho. 

5 Marure,  Efem.,  26. 

6 Forty-one  of  them,  including  the  clergyman  Antonio  Rivas,  were  sen- 
tenced to  military  duty  in  the  castle  of  San  Felipe  for  five  years.  Father 
Rivas,  after  serving  out  his  term,  said  that  he  was  an  innocent  victim  and  a< 
martyr  of  religion,  and  prayed  upon  the  liberals  all  the  maledictions  of  the 
108th  psalm.  Montiifar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  i.  196. 

7 Composed  of  the  citizens  Nicolas  Espinosa,  Jos6  Antonio  Larrave,  Ma- 
nuel Jos<5  de  la  Cerda,  and  Jacobo  Rosa. 


112 


CIVIL  WAR. 


Morazan,  Jose  Francisco  Barrundia,  Jose  del  Valle, 
Antonio  Rivera  Cabezas,  and  Pedro  Molina  obtained 
votes ; but  by  far  the  largest  number  of  them  had  been 
polled  for  Morazan  and  Valle.8 

The  votes  were  counted  in  June.  Morazan  had 
the  largest  number;  but  in  order  to  ascertain  if  the 
election  had  been  legal,  it  was  necessary  first  to  de- 
clare if  the  basis  was  to  be  the  number  of  votes  which 
the  citizens  of  the  republic  had  the  right  to  poll,  or 
that  of  the  votes  actually  given  and  counted.  If  the 
former,  there  had  been  no  popular  election, and  congress 
had  to  decide  the  point  between  Morazan  and  Valle; 
in  the  latter  case,  Morazan  had  been  popularly  elected.9 

The  congress  consisted  for  the  most  part  of  friends 
of  Morazan,  and  he  was  declared  president.  He  made 
a triumphal  entry  into  Guatemala  on  the  14th  of  Sep- 
tember, and  should  have  been  inaugurated  on  the  15th ; 
but  it  was  decided  that  Barrundia  should  turn  over 
to  him  the  executive  office  on  the  lGth,  in  the  midst 
of  the  festivities  of  national  independence.  This  was 
done  by  Barrundia  with  that  republican  simplicity 
which  had  ever  characterized  the  man.  All  the  states 
sent  their  congratulations  to  Morazan,  and  to  Bar- 
rundia for  the  good  judgment  and  success  of  his  ad- 
ministration.10 Mariano  Prado,  the  distinguished 

8 Barrundia  did  not  want  the  position,  and  did  not  work  for  it.  lie  wished 
Morazan  to  be  elected.  Morazan  had  in  his  favor  the  prestige  of  a victorious 
general.  He  was  somewhat  in  the  position  of  Bonaparte  when  lie  returned 
from  Egypt.  Valle  was  recognized  to  be  the  best  informed  man  of  Central 
America;  none  could  compete  with  him  in  literary  or  scientific  attainments. 
In  politics  he  was  always  an  opponent  of  the  aristocracy,  who  execrated  his 
memory,  and  even  impudently  pretended  to  deny  his  literary  merits.  But 
we  have  seen  elsewhere  that  he  was  not,  like  Barrundia,  an  uncompromising 
opponent  of  all  governments  not  based  on  democracy  and  republicanism.  He 
compromised  with  the  Mexican  empire,  was  a deputy  to  the  imperial  congress, 
where  he  made  a brilliant  record,  and  became  a minister  of  the  emperor,  who 
sent  him  to  prison  when  he  dissolved  the  congress.  After  the  emperor’s  over- 
throw, Valle  maintained  that  the  provinces  of  Central  America  were  free  to 
act  their  own  pleasure.  He  was  a popular  man,  but  Morazan’s  victorious 
sword  eclipsed  all  else  just  then.  Id.,  208. 

9 It  was  the  same  question  that  occurred  in  1825  between  Arce  and  Valle. 
The  congress  at  that  time,  in  order  to  exclude  Valle,  decided  in  favor  of  the 
former.  Valle  published  pamphlets  in  favor  of  the  latter  principle,  and  the 
congress  of  1830  acted  upon  his  arguments. 

lu  Among  the  warmest  were  those  of  the  legislature  of  Guatemala.  The 
spokesman  for  the  committee  presenting  them  was  Alejandro  Marure. 


MORAZAN  PRESIDENT. 


113 


citizen  of  Salvador,  who  did  such  good  service  to  the 
liberal  cause  as  vice-jefe  of  that  state  during  the  cam- 
paign that  ended  in  April  1829,  was  elected  vice- 
president. 

One  of  Barrundia’s  measures  that  did  him  honor 
was  his  saving  the  island  of  Roatan  to  Central 
America.  The  British  had  driven  away  the  few  in- 
habitants and  small  garrison  and  taken  possession.11 
Barrundia  made  energetic  though  courteous  remon- 
strances, and  the  island  was  restored  after  Morazan 
had  become  president. 

The  country  now  required  peace.  Morazan  exerted 
himself  to  foster  education  and  national  industry. 
Agriculture  and  trade  beyan  to  revive:  but  it  was 
not  to  be  continued  long,  for  the  demon  of  political 
strife  was  let  loose  again.  The  servile  party,  though 
defeated,  had  not  remained  inactive.  In  1831  it  pre- 
pared a plot  for  the  destruction  of  the  liberals,  which 
had  ramifications  everywhere.  Arce  was  to  invade 
the  republic  from  Mexico  through  Soconusco.  Do- 
minguez was  to  occupy  Honduras  with  elements  gath- 
ered for  the  purpose  at  Belize.  Meantime,  Ramon 
Guzman  seized  the  fort  at  Omoa  with  200  negroes.12 
Arce  effected  his  invasion  with  about  100  men,  exiled 
and  discontented  Central  Americans,13  and  was  de- 
feated at  Escuintla  de  Soconusco,  on  the  24th  of 
February,  1832,  by  the  forces  under  General  Raoul, 
lie  succeeded  in  escaping  with  a few  men  into  Mexico 
again.14  Guzman,  being  hard  pressed  at  Omoa  by  the 
government  troops  under  Colonel  Terrelonge,  hoisted 
the  Spanish  flag  over  the  fort,  and  despatched,  on  the 
1 0th  of  August,  the  schooner  Ejecutivo,  whose  name 
had  been  now  changed  to  General  Dominguez,  to  ask 
assistance  from  the  captain-general  of  Cuba,  offering 

11  This  was  a common  course  with  our  brethren  across  the  Atlantic.  Mci- 
rur c,  Efem.,  27;  Squier’s  Travel*,  ii.  414. 

12  This  was  on  the  21st  of  Nov.,  at  about  11  p.  m. 

15 Larrainzar,  Soconusco,  80;  Morazan  and  Carrera,  MS.,  no.  3,  9,  say 
troops  from  Mexico,  which  is  doubtful. 

14  Details  on  this  campaign  are  given  in  Monti'tfar,  Re  sen  a Hist.,  i.  348-Go. 

Hikt.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  8 


114 


CIVIL  WAR. 


himself  and  those  with  him  as  subjects  of  the  Spanish 
king.  But  the  vessel  was  captured  on  her  return 
with  supplies,  and  the  rebel  garrison  surrendered  on 
the  12th  of  September,  after  a siege  of  five  months.15 
Almost  at  the  same  time  that  Omoa  was  seized  by 
the  rebels,  the  port  of  Trujillo  was  occupied  by  Vicente 
Dominguez,  who  had  in  his  company  Pedro  Gon- 
zalez.16 The  Central  Americans  had  two  armed 
schooners  at  Izabal,  besides  two  national  vessels 
under  Terrelonge,  and  an  armed  schooner  at  Belize. 
Duplessis,  a Frenchman,  commanding  the  national 
vessel  Fenix,  was  captured  by  Dominguez,  taken  to 
Omoa,  and  shot  in  the  plaza.17 

Dominguez’  vanguard  reached  Yoro  on  the  7th  of 
March,  1832,  and  was  defeated  at  Tercales  on  the  9th, 
and  again  at  Olanchito.  He  fled  to  Trujillo,  leaving 
behind  200  muskets,  other  arms,  some  money,  and 
other  things.18  He  then  transferred  himself  to  Omoa, 
and  with  600  men,  on  the  2Gth  of  March,  attacked 
the  government  troops  at  Jaitique,  being  defeated. 
He  was  again  routed  at  Opoteca,  pursued  in  all 
directions,  captured,  and  taken  to  Comayagua,  where 
he  was  put  to  death  on  the  14th  of  September.19  The 
rebel  plot  thus  defeated  was  a formidable  one.  Arch- 
bishop Casaus  from  Habana  moved  his  clergy.  Bishop 
Fray  Luis  Garcia  of  Chiapas  favored  Ex-president 
Arce,  whose  friends  confidently  asserted  that  he  also 


15  The  national  armed  schooner  Deseada  took  the  Ejecutivo.  The  Spanish 
flags  that  waved  over  the  fort  and  the  latter  vessel  were  dragged  through  the 
streets  of  Guatemala,  tied  to  the  tails  of  horses,  on  the  day  of  the  national 
anniversary.  Ramon  Guzman  was  executed  at  Omoa  on  the  13th of  Sept.,  by 
order  of  Col  Agustin  Guzman,  who  commanded,  Terrelonge  being  bedridden 
by  a serious  illness.  Montufar,  Reseiia  1 list.,  i.  377-81;  Alarure,  Efcm.,  29. 

16A  man  who,  though  amenable  to  exile  under  the  law  of  expulsion,  had 
been  pardoned  at  his  repeated  supplications. 

17  Duplessis  died  like  a hero.  His  execution  was  a murder,  similar  to  that 
of  Gen.  Merino.  Both  instances  served  as  an  example  of  what  the  liberals 
might  expect  if  the  serviles  got  the  upper  hand  again. 

laAmoug  them  were  a number  of  rosaries  and  prayers  to  the  virgin  of 
Guadalupe,  supposed  to  possess  the  power  of  benumbing  the  enemy  in  the 
light. 

18  He  is  said  not  to  have  shown  at  the  hour  of  his  execution  that  courage 
which  was  manifested  by  his  victims  at  the  scaffold. 


HONDURAS  AND  SALVADOR. 


115 


had  the  support  of  the  Mexican  government.20  Arce’s 
plans  were  also  in  combination  with  the  jefe  of  Salva- 
dor, Jose  Maria  Cornejo.21  The  fallen  party  would 
not  admit  that  they  had  been  vanquished,  that  their 
principles  were  antiquated  and  repugnant  to  the  people ; 
they  still  believed  that  a reaction  was  not  only  possi- 
ble, but  right  and  natural. 

Cornejo’s  intrigues  led  to  a disturbance  of  the  peace 
in  Salvador.  The  state  assembly  had  been  installed 
in  February  1831,  and  the  tendencies  of  its  members 
elect,  together  with  Cornejo’s  workings,  had  awakened 
mistrust  among  the  liberals  of  Guatemala.  The  as- 
sembly of  the  latter  state  directed  the  executive,  in 
congratulating  the  Salvador  assembly  upon  its  instal- 
lation, to  remind  it  of  the  necessity  of  harmony  and 
of  upholding  liberal  principles.22 

On  the  news  of  the  invasion  of  Honduras,  already 
described,  reaching  Guatemala,  Morazan  decided  to 
establish  his  headquarters  in  San  Salvador  as  a more 
convenient  centre  for  future  operations.  His  relations 
with  the  authorities  of  Salvador  were  anything  but 


20  It  was  probably  unfounded;  and  yet  the  fact  stands  that  though  often 
requested  to  make  Arce  reside  farther  in  the  interior,  the  Mexican  authorities 
never  did  it.  Arce  recruited  his  men,  issued  proclamations,  and  built  forts 
undisturbed  by  the  Chiapanec  officials,  who,  on  the  other  hand,  exerted  them- 
selves to  hinder  the  action  of  the  government  forces. 

21  This  man  was  a servile  at  heart,  and  undoubtedly  had  secret  relations 
with  the  invaders;  as  was  shown  in  the  proclamation  of  Dominguez  and 
Father  Herrera,  in  the  praises  the  serviles  awarded  him,  and  in  his  rebellion. 
Montufar,  Resend  Hist. , i.  334,  382. 

22  It  is  understood  they  were  jealous  in  Salvador  of  Guatemala’s  influence 
in  the  federal  policy.  Cornejo  claimed  that  what  he  wanted  was  reforms  in 
the  national  constitution.  Reforms  were  certainly  necessary,  and  if  they  had 
been  adopted  in  good  faith  by  the  states,  the  union  might  have  been  saved. 
The  executive  had  no  participation  in  the  framing  of  laws,  either  directly  or 
indirectly;  he  had  not  the  sanction  of  them,  nor  could  he  veto  or  suspend. 
It  was  the  senate,  as  the  council  of  the  government,  that  sanctioned  the  laws. 
That  body,  elected  very  like  the  chamber  of  deputies,  was  the  judge  of  min- 
isters and  other  functionaries.  It  nominated  the  officials,  and  at  the  same 
time  had  legislative,  administrative,  and  judicial  powers.  The  president  of 
the  republic  had  no  independent  place  of  abode,  and  was  ever  at  the  mercy 
of  the  state  where  the  federal  government  had  its  seat;  at  best,  he  was  the 
object  of  that  state’s  benevolent  hospitality.  On  the  other  hand,  he  was  the 
target  of  all  the  assaults  promoted  by  the  spirit  of  localism  for  or  against 
that  state.  It  was  therefore  evident  that  a federal  district  was  a necessity; 
one  which  the  states  would  look  upon  as  common  property,  and  would  foster 
and  advance. 


116 


CIVIL  WAR. 


harmonious;  neither  could  they  be  harmonious  under 
the  circumstances.  Mariano  Galvez,  jefe  of  Guate- 
mala,23 desiring  to  avoid  conflicts,  despatched  Colonel 
Nicolas  Espinosa  with  letters  to  Cornejo,  advising 
him  that  his  agent  was  instructed  to  use  his  best 
offices  to  settle  the  differences  between  him  and  Mo- 
razan.  Espinosa,  when  near  Atiquizaya,  heard  that 
orders  for  his  arrest  had  been  issued,  and  therefore 
went  back.  Galvez  became  justly  indignant  at  the 
conduct  of  Cornejo’s  agents. 

The  president  of  the  republic  started  from  Guate- 
mala on  the  29th  of  December,  1831,  accompanied  by 
his  ministers,  and  journeyed  toward  San  Salvador 
without  any  military  force  other  than  his  body-guard; 
consequently  Cornejo  had  no  cause  to  apprehend  any 
sudden  blow  at  his  authority.24  Nevertheless,  on  the 
6th  of  January,  1832,  Cornejo  broke  out  in  open  re- 
bellion, commanding  the  national  executive,  then  at 
Santa  Ana,  to  quit  the  state  forthwith  or  he  would 
be  driven  away.  Morazan,  having  no  means  of  resist- 
ance, obeyed.  This  insult  to  the  republic  was  fol- 
lowed next  day,  January  7,  1832,  by  an  act  declaring 
the  suspension  of  the  federal  compact  and  the  seces- 
sion of  the  state  of  Salvador.  Congress  then  em- 
powered  the  executive  to  repel  invasions.  The  jefe 
of  Guatemala  admitted  the  obligation  of  his  state  to 
aid  the  general  government  with  all  its  means.25  The 
assembly  of  Nicaragua,  backed  by  the  jefe  Dionisio 
Herrera,  who  was  a stanch  friend  and  supporter  of 
Morazan,  passed  an  act  disallowing  the  legitimacy  of 

23  Galvez’  record  Is  not  clean  in  the  eyes  of  many  liberals.  He  had  be- 
longed to  the  imperial  party,  and  had  been  leagued  with  the  aristocracy.  He 
was  a patriot,  it  is  true,  but  his  patria  was  Guatemala;  his  patriotism  did  not 
embrace  all  Central  America.  Such  is  the  opinion  given  of  him,  with  his 
portrait,  by  Montiifar,  in  Ileaena  Hist.,  i.  296. 

24  Besides,  Cornejo  had  officially  said  that  Morazan  had  neither  supporters 
nor  prestige  in  Salvador. 

25  Galvez  had  wanted  arrangements  made  to  repel  invaders,  but  leaving 
Cornejo,  though  he  disliked  his  indiscreet  acts,  in  his  position.  Morazan 
was,  on  the  contrary,  impressed  with  the  idea  that  Cornejo’s  deposal  was  a 
necessity. 


SALVADOR  SECEDES. 


117 


the  Salvador  authorities  and  their  acts,  and  providing 
means  to  support  the  federal  government.28 

Costa  Rica,  through  her  minister  of  state,  Joaquin 
Bernardo  Calvo,  in  a note  from  San  Jose  of  March  3, 
1832,  to  the  government  of  Guatemala,  signified  her 
readiness  to  support  the  laws,  and  with  that  end  to 
place  at  the  disposal  of  the  federal  executive  all  the 
aid  in  her  power.  A Guatemalan  force  was  stationed 
on  the  frontier  of  Salvador,  first  under  Colonel  Cdrlos 
Salazar,  and  afterward  under  Colonel  Juan  Prem,  a 
distinguished  officer  of  the  campaign  of  1829.  Even 
now  Galvez  hoped  to  avert  war,  sending  commis- 
sioners to  confer  with  Cornejo  at  Ahuachapan.  The 
latter  received  them,  and  appointed  his  own  to  con- 
tinue the  conferences;  but  they  were  suddenly  brought 
to  an  end  without  results.27  Further  efforts  on  behalf 
of  peace  were  useless;  the  contest  had  to  be  decided 
by  war.28 

Morazan  with  a force  of  Salvador  and  Honduras 
men  marched  from  the  river  Lempa  to  Portillo.  Cor- 
nejo had  600  men  in  Jocoro  of  the  department  of  San 
Miguel.  The  latter  were  signally  defeated  on  the 
14th  of  March,  losing  500  men  in  killed,  wounded, 
and  prisoners.29  This  was  soon  followed  by  pronun- 
ciamientos  in  several  departments  against  Cornejo  and 
in  favor  of  Morazan.  The  latter  lost  no  time  in 
marching  upon  San  Salvador,  which  he  took  by 
assault  on  the  28th  of  March,  notwithstanding  the 

26  The  act  outlawed  all  persons  who  having  been  expelled  from  Nicara- 
guan territory  should  uphold  the  authorities  of  Salvador.  Correspondence 
with  the  enemies  of  the  country,  or  any  expression,  verbal  or  written,  favor- 
ing them,  were  made  punishable  by  death.  Montufar,  Reserin  Hist.,  i.  338. 

27  Cornejo  had  consented  to  negotiate,  believing  the  force  on  the  frontier 
to  be  controlled  by  Guatemala;  but  on  ascertaining  that  it  was  under  Mora- 
zan’s  orders,  and  that  Galvez  had  merely  intended  a mediation  without  being 
recreant  to  his  federal  obligations,  his  commissioners  broke  off  the  conferences 
under  various  pretexts. 

28  It  was  a great  mistake,  perhaps,  not  to  have  given  the  state  time  to  re- 
flect, when  it  might  have  gone  back  quietly  to  the  union.  As  it  was,  liberals 
were  for  the  first  time  arrayed  against  liberals,  and  the  shedding  of  blood 
begat  animosities  that  never  could  be  healed.  The  serviles,  of  course,  gladly 
fanned  the  flame. 

29  In  fact,  they  hardly  made  any  resistance.  The  president’s  casualties 
were  trifling.  Marure,  Ej'em.,  30;  Montufar,  Reseiia  IHst.,  i.  340. 


118 


CIVIL  WAR. 


obstinate  resistance  of  Cornejo  and  the  garrison,  the 
assailing  force  being  made  up  of  Nicaraguans  and 
Hondurans.30  The  state  authorities  were  deposed, 
sent  to  Guatemala  under  a guard,  and  subsequently 
tried  by  a special  court  created  ex  post  facto,  with  the 
name  of  jurado  nacional.31  Morazan  then  assumed 
control  of  Salvador  until  constitutional  authorities 
should  be  reorganized.32  This  step,  illegal  as  it  was, 
gave  dissatisfaction,  not  in  Salvador  alone,  but  in  the 
other  states,  which  subsequently  seceded  from  the 
union;  and  though  later  retractions  took  place,  it 
may  be  said  that  the  confederation  was  dissolved  at 
this  period.33 

Meantime,  the  federal  congress  had  continued  its 
sessions,  striving  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  coun- 
try by  a liberal  policy.  Among  the  acts  adopted  at 
this  time,  and  deserving  special  mention,  was  that 
of  May  2,  1832,  abolishing  the  exclusiveness  of  the 
Roman  religion,  and  recognizing  freedom  of  conscience 
and  of  worship.34  This  law,  though  practically  of 
little  effect,  inasmuch  as  there  were  but  few  foreigners 
in  the  country,  showed  that  a spirit  of  toleration  was 
gaining  ground.  Another  important  measure  was  the 
adoption  of  Livingston’s  Lousiana  code,  and  trial  by 


30 The  following  facts  arc  taken  from  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  lib.  iii., 
chap.  14.  Filisola  in  IS'23  needed  2,000  bayonets  to  take  San  Salvador. 
In  1827-8,  Arce,  Arzu,  and  Montufar  failed  to  do  it  with  an  equal,  if  not  a 
larger  force.  In  1832  Morazan  with  only  S00  men  made  himself  master  of  the 
place  in  less  than  two  hours.  The  object  of  these  remarks  was  to  show  that 
no  credit  should  be  given  to  Morazan ’s  detractors  in  their  attempts  to  lessen 
his  military  reputation.  Montufar,  liesena  Hist.,  i,  343. 

31  There  were  38  of  them,  including  Cornejo  and  Antonio  J.  Canas. 

32  The  new  rulers,  raised  to  power  under  the  auspices  of  the  victor,  de- 
clared those  of  1831  and  the  beginning  of  1832  to  have  been  illegitimate,  and 
organized  courts  for  the  trial  of  treason.  The  decrees  of  June  7 and  26,  and 
J uly  28,  1 832,  were  severe;  fortunately,  they  were  not  executed  with  the  same 
animosity  displayed  in  enacting  them.  Mat  ure,  Efem.,  30. 

33  Nicaragua  seceded  Dec.  3,  1832;  Guatemala,  Jan.  27,  1833;  Salvador 
repeated  her  declaration  on  Feb.  13,  1833;  Honduras  and  Costa  Rica  sepa- 
rated themselves,  respectively,  on  the  19th  of  May  and  18th  of  Sept.,  1833. 
Marure,  Efem.,  32;  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  42-3;  Astalmruaga,  Cent.  Am.,  20; 
Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  184;  Crowe’s  Gospel,  134;  Squier’s  Travels,  ii.  417. 

31  ‘ Todos  los  habitantes  de  la  republica  son  libres  para  adorar  4 Dios  segun 
su  conciencia,  y que  el  gobierno  nacional  les  proteje  en  el  ejercicio  de  esta 
libertad.’  Marure,  Efem.,  31.  Jose  F.  Barrundia  is  said  to  have  effectively 
fathered  this  resolution.  Salv.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  12,  1854 


ELEMENTS  OF  DISUNION. 


119 


jury.  This  form  of  trial  was  not  understood  by  the 
people,  and  fortunately  fell  into  disuse. 

Notwithstanding  the  acts  of  disunion  passed  by  the 
several  states,  there  was  no  serious  disturbance  during 
the  remainder  of  1832  or  in  1833.  In  the  middle  of 
the  latter  year35  congress  adjourned,  and  there  were 
fair  prospects  of  peace.  Indeed,  the  liberals  had  been 
made  to  see  the  folly  of  disunion.  The  states,  relin- 
quishing their  antagonisms,  quietly  returned  to  the 
confederacy.  The  federal  government,  on  the  20th  of 
April,  1833,  convoked  a new  congress  to  adjust  differ- 
ences. But  now  a new  element  of  discord  appeared. 
This  was  the  jealousy  felt  by  the  smaller  states  toward 
Guatemala,  which  being  larger  in  extent  and  popula- 
tion, naturally  had  a corresponding  influence  in  the 
national  congress.36  These  states  demanded  an  equal 
voice  in  that  body,  and  insisted  that  this  right  should 
be  recognized  before  proceeding  to  the  elections.37 
Guatemala,  heeding  the  anxiety  of  the  liberal  leaders, 
assented  to  the  demand.  Some  of  the  states  pro- 
ceeded with  their  elections,  but  it  soon  became  obvious 
that  the  plan  of  compromise  could  not  be  satisfactory 
or  permanent,  and  it  was  dropped.  The  proposed 
congress  accordingly  did  not  meet.38 

Rumors  were  current  for  some  time  in  1833  of  an 
intended  invasion  of  Salvador  b}?  Arce,  by  sea  from 
Acapulco,39  but  they  proved  to  be  unfounded.  The 


33  July  8,  1883.  Barrundia’s  speech  in  closing  the  congress  is  given  in  El 
Centro  Americano,  July  11,  1833,  57-09. 

36 This  jealousy  had  developed  duriug  the  states’  rights  agitation. 

31  Guatemala  rejected  this  convocation  by  an  act  of  June  2,  1833.  Ouat., 
Recop.  Leyes , i.  240-1.  A project  appeared  in  the  Centro  Americano  of  June 
1 1,  1833,  28-30,  to  terminate  the  question  of  equal  numerical  representation 
in  congress  for  the  five  states.  It  was  proposed  to  divide  the  territory  into 
three  states  of  about  the  same  population  each,  the  executive  authority  to  be 
alternately  held  by  the  presidents  of  the  three  states.  The  plan  was  im- 
practicable. 

38  The  adoption  of  such  a plan  by  the  federal  congress  could  not  be  secured 
until  July  18,  1838.  The  decree  of  convocation  issued  on  that  date  was  gen- 
erally accepted,  and  yet  the  diet  never  met  till  March  17,  1842.  Marure, 
Efem .,  33. 

39  The  correspondence  between  the  state  governments  for  the  strict  vigi- 
lance on  the  coast  of  that  state  appears  in  El  Centro  Americano,  Oct.  18, 
1833;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  41-2. 


120 


CIVIL  WAR. 


federal  government  transferred  its  seat  on  the  5th  of 
February,  1834, 40  first  to  Sonsonate,  and  later  to  San 
Salvador,  which  for  the  time  being  quieted  the  jealous 
feelinof  of  the  several  states  against  Guatemala.  But 
after  a few  weeks  the  dissensions  between  the  federal 
and  state  governments,  of  so  frequent  occurrence  when 
the  former  was  in  Guatemala,  were  renewed  in  San 
Salvador.  On  the  23d  of  June,  1834,  a fight  took 
place  between  troops  of  the  two  parties,  and  the  affair 
ended  in  another  overthrow  of  the  local  authorities,41 
who  were  proscribed  under  ex  post  facto  laws.42  The 
state  government  went  first  into  the  hands  of  General 
Salazar,  who  called  himself  jefe  provisorio,  and  after- 
ward into  those  of  the  vice-president  of  the  republic. 
Neither  had  any  legal  authority  in  the  premises.  This 
state  of  affairs  caused  dissatisfaction  in  Salvador. 
Political  disturbances  were  also  experienced  in  other 
states.  The  flame  of  discord  was  fanned  everywhere 
by  the  oligarchs,  who  found  their  task  made  easier  by 
the  extreme  religious  liberalism  of  the  ruling  party. 
Their  influence  was  felt  when,  on  the  7tli  of  February, 
1835,  after  San  Salvador,  together  with  a few  sur- 
rounding towns,  was  constituted  a federal  district,43 

40  Pursuant  to  a resolution  of  the  national  congress  of  June  25,  1833. 
As  early  as  1826  the  government  of  Salvador  had  tried  to  have  the  federal 
authorities  reside  at  least  40  leagues  from  Guatemala.  Similar  requests  had 
teen  subsequently  made  by  other  states;  and  even  in  the  legislature  of  Guate- 
mala reiterated  motions  had  been  presented  to  the  same  effect.  But  the  fed- 
eralist party,  as  long  as  it  was  in  the  majority  in  congress,  strenuously 
opposed  the  removal,  believing  that  it  would  bring  about,  as  it  actually  did, 
the  downfall  of  the  federal  system,  and  the  dissolution  of  the  federal  author- 
ities. Mar ure,  Efem.,  34.  Montufar,  Reseda  Ilist.,  ii.  58-9,  remarks  that 
Marure  when  he  wrote  the  first  two  volumes  of  his  Bosquejo  Jlistdrico  was 
a liberal;  in  his  Efemiride s,  written  later,  he  speaks  like  a conservative.  The 
change  of  tone  is  attributed  to  the  iron  influence  of  the  government  from 
whom  he  had  a salary  as  a professor  Lastarria,  in  La  America,  250,  errone- 
ously attributes  the  transfer  to  Morai.an ’s  action  to  break  up  the  influence  of 
the  oligarchical  party  in  Guatemala. 

41  The  affray  lasted  live  hours;  the  federal  force  being  under  Gen.  Salazar, 
and  that  of  Salvador  under  Col  Jos6  D.  Castillo.  Harare,  Efem,.,  36. 

42  Decree  of  vice-president  of  Sept.  1,  1834. 

43  The  legislature  of  the  state  had  made  a cession  of  the  territory  for  the 
purpose  on  the  28th  of  Jam,  1835.  On  the  9th  of  March,  1833,  the  district 
was  enlarged  by  the  addition  of  Zacatecoluca.  The  national  government 
had  its  capital  in  San  Salvador  till  '.he  3d  of  May,  1839,  when  the  assembly  of 
San  Salvador  resumed  possession  of  the  whole  territory  that  had  been  ceded. 
Id.,  37;  Montvfar,  Reseda  Hist.,  ii.  165-7.  Dunlop,  Cent.  Am.,  187,  says  that 


ELECTION  AND  DEATH  OF  VALLE. 


121 


a new  constitution,  based  on  the  former  one  of  1824, 
was  generally  rejected.44 

Elections  for  supreme  authorities  of  the  republic 
were  decreed  on  the  2d  of  June,  1834.  The  end  of 
Morazan’s  term  was  approaching,  and  his  popularity 
was  to  be  again  put  to  the  test.  There  was  really 
but  one  man  that  could  compete  with  him,  Jose  del 
Valle,  who  was  leading  a retired  life  devoted  to  scien- 
tific and  political  studies;  but  his  reputation  was  a 
national  one,  eminently  Central  American,  and  a 
large  portion  of  the  people  summoned  him  to  ruler- 
ship.  He  was  elected,  but  died  before  the  certificates 
of  election  were  opened. 

The  death  of  Valle  occurred  on  the  2d  of  March, 
1 834.  The  highest  honors  were  paid  to  his  memory.45 
This  untoward  event  necessitated  another  election  to 
carry  out  the  decree  of  June  1833,  and  Jose  Fran- 
cisco Barrundia  having  declined  to  be  a candidate, 
Morazan  encountered  no  opposition  and  was  reelected.46 


the  district  occupied  San  Salvador  and  ten  leagues  of  territory  surrounding 
it.  Sf/uier’s  Travels,  ii.  419;  Crowe’s  Gosjiel,  136. 

44  The  opposition  came  not  only  from  the  serviles,  but  from  not  a few  lib- 
erals. It  contained  many  liberal  and  equable  modifications.  Marure,  Efem., 
37,  says  it  did  not  contain  ‘las  alteracioues  sustanciales  que  reiteradas  veces 
se  habian  propuesto  por  las  legislaturas  de  los  estados,’  for  which  reason  it 
was  not  accepted  by  the  states,  except  Costa  Rica,  which  expressed  assent 
May  7,  1835.  Squier,  Travels,  ii.  422,  also  says  that  only  Costa  Rica  ex- 
pressed an  acceptance  of  the  proposed  constitution,  adding  that  the  opposing 
states  wanted  different,  and  in  most  cases  irreconcilable,  reforms.  Montufar, 
Jleseiia  Hist.,  ii.  J 69-73,  giving  details,  asserts  that  both  Nicaragua  and  Costa 
Rica  accepted  the  reforms. 

45  The  assembly  of  Guatemala  decreed,  after  hearing  several  eulogistic 
motions,  that  all  the  state  officials  residing  in  the  capital  should  wear  the 
badge  of  mourning  three  days;  that  the  bells  of  the  churches  should  be  tolled 
morning,  noon,  and  eve  of  each  day;  that  a portrait  of  Valle,  contributed  by 
the  members  of  the  legislature,  should  be  placed  in  its  hall  of  sessions;  ami 
that  the  other  states  should  be  requested  to  make  manifestations  of  sorrow 
for  the  loss  of  their  distinguished  statesman  and  savant.  Salvador,  on  the  9th 
of  Apr.,  18.34,  decreed  similar  honors.  Marure,  in  his  Efemerides,  35,  bestow  s 
the  highest  praise  on  Valle.  ‘Perdid  Centro  America,  con  el  fallecimiento 
del  licenciado  Josd  del  Valle,  uno  de  sus  mas  distinguidos  bijos.’  This  re- 
mark is  followed  by  a sketch  of  Valle’s  career,  which  has  been  given  by  me 
elsewhere.  Montufar,  Reseua  Hist.,  ii.  95-9,  also  eulogizes  Valle  and  gives 
his  portrait. 

46  It  was  so  formally  declared  by  the  federal  congress,  Feb.  2,  1833,  with 


122 


CIVIL  WAR. 


For  the  office  of  vice-president,  no  one  having  ob- 
tained the  constitutional  number  of  votes,  congress, 
on  the  2d  of  June,  1834,  chose  from  among  candidates 
having  forty  votes  and  upward  Jose  Gregorio  Salazar, 
to  be  inducted  in  office  on  the  16th.  Mariano  Prado, 
the  former  vice-president,  had  been  as  such  at  the 
head  of  the  federal  executive  authority  in  1831;  but 
he  was  chosen  jefe  of  the  state  of  Salvador,  and  took 
charge  of  that  office  on  the  25th  of  July  following. 
The  vice-presidency  and  the  office  of  a state  jefe  were 
incompatible.  He  chose  the  latter,  and  was  most  un- 
fortunate in  the  discharge  of  its  duties.  There  being 
then  no  vice-president,  Jose  Gregorio  Salazar  had 
charge  of  the  executive  in  1834  as  the  senior  senator, 
Morazan  having  for  a time,  and  with  the  permission  of 
the  senate,  absented  himself.  Upon  being  elected  on 
the  2d  of  June,  Salazar  continued  in  charge,  and  it  was 
by  his  order  that  the  federal  authorities  transferred 
themselves  to  the  city  of  Santa  Ana  during  San 
Martin’s  insurrection  against  the  national  government. 
The  day  after  the  inauguration  of  Morazan  for  the 
second  presidential  term,  congress  closed  its  session.47 

No  important  event  affecting  the  confederation  oc- 
curred during  the  remainder  of  1835,  but  the  atmos- 
phere was  filled  with  folly  and  misrule,  foreboding 
the  storm  which  was  to  make  of  Central  America  for 
many  a day  the  theatre  of  the  bloodiest  of  civil  wars. 

It  has  been  shown  that  the  party  in  power  pursued 
in  general  a liberal  policy — too  liberal,  in  fact,  as  later 
events  proved.  In  view  of  the  tardy  development  of 
the  country  in  the  old  way,  inducements  were  offered 
for  foreign  immigration,  and  an  English  company  was 
organized  for  the  purpose  of  fostering  colonization  in 
the  department  of  Vera  Paz.43  Settlers  were  sent 


the  clause  that  he  should  be  placed  in  possession  of  the  office  on  the  14th.  Id., 
155-7. 

47  Feb.  15,  1S35.  El  Corrco  Atlantico,  May  9,  1835. 

44  The  first  colonists,  03  in  all,  arrived  from  London  on  the  schooner  Mary 


REVOLT  AND  CHOLERA. 


123 


out,  and  several  hundred  thousand  dollars  expended, 
but  the  scheme  failed  because  of  unskilful  and  dis- 
honest management.49  Nevertheless,  the  servile  party 
turned  this  incident  to  account,  filling  the  minds  of 
the  lower  classes,  especially  the  Indians,  with  prejudice 
against  the  government,  which  it  accused  of  an  intent 
to  exterminate  the  native  population  by  throwing 
open  the  country  to  foreign  influence,  religion,  and 
administration  of  justice.  The  innovations  in  this 
last  respect  had,  more  than  anything  else,  imbittered 
the  natives,  and  on  the  Gth  of  March  led  to  an  out- 
break at  Ostuncalco,  where  the  Indians  had  become 
irritated  at  being  compelled  to  work  at  the  construc- 
tion of  prisons.60  An  armed  force  was  sent  to  quell 
the  disturbance,  out  of  which  the  judges  and  some 
officials  had  great  difficulty  to  escape  with  life. 

Scarcely  was  this  trouble  over  when  a worse  one 
stole  in — the  cholera.  The  scourge  began  its  ravages 
in  Central  America  early  in  1837, 51  and  soon  spread 

Ann  Arabella,  under  a Mr  Fletcher.  Their  settlement  took  the  name  of  Ab- 
botsville.  Marure , Efem.,  38. 

49  Many  of  the  immigrants  died,  while  others  returned  to  England  or  went 
to  the  West  Indies,  but  few  remaining.  Dunlop,  Cent.  Am.,  191,  makes  ap- 
propriate remarks  on  the  ‘infatuation  in  Europeans  to  attempt  colonizing  on 
pestiferous  shores,  under  a burning  sun,  where  no  native  of  a temperate  re- 
gion, not  even  those  of  the  interior  of  the  same  country,  can  enjoy  tolerable 
health.’  See  also  Astaburuaga’s  comments  on  the  undertaking.  Cent.  Am.,  23. 
A glowing  and  favorable  account  of  the  enterprise  was  issued  as  late  as  1839. 
See  Cent.  Am.,  Brief  • Statement , 1 et  seq. 

30  On  the  Gth  of  March,  1837.  Marure,  Efem.,  39;  Montufar,  Reseiia  Ilist., 
ii.  353. 

31  B.  Lambur,  commissioned  by  Galvez,  jefe  of  Guatemala,  to  report  on 
the  origin  and  progress  of  the  disease,  wrote  from  Aceituno  April  3d:  ‘There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  cholera  came  by  way  of  Omoa  to  Gualan,  thence  went 
to  Zacapa  and  to  Esquipulas,  this  last-named  town  being  the  focus  whence  it 
has  irradiated  with  such  velocity  to  the  towns  at  present  infested.’  Esqui- 
pulas is  a species  of  Mecca  which  people  from  all  parts  of  Central  America 
and  Mexico  visit  in  January  of  each  year,  to  worship  an  image  of  Christ,  to 
which  countless  miracles  have  been  attributed.  In  the  Boletin  de  Noticias  del 
Cdlera  of  Apr.  4,  1837,  appear  the  following  words,  ‘En  San  Sur  han  muerto 
niuchos  romeristas  de  Esquipulas.’  Id. , 351-3.  The  fact  is,  that  the  disease 
had  been  doing  havoc  in  the  towns  near  the  northern  coast  since  Feb.,  and 
gradually  spread  throughout  the  rest  of  the  state  and  republic  till  toward  the 
end  of  the  year,  when  it  abated.  The  first  case  in  the  city  of  Guatemala  oc- 
curred on  the  19th  of  April.  The  mortality  in  that  city  during  the  invasion 
was  819,  or  a little  over  the  44th  part  of  the  population,  which  was  much 
smaller  than  in  other  less  populated  cities.  Marure,  Efem. , 40.  See  also  Dun- 
lop's Cent.  Am.,  193-4;  Salv.  DiarioOJic.,  Feb.  14,  1875;  Rocha,  Ctidigo  A ic., 
i.  215— 1G;  ii.  163-4. 


124 


CIVIL  WAR. 


throughout  the  towns  of  the  republic.  The  govern- 
ments of  the  different  states,  and  notably  that  of 
Guatemala,  used  the  utmost  efforts  to  relieve  suffer- 
ing. Physicians  and  medical  students,  provided  with 
medicines,  were  despatched  to  the  several  districts. 
But  their  efforts  were  largely  frustrated  by  the  oppo- 
sition of  the  servile  party,  which  never  ceased  its  work 
even  in  these  days  of  awful  distress.  Determined  to 
bring  to  an  end  the  influence  of  the  liberals,  the  servile 
party  hesitated  at  nothing.  All  means  to  that  end 
were  made  available.  The  priests  made  the  ignorant 
masses  believe  that  the  waters  had  been  poisoned  in 
order  to  destroy  the  natives  and  make  way  for  for- 
eigners.52 Their  deviltry  was  crowned  with  success. 
The  low  murmurs  of  hatred  soon  swelled  to  loud  cries 
of  vengeance  against  the  government  and  foreign  res- 
idents. Several  physicians  became  the  victims  of 
popular  fury,  being  put  to  death  with  cruel  tortures.53 
Others  barely  escaped  death.  The  greatest  violence 
was  in  the  district  of  Mita,  where  it  assumed  the 
form  of  a general  insurrection.  The  government  de- 
spatched a body  of  troops  to  dissolve  a large  assem- 
blage of  insurrectionists.  The  instructions  were  to 

O 

use  gentle  means  to  allay  the  disturbance,  resorting 
to  force  only  in  case  of  necessity.  The  magistrate  of 
the  district,  having  imprudently  left  the  strong  body 
of  infantry  behind,  had  no  sooner  attempted  to  ex- 
plain his  mission  than  the  mob  fell  upon  him  and  his 
guard  of  forty  dragoons,  killing  a number  of  them  and 
putting  the  rest  to  flight.  This  was  on  the  9th  of 
June.61  The  leader  of  the  mob  on  this  occasion  was 

61 Squier's  Travel s,  ii.  427-8.  Montufar,  Heseiia  Hist.,  ii.  370-2,  gives 
copies  of  the  documents  that  were  circulated. 

53  Such  as  making  them  swallow  the  contents  of  their  medicine-chests,  or 
pouring  water  down  their  throats  till  they  died,  a circumstance  that  was  al- 
ways looked  upon  as  an  evidence  of  guilt.  Crowe's  Gospel,  141.  Montgomery, 
Gnat.,  speaks  of  an  Englishman  who  was  nearly  killed  by  the  water  torture 
inflicted  by  an  enraged  Indian  mob. 

44  On  the  plains  of  Ambelis,  near  Santa  Rosa,  accompanied  with  impreca- 
tions against  the  ley  de  jurados  and  the  so-called  ‘envenenadores.’  It  was 
the  beginning  of  a struggle  which,  in  less  than  two  years,  wrought  a complete 


RAFAEL  CARRERA. 


125 


Rafael  Carrera,  a mixed-breed,  who  now  for  the  first 
time,  at  the  age  of  twenty-one,  possibly  a few  years 
older,  appeared  on  the  stage,  to  become  afterward  the 
bitterest  foe  of  the  liberal  party,  and  eventually  the 
dictator  of  the  country. 

Rafael  Carrera  was  a native  of  Guatemala,  of  In- 
dian descent,  of  a violent,  irascible,  and  uncommuni- 
cative disposition,  base-born,  ignorant,  though  gifted 
with  talents,  bold,  determined,  and  persevering.  From 
common  servant  he  became  a pig-driver,  and  while 
such  obtained  much  influence  among  the  lower  class 
of  Indians — an  influence  which  was  due  no  less  to 
his  blood  connections  and  the  force  of  circumstances 
than  to  his  bravery  and  capabilities.55 

Carrera  was  at  first  a mere  tool  of  the  priests,  and 


change  in  public  affairs.  Manure,  Efem.  ,41,  copied  by  Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist. , 
ii.  353;  Squier’s  Travels,  ii.  428. 

63Tempsky,  Mitla,  337,  says  that  Carrera  was  born  in  Santa  Rosa,  misled 
probably  by  the  circumstance  that  the  first  Indian  outbreak  under  his  lead 
occurred  there.  He  was  born  about  1815  or  1816,  and  was  the  illegitimate 
offspring  of  Antonio  Aycinena,  a member  of  one  of  the  chief  families  of 
Guatemala,  and  of  Manuela  Carrillo,  a servant  in  the  paternal  mansion. 
Through  the  influence  of  the  Aycinenas  he  was  immediately  after  his  birth 
adopted  by  one  Juana  Rosa  Turcios,  whose  husband’s  name  of  Carrera  the 
boy  subsequently  was  given.  Such  is  the  version  of  the  author  of  a manu- 
script written  in  July  1844,  and  entitled  Orlyen  (le  Carrera , in  Morazan  y 
Carrera , no.  4,  1 et  seq.,  the  authenticity  of  which  is  made  doubtful  by  some 
inaccuracies  in  other  statements,  the  object  evidently  being  to  give  Carrera’s 
descent  a little  respectability.  Stephens,  Cent.  Am.,  i.  225,  says  that  in 
1829  he  was  a drummer-boy,  leaving  the  army  after  the  capture  of  Guate- 
mala by  Morazan,  and  retiring  to  Mataquescuintla,  where  he  became  a 
pig-driver,  or,  as  Montgomery,  Guat.,  143-4,  has  it,  a dealer  in  hogs, 
having  risen  in  the  federal  army  as  high  as  corporal.  Dunlop,  Cent.  Am., 
195,  followed  by  Crowe’s  Gospel,  141,  and  Squier’s  Trav.,  ii.  429,  essentially 
confirms  Stephens’  statements.  Belly,  Nie.,  i.  75,  adds  that  Carrera  was  for 
a time  employed  in  the  plantation  of  a Frenchman  named  Laumonier,  near 
La  Antigua.  Montufar  says  of  him:  ‘ Un  joven  como  de  25  aiios,  sin  nin- 
guna  educacion,  ni  conocimientos  de  ningun  jtnero,  pues  no  conocia  siquiera 
el  abecedario.  Los  primeros  anos  de  su  vida  los  empled,  ya  de  sirviente 
dom4stico,  ya  de  apacentador  de  cerdos,  ya  de  peon  en  los  trabajos  de 
campo.’  The  same  authority  refers  to  Milla’s  eulogies  of  Carrera,  where 
the  words  occur,  ‘Carrera  d pesar  de  su  falta  de  educacion,  y de  los  hdbitos 
de  la  vida  del  campo,’  which  might  have  secured  for  Milla  lodgings  in  the 
dungeons  of  the  castle  of  Guatemala.  The  same  writer  repeats  the  assertion 
often  made  against  the  jesuit  Paul,  later  bishop  of  Panamd,  and  raised  to  the 
position  of  archbishop  of  Bogotd,  that  he  said  at  Carrera’s  death,  in  his 
funeral  oration,  that  the  man  whose  corpse  was  descending  into  the  tomb  was 
on  the  right  side  of  God  the  father.  All  repentant  villains  are  given  some  such 
post-mortem  place  by  sympathizing  ministers  of  the  gospel. 


126 


CIVIL  WAR, 


seemed  to  have  been  a believer  of  the  lies  they  had  cir- 
culated. After  he  became  powerful,  they  and  their 
allies,  the  so-called  nobles,  humored  his  idiosyncrasies, 
and  often  had  to  put  up  with  his  insults  and  abuse. 
He  had  upon  them  the  heel  of  insane  revolt.68 

58  In  the  early  days  they  assured  the  Indians  that  he  was  their  protecting 
angel  Rafael,  and  resorted  to  tricks  to  favor  the  delusion.  Squier’s  Travels,  ii. 
429-30. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

1837-1840. 

Campaign  against  Carrera— Several  Departments  of  Guatemala  in 
Rebellion — Jefe  Galvez  Deposed — Carrera  Takes  Guatemala — 
Murder  of  Salazar — Carrera  Accepts  Money  to  Leave  the  City 
— Dictatorship  Offered  Morazan  by  the  Aristocrats  and  Refused 
— Carrera’s  Second  Rebellion — The  Republic  in  Peril — Morazan’s 
Efforts  to  Save  It — Nicaragua  and  Honduras  Forces  Invade 
Salvador — Morazan  Defeats  Them — His  Retreat  to  San  Salvador 
— He  Embarks — Is  Refused  Hospitality  in  Costa  Rica — Goes  to 
South  America — The  Republic  is  Dead — Salvador  at  the  Mercy 
of  Carrera. 

Only  a week  after  the  success  of  the  insurgents  on 
the  field  of  Ambelis,  a numerous  armed  force  was  sent 
against  them  by  the  government,  which  achieved 
victory  near  Mataquescuintla.1  The  revolution  might 
have  ended  here  but  for  the  excesses  of  the  govern- 
ment troops,  which  roused  the  Indians,  and  rendered 
reconciliation  impossible.2  Henceforth  the  war  was 
one  of  races.  Carrera,  upheld  as  he  was  by  the 
priests,  found  no  difficulty,  in  his  visits  from  village  to 
village,  to  induce  the  native  population  to  join  the 
revolt,  which,  notwithstanding  the  triumphant  lan- 
guage of  the  military  officers  in  their  reports — calling 
the  rebels  cowards  and  themselves  intrepid  and  in- 

1 On  the  15th  of  June.  Mcirure,  Efem.,  41.  Gen.  Carrascosa’s  report  of 
his  victory,  with  details,  in  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  356-9. 

3 Among  the  sufferers  was  Carrera’s  wife,  which  circumstance,  it  is  said, 
awakened  in  him  an  implacable  hatred.  Stephens’  Cent.  Am.,  i.  226;  Crowe's 
Gospel,  142.  Montgomery,  Guat.,  144,  states  that  Carrera  was  then  command- 
ing a few  men  of  the  military  cordon  established  because  of  the  epidemic, 
which  he  induced  to  rebel. 


<U7) 


12S 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 


vincible — was  fast  spreading.  Carefull}’  avoiding 
encounters  with  the  regular  army,  Carrera  succeeded 
in  getting  together  a large  force,  which,  though  raw 
aud  undisciplined,  often  surprised  and  defeated  detach- 
ments of  the  regulars,  seeking  a refuge  when  pursued 
in  the  inaccessible  mountain  fastnesses.3 

To  make  matters  worse,  the  departments  of  Saca- 
tepequez,  Chiquimula,  and  Salami  declared  them- 
selves independent  of  the  government,  and  the  rebels 
of  the  first  district,4  concentrating  at  La  Antigua, 
threatened  to  attack  the  capital.  In  the  latter  place 
a division  had  occurred  in  the  liberal  party,5 6 *  some  of 
whose  members  from  this  time  sided  with  the  serviles; 
which  circumstance  made  it  more  difficult  to  place 
the  city  of  Guatemala  in  a proper  state  of  defence. 
A mutiny  of  the  federal  troops  in  the  city 8 increased 
the  danger,  but  it  soon  was  quelled  with  the  execution 
of  the  ringleader.  On  the  27th  of  January,  1838/ 
Galvez  despatched  the  vice-president,  Jose  Gregori  > 
Salazar,  and  the  secretary  of  relations,  Miguel  Al- 
varez, as  commissioners,  to  confer  with  General  Car- 
rascosa,  the  commander  of  the  rebel  forces,  and  bring 
about  an  amicable  arrangement.  The  commissioners 
signed  at  Guarda  Viejo8  a convention  containing  the 

5 The  hostilities  now  carried  on  partook  more  of  the  character  of  highway 
robbery  than  of  orthodox  war,  both  parties  being  plundered;  but  the  liberals 

were  the  greater  sufferers. 

‘The  provisional  government  constituted  at  La  Antigua  placed  itself 
under  the  protection  of  the  federal  authorities.  Mature,  Efem.,  42. 

5 The  division  was  created  by  Jos<$  Francisco  Barrundia.  It  is  said  that 
he  joined  the  discontented  because  the  jefe  Galvez  refused  him  a high  office 
for  one  of  his  relatives.  Stephens’  Cent.  Am.,  i.  227.  But  looking  over  the 
correspondence  that  passed  between  them  in  June  1S37,  the  conclusion  is 
t hat  the  cause  of  the  disagreement  was  not  a personal  one.  Barrundia  op- 
posed the  convocation  of  the  assembly  to  an  extra  session,  and  all  the  decrees 
euacted  by  it.  The  correspondence  produced  much  sensation.  Galvez  ended 
accusing  Barrundia  of  having  adopted,  when  he  was  president  of  the  repub- 
lic, some  measures  similar  to  those  he  had  now  censured.  The  most  serious 
charge  against  Barrundia  was  his  persecution  of  Padre  Rojas,  to  which  the 
former  answered  that  the  priest  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  insurgents  who 
proclaimed  the  Spanish  domination  on  the  Atlantic  coast,  aud  though  out- 
lawed for  that  offence,  was  not  executed.  Montufar,  lieseha  Hist.,  ii.  377-407. 

6 The  battalion  La  Concordia  mutinied  on  the  26th  of  January. 

’Stephens,  loc.  cit.,  places  these  events  in  February,  but  he  is  evidently 

mistaken.  Marure,  Efem.,  43,  gives  the  29th  of  Jan.  as  the  date, 

8 At  4 e.  m.  of  Jan.  28,  1838.  Id.,  ii.  543. 


ATTACK  OX  GUATEMALA. 


129 


following  stipulations:  1st,  resignation  of  Galvez;  2<1, 
occupation  of  the  capital  by  the  forces  of  Sacatepe- 
quez;  3d,  the  forces  in  the  capital  to  go  out,  and  place 
themselves  under  the  orders  of  General  Morazan;  4th, 
the  forces  of  Sacatepequez  to  guarantee  the  persons 
and  property  of  all;  5th,  the  commissioners  would 
arrange  the  manner  of  evacuating  the  city;  Gth,  upon 
the  ratification  of  these  clauses,  they  were  to  be  car- 
ried out  within  twenty-four  hours.  Nothing  was 
done,  however,9  and  after  four  hours’  waiting,  Carras- 
cosa  continued  his  march  toward  the  gate  of  Buena- 
vista,  where  he  met  the  government  commissioners, 
who  assured  him,  with  great  mortification,  that  the 
convention  had  not  been  ratified.10 

Sacatepequez’  force,  800  strong,  entered  the  capital 
during  the  night  of  the  29th  of  January,  from  the 
Calvario  side,  reaching  the  plazuela  de  San  Francisco, 
afterward  known  as  plaza  de  la  Concordia.  The  roar 
of  artillery  apprised  the  inhabitants  at  1 o’clock  in 
the  morning  that  the  struggle  had  begun.  Generals 
Prem  and  Gorris,  colonels  Yanez,  Arias,  Mariscal, 
Cerda,  and  Cbrdoba,  and  the  other  officers  of  the 
garrison,  made  a stout  defence.  Their  troops,  though 
inferior  in  number,  were  for  their  discipline  more  effi- 
cient than  their  assailants,  who  were  mostly  raw 
recruits.  It  was  quite  evident  that  Carrascosa  and 
his  colleague  Carballo  would  waste  their  efforts  unless 
they  were  strongly  reenforced.  But  the  opponents  of 
Galvez  were  resolved  to  depose  him,11  even  if  they 
had  to  make  use  of  Carrera  to  accomplish  their  pur- 
pose. It  was  a fatal  thought. 

Jose  F.  Barrundia  was  authorized  by  President  Mo- 

9 Galvez  well  knew  of  the  relations  existing  between  Carrera  and  the  revo- 
lutionists of  La  Antigua.  The  convention  of  Guarda- Viejo  would  have  saved 
the  situation.  Had  the  forces  of  the  city,  consisting  of  411  men,  been  placed 
under  Morazan,  they  with  those  of  Sacatepequez  would  have  been  too  strong 
for  Carrera,  and  he  would  not  have  entertained  the  idea  that  a powerful  party 
looked  to  him  for -aid. 

10  Full  details  appear  in  Gen.  Carrascosa’s  correspondence  given  in  Montu- 
far,  Itese.aa  Hist.,  ii.  5S9-97. 

11  Among  them  were  Miguel  Garcia  Granados,  the  brothers  Arrivillaga, 
and  their  relations  the  Zepedas,  together  with  the  Barruudias. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  9 


ISO 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 


razan  to  enter  into  peaceable  negotiations  with  Carrera, 
and  the  clergymen  Jos£  Marfa  de  Castilla,  Manuel 
Marfa  Zecena,  and  Jose  Vicente  Orantes.  Barrundia, 
together  with  Manuel  Arrivillaga,  started  for  the 
hacienda  of  La  Vega  to  confer  with  Carrera;  but  at 
Ojo  de  Agua  they  ascertained  that  he  was  at  Mata- 
quescuintla,  and  declined  to  hold  any  conferences,  and 
yet  an  arrangement  with  other  opponents  had  been 
signed  at  Santa  Rosa.  This  document,  which  was 
shown  by  Father  Duran  to  Barrundia,  stipulated  the 
immediate  coming  of  a bishop,  the  abolition  of  the 
code  and  of  other  liberal  measures  decreed  by  Barrun- 
dia, and  that  Carrera  should  become  the  commander 
of  the  reform  forces,  or  in  other  words,  the  arbiter 
of  the  country,  which  was  what  the  clergy  wanted. 
Barrundia  was  indignant,  but  he  had  to  submit  and 
keep  calm,  else  he  might  lose  his  life.  He  merely 
said  that  the  arrangement  needed  some  discussion, 
which  might  lead  to  the  adoption  of  some  amend- 
ments. Duran  had  not  worked  to  promote  Barrun- 
dia’s  nor  Molina’s  ideas,  but  his  own  interests.  He 
coolly  replied  that  the  matter  had  been  well  consid- 
ered, and  admitted  of  no  changes. 

Barrundia  wrote  Carrera,  asking  for  an  interview  to 
explain  Morazan’s  views,  but  Carrera  appeared  angry 
at  the  mention  of  Morazan’s  name,  and  declined  the 
invitation,  saying  that  the  time  for  negotiations  had 
passed,  and  that  his  march  against  Guatemala  was  in 
order.12  He  became  much  mollified  on  receiving  from 
La  Antigua  a request  for  his  cooperation,13  and  was 
now  satisfied  that  the  fate  of  the  country  was  in  his  own 
hands.  Three  days  after  Carrascosa’s  failure,  Carrera 

12  He  was  in  all  this  affair  guided  by  the  priests.  Barrundia  was  accused 
throughout  Central  America  of  having  brought  about  Carrera’s  invasion  of  the 
capital.  The  serviles,  who  were  responsible  for  all  Carrera’s  iniquities,  have 
endeavored  to  place  some  of  the  odium  on  that  patriot,  who  had  nothing  to  do 
with  it.  Indeed,  had  Barrundia  gone  to  Carrera’s  headquarters,  he  would 
probably  have  been  shot.  Montu'ar,  Heseila  llist.,  ii.  573;  Squier’s  Travels, 
ii.  432. 

13  The  chiefs  of  Sacatepequez  had  become  convinced  of  their  Inability  to  take 
the  city,  or  even  to  properly  besiege  it. 


CARRERA  TAKES  THE  CAPITAL. 


131 


joined  him  with  a numerous  force  of  Indians,  and  after 
some  fruitless  negotiations,  marched  into  the  city  on 
the  1st  of  February,14  at  the  head  of  about  10,000 
men,  women,  and  children,  the  troops  of  the  govern- 
ment having  retreated  in  an  opposite  direction.  The 
result  of  this  was  that  Galvez  ceased  to  be  the  jefe  of 
the  state,  and  was  succeeded  by  the  vice-jefe,  Pedro 
Valenzuela.15 

The  entry  of  Carrera’s  hordes  into  Guatemala  might 
well  create  consternation.  Outlaws  and  robbers  were 
among  the  leaders;  the  soldiers  were  in  rags,10  and 
equipped  with  a variety  of  arms,  from  the  rusty 
musket  down  to  clubs,  and  knives  secured  at  the  end 
of  long  poles,  while  others  carried  sticks  shaped  like 
muskets,  with  tin-plate  locks.  Conspicuous  among 
the  mass  of  followers  were  thousands  of  women  hav- 
ing bags  to  carry  away  the  booty,  and  who  gazed  with 
amazement  on  the  fine  houses.17  Shouting  ‘Viva  la 
religion!  Mueran  los  extranjerosl’  the  invaders  en- 
tered the  main  plaza.  After  a few  hours  the  work  of 
rapine  began.18  No  regard  was  paid  by  Carrera  and 

11  Dunlop,  Cent.  Am.,  19S,  and  Crowe,  Oospel,  143,  erroneously  say  it  was 
on  the  30th  of  January. 

15 Mar ure,  Efem.,  43,  places  this  event  on  the  2d  of  Feb.,  1838. 

‘“Carrera  himself  is  described  as  having  on  a pair  of  coarse  frieze  trousers, 
and  a fine  coat  with  gold  embroidery  belonging  to  Gen.  Prem,  which  had  been 
taken  by  Monreal.  For  a chapeau  the  new  general  wore  a woman’s  hat  with 
a green  veil,  the  property  of  Prem’s  wife,  who  was  known  as  La  Colombiana. 
In  lieu  of  decorations  Carrera  had  on  his  breast  a number  of  ‘escapulariosdel 
Carmen,’  symbolizing  the  religion  he  had  come  to  protect.  Moutufar , Heseiia, 
Jlist.,  ii.  574. 

“It  seems  that  a large  portion  of  the  men  and  women  had  never  seen  a 
city  before. 

18  The  physician  Quirino  Flores,  who  belonged  to  the  opposition  party, 
and  was  an  intimate  friend  of  Carrascosa  and  Carballo,  believing  that  his 
house  would  be  a place  of  safety,  induced  the  vice-president  and  his  family  to 
use  it.  It  so  happened  that  a small  force  of  Galvez  entered  the  house,  fired 
upon  the  invaders  from  the  windows  and  retired.  The  men  fired  upon  were  not 
of  the  force  from  La  Antigua,  but  some  of  Carrera’s  savage  horde,  called  from 
that  time  ‘cachurecos, ’who  rushed  into  the  house,  fired  upon  the  family,  wound- 
ing one  of  the  women  and  a child,  and  killing  Jos<5  Gregorio  Salazar,  the  vice- 
president.  Salazar  was  born  in  San  Salvador  in  1793,  and  had  two  brothers, 
Cirlos,  the  general,  and  Francisco,  who  as  a captain  was  kdled  in  action  on 
the  23d  of  J une,  1S34.  Jos6  Gregorio  Salazar  was  one  of  the  leaders  in  whom 
Morazan  reposed  the  highest  trust.  As  senator,  president  of  the  senate,  jefe 
of  Salvador,  vice-president  of  the  republic,  and  acting  executive  at  such 
times  as  Morazan  assumed  personal  command  of  the  troops,  Salazar  unswerv- 
ingly supported  progressive  principles.  His  portrait  shows  a fine  and  intelli- 


132 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 


his  hordes  to  the  wishes  of  the  vice-jefe  Valenzuela, 
who  had  asked  that  only  the  force  from  La  Antigua 
should  occupy  the  plaza. 

The  leader  of  the  opposition  urged  Carrera  to  leave 
the  city;  but  he  manifested  much  indignation  at  such 
a request,  and  several  of  his  chiefs  refused  compliance. 
Carrera  himself  wanted  to  sack  the  city,19  and  it  was 
only  with  great  effort  that  he  was  prevented.  In 
lieu  of  pillage  he  was  given  $11,000/°  $10,000  for  his 
troops  and  $1,000  for  himself.  He  was  also  flattered 
with  the  commission  of  lieutenant-colonel  and  the 
appointment  of  comandante  of  Mita.  A number  of 
those  who  had  defended  the  city  having  voluntarily 
joined  the  Sacatepequez  force,  Carrascosa  was  now 
better  able  to  meet  emergencies.  He  at  once,  by 
order  of  the  vice-jefe,  made  known  to  Carrera  that 
the  interests  of  the  public  service  demanded  that  he 
should  repair  to  Mita  and  take  charge  of  the  coman- 
dancia  there.  He  made  no  resistance,  and  went  away 
with  his  horde,21  the  inhabitants  again  breathing 
freely  for  a time.22  Thus  were  the  serviles  balked 
once  more.  Carrera  was  sent  away  from  Guatemala, 
Valenzuela  remaining  in  charge  of  the  state  execu- 
tive.  Morazan  was  at  San  Salvador  recognized  as 
the  chief  magistrate  of  the  republic,  and  Vijil  held 
the  executive  office  of  that  gallant  little  state. 

gent  face.  The  murder  of  the  vice-president,  instead  of  calling  for  execration 
on  the  part  of  the  priests,  Duran,  Lobo,  Nicolds  Arellano,  Antonio  Gonzalez, 
and  others,  only  brought  out  their  diatribes  against  the  victim.  Id. , 57(1-9. 

19  It  was  found  at  iirst  difficult  to  elicit  a satisfactory  answer  from  him. 
The  pillaging,  though  not  officially  decreed,  had  been  carried  on  mostly  in  the 
houses  of  foreigners.  Charles  Savage,  U.  S.  consul  at  Guatemala,  has  been 
highly  praised  for  his  intrepidity  in  protecting  from  the  infuriated  Indians 
the  foreign  residents  and  their  property.  Montgomery's  Guat.,  146;  Stephens' 
Cent.  Am.,  i.  233-4. 

"There  being  no  money  in  the  treasury,  it  was  borrowed  from  private 
persons.  Stephens'  Cent.  Am.,  i.  227  et  seq.,  copied  by  Larenaudihre,  Mexi- 
que  et  Gnat.,  298-9.  The  facts  appear  in  the  records  of  the  asamblea. 

21  Had  he  resisted,  the  reenforced  troops  of  La  Antigua  would  in  all  prob- 
ability have  defeated  his  undisciplined  rabble.  This  would  not  have  suited 
Father  Duran  and  the  other  priests,  who  expected  their  own  triumph  through 
Carrera’s  success.  Those  same  priests  aided  Barrundia  and  Valenzuela  to  rid 
the  city  of  himself  and  his  men.  Montufar , Reseiia  Hist.,  ii.  584. 

22  The  priest  who  seemed  to  exercise  the  greatest  influence  on  Carrera  was 
named  Lobo,  a man  of  dissolute  character,  who  always  accompanied  him  as  a 
sort  of  counsellor. 


MORAZAN  VERSUS  CARRERA. 


133 


Carrera  and  his  supporters  continued,  however, 
their  menaces,  creating  no  little  alarm,  which  was 
quieted  on  receipt  of  the  tidings  that  Morazan  was 
marching  toward  Guatemala  with  1,500  men.  On 
his  arrival  he  found  not  only  that  the  serviles  had 
been  deriving  advantages  from  the  disturbed  political 
situation,  but  that  the  western  departments  of  Los 
Altos,  namely,  Quezaltenango,  Totonicapan,  and  So- 
lold,  had  declared  themselves,  on  the  2d  of  February, 
a separate  state  under  an  independent  government.23 
Without  interfering  with  those  arrangements,  Mo- 
razan endeavored  to  secure  by  peaceful  means  the 
submission  of  Carrera,  or  rather,  the  disbanding  of  his 
force;  failing  in  which,  he  opened,  on  the  30th  of 
March,  the  campaign  against  him.  Three  months 
of  military  operations  ensued,  the  federal  arms  being 
victorious  at  every  encounter,  but  without  obtaining 
any  definitive  result,  for  the  enemy  defeated  in  one 
place  rallied  in  another,  continually  increasing  in  num- 
bers, and  never  crushed.24  Morazan  returned  at  last 
to  Guatemala,  where  in  the  mean  time  servile  influence 
had  become  predominant.25  The  most  strenuous  ef- 
forts, even  to  fulsome  sycophancy,  were  used  by  the 

23  Los  Altos,  Manif.  Document.,  1-28.  The  federal  congress  ratified  the 
separation  on  the  5th  of  June,  1838;  the  departments  were,  however,  rein- 
corporated a year  after.  Marure,  Efem.,  43;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  198;  Asta- 
buruarja.  Cent.  Am.,  28.  Montiifar,  Reseila  Hist.,  iii.  9-23,  furnishes  a 
detailed  account  of  the  events  preceding  and  following  the  separation.  The 
provisional  government  then  established  was  a triumvirate  formed  by  Marcelo 
Molina,  Josb  M.  Galvez,  and  J os4  A.  Aguilar. 

24 Stephens,  Cent.  Am.,  i.  239-42,  details  some  of  the  military  movements, 
which  are  not  of  sufficient  interest  to  reproduce  here.  Marure,  Efem.,  43-4, 
says  that  Morazan  attacked  the  rebels  on  the  hill  of  Mataquescuintla;  ‘pero 
despues  de  tres  meses  de  combates,  marchas,  contramarchas,  y todo  gdnero  de 
maniobras,  el  ejdrcito  de  operaciones  tiene  que  replegarse  A la  capital. . .sin 
haberse  adelantado  nada  en  la  pacificacion  de  aquellos  pueblos.  ’ 

250n  the  18tli  of  June,  1838,  the  vice-jefe  Valenzuela,  and  the  deputies  Pedro 
Molina,  Jos<5  Gdndara,  J os6  F.  Barrundia,  Bernardo  Escobar,  Pedro  Amaya, 
Felipe  Molina,  and  Mariano  Padilla,  laid  a paper  before  the  federal  congress 
on  the  war  and  its  consequences.  In  this  document  they  say,  among  other 
things,  that  it  had  been  moved  in  the  asambleaof  Guatemala  to  authorize  the 
restoration  of  the  archbishop  and  of  the  religious  orders,  to  abolish  divorce, 
and  to  declare  void  the  decrees  of  1829,  ‘decretos  que  sostuvieron  entoncc3 
la  revolucion  en  favor  de  las  instituciones  y de  la  libertad.’  They  accuse  the 
serviles  of  perversely  attempting  to  render  the  representatives  of  liberalism 
and  progress  hateful  in  the  eyes  of  the  ignorant  populace.  Montufar,  Resend 
Hist.,  iii.  47. 


134 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 


serviles  to  win  him  to  their  side,  and  to  prevail  on  him 
to  accept  the  dictatorship.28 

The  president  returned  in  July  to  San  Salvador  to 
quell  a revolt.  A few  weeks  later,  on  the  20th  of 
July,  1838,  the  eleventh  and  last  federal  congress  of 
Central  America,  presided  over  by  Basilio  Porras, 
closed  its  session.2.  Subsequent  efforts  to  bring  it 
again  into  life  proved  unavailing,  and  from  this  time 
the  dismemberment  of  the  republic  made  rapid  prog- 
ress. Two  days  after  the  adjournment  of  congress, 
on  the  22d,  the  state  government  of  Guatemala  was 
also  dissolved,  and  was  temporarily  intrusted  to  the 
federal  authorities,28  though  the  executive  office  finally 
was  assumed  by  Mariano  Rivera  Paz,  as  president  of 
the  council,  which  satisfied  the  people,  and  peace  was 
unbroken,  it  being  understood  that  a constituent 
assembly  would  be  summoned  at  once. 

As  soon  as  Morazan  was  at  some  distance  from 
Guatemala  on  his  way  to  San  Salvador,  Carrera,  the 
supposed  beaten  rebel  leader,  for  whose  capture  a lib- 


26  Arguments,  cajolery,  entertainments,  and  every  other  possible  means 
were  employed  to  induce  him  to  swerve  from  the  principles  he  had  always 
upheld.  Barrundia  looked  aghast  on  their  proceedings,  and  describing  them, 
says  it  is  imposible  to  realize  ‘el  envilecimiento,  la  miseria  ruin  de  este  partido 
noble  aristocr^tico.  ’ The  haughty  patricians,  represented  by  Pa  von,  Batres, 
Aycinena,  and  their  confreres,  fawned  at  his  feet,  covered  him  with  flowers, 
disgusted  him  with  their  flattery,  feasted  him  to  satiety,  and  patiently  bore 
his  contemptuous  rebuff's  as  long  as  they  hoped  to  win  him  over.  After  their 
failure,  sarcasm,  ridicule,  and  abuse  were  heaped  upon  him  and  his  name. 
Had  Morazan’s  morals  been  equal  to  those  of  the  serviles,  he  might  have  ac- 
cepted the  dictatorship,  assumed  the  full  powers,  and  then  crushed  them; 
but  he  was  an  honest  man,  who  always  acted  in  good  faith.  Id.,  175-9. 

2:  On  the  30th  of  May  it  passed  an  act  declaring  the  states  free  to  con- 
stitute themselves  as  they  might  deem  best,  preserving,  however,  the  popular 
representative  form  of  government.  This  amendment  to  the  12th  art.  of  the 
constitution  of  1824  was  accepted  by  all  the  states,  excluding  the  restrictions 
contained  in  the  federal  decree  of  June  9,  1838,  which  was  rejected  by  a 
majority  of  the  legislatures.  Marure,  Efem.,  44-5.  The  federal  congress 
passed,  on  the  7th  of  July,  1838,  an  act  as  follows:  ‘The  federated  states  of 
Cent.  Am.  are,  and  by  right  should  be,  sovereign,  free,  and  independent  po- 
litical bodies.’  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley  ex,  i.  69. 

28  It  was  the  spontaneous  act  of  the  citizens  of  the  capital,  who,  in  view  of 
the  progress  made  by  the  rebels  of  Mita,  deemed  it  necessary  to  provide  for 
their  own  safety.  Valenzuela  resigned,  on  the  23d,  the  executive  office  into 
the  hands  of  the  asatnblea.  Marure,  Efem.,  45;  Monlilfar , Resena  JJtit.,  iii. 
181-5.  Crowe,  Gospel,  144,  attributes  to  Morazan  the  authorship  of  the  act 
adopted  by  the  citizens. 


SALAZAR  DEFEATS  CARRERA. 


135 


eral  reward  had  been  offered,'29  began  to  show  signs  of 
rallying.  He  gathered  a numerous  force,  with  which, 
about  the  middle  of  August,  he  defeated  the  federal 
troops,  first  at  Jalapa  and  next  at  Petapa.  He  then, 
unresisted,  took  possession  of  La  Antigua,  a portion  of 
which  was  pillaged,  and  forthwith  started  on  his  march 
for  Guatemala.30  A general  clamor  for  Morazan  was 
aroused;  but  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  reach  Guate- 
mala in  time,  and  the  danger  was  imminent  that  Car- 
rera would  not  only  take  the  city,  but  also  carry  out 
his  threats  of  burning  every  house  in  it.  In  this 
emergency,  General  Carlos  Salazar,  with  the  garrison 
of  900  men,  sallied  forth,  and  aided  by  a thick  fog, 
surprised  Carrera  at  Villanueva,  where  the  latter  was 
concentrating  his  forces,  now  about  2,400  strong,  with 
the  plunder  secured  at  La  Antigua.  A battle  ensued, 
the  bloodiest  that  occurred  in  1837  or  1838,  and  Car- 
rera was  routed,31  with  the  loss  of  350  killed  and  24 
prisoners,  one  of  whom  was  the  notorious  Father 
Huran,  the  representative  and  agent  of  the  aristocrats 
near  the  person  of  Carrera;32  besides  giving  up  a 
number  of  federal  prisoners  and  losing  three  pieces 
of  artillery,  305  muskets,  and  a large  number  of  other 


29  On  the  20th  of  July,  1838,  he  was  required  to  give  himself  up;  failing  to 
do  so,  a reward  was  offered  for  his  apprehension,  alive  or  dead — $1,500  and 
two  caballerias  of  land,  besides  a full  pardon  for  any  offences  against  the  laws 
his  captor  or  captors  might  have  committed.  Stephens’  Cent.  Am.,  i.  242. 

30  Squier,  Travels,  ii.  435,  says  that  Carrera  entered  Guatemala;  he  prob- 
ably meant  Old  Guatemala,  or  La  Antigua.  Carrera,  at  Jalapa,  had  2,000 
men,  while  his  opponent,  Col  Manuel  Bonilla,  had  about  500.  The  latter 
were  nearly  annihilated.  The  few  officers  and  soldiers  who  escaped  with 
life  found  refuge  in  Salvador  territory.  Carrera’s  excesses  at  this  time  knew 
no  bounds.  He  not  only  ravished  women,  but  amused  himself  cutting  off  their 
tresses  and  ears.  Some  of  these  earless  women  entered  the  city  of  Guatemala, 
and  their  stories  produced  great  indignation.  Montufar,  Besena  hist.,  iii.  204; 
Harare,  Efern.,  45. 

31  This  action  took  place  early  in  the  morning  of  Sept.  11th.  Salazar  at 
once  despatched  a courier  to  Guatemala  with  the  news  of  his  success,  which 
caused  the  utmost  joy.  Montufar,  Besena  Hist.,  iii.  200-8;  Marure,  Efem., 
40.  Dunlop,  Cent.  Am.,  201,  asserts  that  no  mercy  was  shown  by  the  federal 
troops  in  this  encounter.  By  a decree  of  Sept.  13,  1838,  pensions  were  granted 
to  the  wounded,  and  to  the  widows  and  orphans  of  the  slain  federals.  Badges 
of  honor  were  also  conferred  on  the  survivors.  Guat.,  Becop.  Leyes,  ii.  636-7. 

32  This  man’s  life  was  then  spared,  but  some  time  afterward  he  was  shot, 
for  which  the  serviles  called  Morazan  a murderer.  Montufar,  Besena  Hist., 
iii.  208. 


136 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 


arms,  besides  ammunition.  A portion  of  the  defeated 
forces  fled  to  La  Antigua,  and  a smaller  one  joined  the 
rebel  Mangandi,  who  had  500  men.  The  latter,  being 
ignorant  of  Carrera’s  mishap,  approached  Guatemala 
on  the  11th,  at  10  o’clock  in  the  morning,  causing  no 
little  commotion ; but  on  learning  of  his  leader’s  defeat, 
he  retired  to  the  mountains.  The  war  might  have 
ended  here  had  the  victors  followed  up  their  success; 
but  petty  annoyances  prevented  Salazar  from  doing 
so,  and  he  threw'  up  his  command  in  disgust,33  though 
he  was  afterward  induced  to  resume  it. 

The  greater  part  of  the  clergy  friendly  to  Carrera 
never  forsook  him.  It  w?as  not  so  with  the  aristocrats, 
Manuel  Pavon,  Luis  Batres,  and  Pedro  and  Juan 
Jose  Aycinena,  who  feared  at  times  that  they  could 
not  control  him.  After  his  defeat  at  Villanueva  they 
called  him  an  ‘ antropofago  sediento  de  sangre  hu- 
mana.’34  At  that  time  they  asked  the  vicar-general, 
Larrazdbal,  to  fulminate  censures  against  Carrera, 
which  he  did.36  Friar  Bernardo  Piiiol  also  railed 
against  him  from  the  pulpit  in  the  cathedral.38  How- 
ever, not  long  afterward  Carrera  was  called  from  that 
same  pulpit  ‘hijo  predilecto  del  Altisimo.’ 

The  lack  of  energy  on  the  part  of  the  authorities 
after  the  affair  of  Villanueva3,  enabled  Carrera  to  re- 

53  His  resignation  was  made  before  the  body  of  bis  officers,  which  im- 
plied a disregard  of  the  authority  of  the  government.  The  officers  eluded 
all  responsibility,  alleging  that  they  had  nothing  to  do  with  his  resignation. 
The  government  then  revoked  the  extraordinary  powers  conferred  on  him 
two  months  previously.  Marure,  Efem.,  46. 

34  In  the  Observador  and  the  Apindice. 

33  Exhortation  cristiana  que  el  vie.ario  capitular. . .dirige  & los  pueblos,  etc., 
17  p. 

36  Text  of  his  funeral  oration  on  the  1 4th  of  Sept,  in  honor  of  the  slain  on 
the  government  side  at  Villanueva,  in  Monttl/ar,  liesena  Hist.,  iii.  216-21. 

31  Jos6  Francisco  Barrundia,  who  fought  in  that  action,  said:  ‘ He  [Carrera] 
could  have  been  captured  or  annihilated  had  he  been  forthwith  pursued;  but 
no  advantage  was  derived  from  such  a glorious  victory,  and  in  a few  days 
vandalism  became  again  menacing.’  Salazar  was  blamed,  Montufar  thinks 
unjustly.  According  to  him,  the  victorious  troops  were  not  in  condition  to 
pursue.  This  authority,  partly  on  the  testimony  of  Gen.  Carballo,  lays  the 
blame  on  Rivera  Paz,  who  had  no  interest  in  destroying  a faction  on  which 
his  party  relied  in  the  emergency  of  Morazan  refusing  his  aid  to  the  scrviles. 
Morazan,  on  the  24th  of  Oct.,  declared  martial  law  in  portions  of  Guate- 
mala, peremptorily  refused  to  listen  to  the  proposals  of  the  recalcitrants,  and 
marched  to  Guatemala,  leaving  the  government  in  charge  of  the  vice-presi- 


CARRERA  AGAIN  DEFEATED. 


137 


organize  his  forces,  with  which  he  made  a successful 
raid,  in  the  latter  part  of  October,  against  Ahuacha- 
pan  and  Santa  Ana,33  returning  afterward  to  Guate- 
mala, when,  on  the  4th  of  November,  he  was  attacked 
in  Chiquimulilla  by  Colonel  Carballo,  defeated,  and 
driven  back  to  the  mountain  recesses  of  Mita.39  Mo. 
razan  had  in  the  mean  time  concentrated  forces  in 
Guatemala,  and  aided  Carballo’s  operations  by  march- 
ing1 against  the  Indian  chieftain  from  a northern  di- 
rection.  But  all  efforts  to  crush  the  enomy  failed, 
though  the  federal  troops  were  every  where  victorious; 
many  of  Carrera’s  followers  were  taken  and  shot,  but 
he  always  managed  to  escape.40  This  warfare,  or 
rather  chase,  was  kept  up  nearly  two  months.  At 
last  a capitulation  was  concluded,  on  the  23d  of  De- 
cember, at  Rinconcito.  Carrera  and  his  followers 
were  to  surrender  their  arms41  and  recognize  the  gov- 
ernment, which  in  turn  was  to  confirm  the  former  in 
his  office  of  comandante  of  the  district  of  Mita,  and 
respect  the  lives  and  property  of  its  inhabitants.42 
Thus  was  Carrera  a second  time  given  a legal  stand- 
ing. General  Guzman,  who  treated  with  him,  seemed 
to  place  on  the  treacherous  and  barbarous  mountaineer 
the  same  faith  as  if  he  were  a civilized  man  and  a re- 
specter of  treaty  stipulations.43  The  agreement  was 
not  carried  out  by  Carrera,  for  he  delivered  only  a 
small  portion  of  useless  arms,  and  kept  his  force  under 
the  pretext  that  the  safety  of  his  district  demanded 

dent,  Diego  Vijil,  whom  congress  had  chosen  to  succeed  the  murdered  Sala- 
zar. Id.,  223-6. 

38  His  hordes  committed  all  sorts  of  outrages  in  these  departments  of  Sal- 
vador. Bcirrundia,  in  El  Progreso  of  S.  Salv.,  1850,  no.  3. 

33  ‘ Les  causo  un  descalabro  de  entidad  la  division  del  coronel  Carballo.’ 
Marure,  Efem.,  46. 

10  Once  he  was  almost  starved  to  death  on  the  top  of  a mountain,  sui 
rounded  at  its  base  by  a large  force;  but  owing  to  some  neglect  he  escaped. 

41  Stephens,  Cent.  Am.,  i.  244,  erroneously  has  it  that  the  delivery  was  to 
be  of  only  1,000  muskets. 

4'*’Tlie  president  of  the  republic  ratified  the  agreement  on  the  25th  of  Dec. 

43  The  fact  was  that  the  arrangement  at  Rinconcito  was  prompted  to  Gen. 
Agustin  Guzman  by  Manuel  Pavon,  whom  he  believed  to  be  a friend  that 
would  give  him  nothing  but  honorable  advice.  He  had  good  reason  at  a later 
date  to  think  differently,  when  he  was  taken  into  Guatemala  in  rags,  tied  on 
a mule,  as  a trophy  of  Carrera’s  success.  MontvJ'ar,  lieseua  Hist.,  iii.  228-9- 


133 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 


it.  The  government  not  only  had  the  weakness  to 
enter  into  this  arrangement,  but  also  that  of  not  en- 
forcing its  fulfilment  to  the  letter.  This  rendered 
the  renewal  of  hostilities  but  a question  of  time. 

I have  mentioned  the  congressional  decree  of  May 
30,  1838,  granting  the  states  the  privilege  of  acting 
as  best  suited  their  views.  This  was  tantamount  to 
a dissolution  of  the  union ; and  when  Morazan’s  second 
presidential  term  expired,  on  the  1st  of  February, 
1839, 44  not  even  an  outward  tie  remained  to  hold  to- 
gether the  several  states.  Morazan,  and  he  alone,  did 
not  relinquish  all  hope  of  restoring  the  republic,  and 
without  delivering  up  an  office  which  had  ceased  to 
exist,  the  strife  was  continued  under  his  leadership. 
His  efforts,  supported  by  force  though  they  were,  met 
with  resistance  on  the  part  of  Nicaragua  and  Hon- 
duras, united  by  a treaty  of  alliance  since  January 
18,  1839,  which  had  been  entered  into  for  the  pur- 
pose of  maintaining  the  independence  and  sovereignty 
of  the  two  states.45  Similar  agreements  were  made 
in  the  following  months  between  nearly  all  the  other 
states,  always  protesting  a willingness  to  form  a fed- 
eral convention  of  the  Central  American  states,  but 
opposing  the  idea  of  confederation.48 

“After  that  Diego  Vijil  represented  the  unity  in  the  federal  district  as 
vice-president.  The  conventicle  of  the  four  nobles,  Pavon,  Batres,  and  the 
two  Aycinenas,  had,  however,  during  Rivera  Paz’s  rule  in  Guatemala,  arranged 
matters  to  their  own  satisfaction,  in  order  to  break  up  the  union,  having  at 
their  disposal  the  requisite  number  of  municipal  districts.  Their  emissaries 
supported  the  separation  in  Honduras  and  Nicaragua.  Costa  Rica  was  gov- 
erned by  Carrillo,  a declared  foe  to  Central  American  nationality.  They  were 
now  working  with  Rivera  Paz’s  successor,  Gen.  Carlos  Salazar,  with  almost  a 
certainty  of  carrying  their  point.  Salazar  was  a good  soldier,  but  as  a poli- 
tician, without  guile,  and  easily  deceived.  Id.,  241-3. 

45  And  also  to  protect  other  states  against  all  interference  on  the  part  of 
the  late  federal  government.  Full  text  of  the  convention  in  Cent.  Am.  Con- 
stitutions, no.  4,  1-5.  By  virtue  of  this  arrangement,  the  combined  forces  of 
the  two  states  invaded  Salvador.  Marure , EJ'em.,  47.  This  treaty  brought 
about  Morazan’s  ruin,  and  the  disruption  of  the  federal  union.  Francisco 
Ferrera,  commander  of  the  forces  of  Honduras,  himself  made  it  known  to 
Carrera,  and  it  prompted  the  latter’s  rebellion  on  the  24th  of  March,  1839, 
and  his  march  against  Guatemala.  It  enabled  Pavon,  Batres,  and  the  Ayci- 
nenas to  take  Carrera  in  triumph  into  that  city  on  the  13th  of  Apr.,  1839. 

16  The  jefe  of  Guatemala,  on  the  17th  of  April,  1839,  declared  the  federal 
compact  dissolved,  and  the  resumption  by  the  state  of  its  absolute  sovereignty. 
This  declaration  was  ratified  by  the  constituent  assembly  on  the  14th  of  J une 


FIGHTING  IN  SALVADOR. 


139 


A conciliatory  spirit,  to  bring  to  an  end  the  war 
against  Salvador,  and  to  act  as  mediator,  was  effected 
in  these  treaties;  but  it  had  no  influence  for  good, 
and  the  hostilities  continued  between  Nicaragua  and 
Honduras  on  the  one  part,  and  Salvador  on  the  other. 
Troops  of  the  two  former  states  entered  Salvador  ter- 
ritory in  March  1839,  and  surprising  a federal  party 
at  the  crossings  of  the  Lempa  River,  called  Xicaral 
and  Petacones,  took  without  resistance  the  town  of 
San  Vicente;  but  having  advanced  to  the  heights  of 
Xiboa,  were  repulsed  and  beaten  by  Colonel  Narciso 
Benitez.47  The  allies  were  signally  defeated  at  Espf- 
ritu  Santo,  near  the  Lempa,  by  the  Salvadorans,  called 
federals,  under  Morazan,  on  the  Gth  of  April.43 
Equally  successful  were  Morazan’s  operations  during 
the  rest  of  the  year.  His  officers  invaded  Honduras, 
took  the  capital  and  Tegucigalpa,  and  routed  the  allies 
in  several  encounters.49 

of  the  same  year.  Guat.  on  the  lltli  of  May  entered  into  a treaty  of  amity 
and  alliance  with  Honduras;  on  the  5th  of  June,  24th  of  July,  and  1st  of  Aug., 
made  similar  treaties  with  Salv.,  Nic.,  and  Costa  R.,  respectively.  July  1st, 
Hond.  and  Costa  R.  for  the  first  time  made  a treaty  of  friendship  and  alliance 
as  sovereign  states.  Aug.  10th  was  signed  at  Quezaltenango  the  first  treaty 
of  a similar  nature  between  the  new  state  of  Los  Altos  and  Salv.  Marure, 
Efem.,  4S-50.  Costa  Rica  had  in  Nov.  1S38  assumed  the  plenitude  of  her 
sovereignty.  In  obedience  to  a decree  of  Braulio  Carrillo,  the  supreme  chief 
of  the  slate,  dated  Aug.  4,  1838,  her  representatives  and  senators  had  left 
their  seats  iu  the  federal  congress.  The  state  recognized  its  share  of  the  fed- 
eral debt  and  paid  it  at  once.  Carrillo’s  decree  shows  that  the  Costa  Ricans 
were  dissatisfied  with  the  inequality  of  their  representation  in  the  national 
lower  house,  where  Guatemala  had  19  more  deputies  than  Nicaragua,  17  more 
than  Honduras,  15  more  than  Salvador,  and  23  more  than  Costa  Rica,  which 
had  only  four  representatives  in  the  ‘ congreso,  ’ as  the  lower  house  was  called. 
The  representation  in  the  senate  was  equal  to  that  of  the  other  states;  but  if 
the  latter  chamber  refused  its  sanction  to  any  bill  adopted,  the  former  could, 
under  the  83d  art.  of  the  constitution,  make  it  a law  by  three  fourths  of  the 
votes  present.  Thus  was  Costa  Rica  made  a nonentity  in  the  legislative  body. 
There  were  other  reasons  for  complaint.  By  a good  management  of  her 
finances,  Costa  Rica  always  had  available  resources,  and  punctually  paid  her 
contingent  to  the  national  treasury  in  money.  She  was  therefore  taxed 
while  virtually  without  representation.  Montufar,  Resend  Hist.,  iii.  26G-73, 
310,  313-41. 

4!  It  was  a force  from  Leon,  under  Col  B.  Mendez,  who  had  entered  by  the 
frontier  of  San  Miguel.  Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  iii.  292-3. 

48  The  allied  commander  was  Francisco  Ferrera,  an  Hondureuo,  who  had 
been  connected  with  the  incendiaries  of  Comayagua.  This  victory  was  mainly 
due  to  Morazan’s  daring.  He  was  seriously  wounded  in  the  right  arm.  Co! 
Benitez,  who  was  a Colombian,  was  slain.  Marure,  Efem.,  48;  Montufar, 
Jteseiia  Hist.,  iii.  293-5. 

49  Brigadier  Cabanas  occupied  the  capital  Aug.  28th.  He  defeated  the  Hon- 


140 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 


But  affairs  underwent  a change  against  him  early  in 
the  following  year.  A joint  force  of  Nicaraguans  and 
Hondurans,  under  Manuel  Quijano,60  attacked  the 
federals  under  Cabanas  at  the  hacienda  del  Potrero, 
on  the  31st  of  January,  1840,  and  forced  them  to  leave 
the  state  of  Honduras.51  A formidable  servile  coali- 
tion was  being  formed  against  Morazan.  Nicaragua 
was  resolved  to  drive  this  jefe  of  Salvador  from  the 
executive  chair.  Honduras,  under  Jduregui,  was  con- 
trolled by  Quijano’s  sword.  Los  Altos  had  become 
again  a department  of  Guatemala,  which  was  subject 
to  Carrera’s  will.  This  chieftain,  in  his  pronuncia- 
miento  of  March  24,  1839,  had  avowed  his  intention, 
to  champion  the  sovereignty  of  the  several  states  as 
concordant  with  his  own  ideas.52  Morazan  thought 
the  situation  might  be  saved  with  an  extraordinarily 
bold  move,  attacking  the  serviles  in  their  headquar- 
ters, and  made  preparation  to  bring  matters  to  a final 
issue  in  the  city  of  Guatemala.  The  serviles,  on  their 
part,  pursuing  their  aim  of  overthrowing  Morazan, 
entered  into  a league  with  Carrera,  and  invited  him 
to  take  possession  of  Guatemala. 

Morazan  convoked  the  assembly  of  Salvador,  and 
caused  the  vice-jefe,  Silva,  to  assume  the  executive 
office  of  the  state,  in  order  to  enable  himself  to  take 
command  of  the  forces  for  the  campaign  in  Guate- 
mala, which  at  first  amounted  to  900  men.  He  was 
afterward  joined  by  many  who  had  been  persecuted 
by  the  aristocrats,  who  pledged  themselves  to  con- 

durans  at  Cuesta  Grande  Sept.  6th,  and  then  entered  Tegucigalpa.  On  the 
25th,  after  quelling  a revolt  which  took  place  on  the  16th,  in  San  Salvador, 
Morazan  was  again  victorious  at  San  Pedro  Perulapan  with  600  Salvadorans 
over  a double  force  of  Hondurans  and  Nicaraguans,  who,  under  Ferrera,  had 
entered  that  town  on  their  way  to  San  Salvador,  to  destroy  the  ‘simulacro  de 
gobierno  federal  que  existia  aun  en  aquella  capital.’  Cabanas  triumphed 
a<iain  at  Soledad  on  Nov.  13th.  Marure,  Efe.m. , 4S-51;  Montufar,  Reseiia 
Hist.,  iii.  354-6,  446. 

60  Ferrera  was  without  a command  for  some  time,  owing  to  his  continual 
defeats.  Quijano  was  another  ‘notabilidad  del  partido  servil  aristocratico.’ 

61  Cabanas’  official  report  of  Feb.  3d  from  San  Antonio  del  Sauce  says 
that  the  enemy’s  force  being  superior,  he  had  resolved  to  retire  to  San  Miguel 
in  Salv.  Montufar , Re.se no.  Mist.,  iii.  451-2. 

62  Stephens,  Cent.  Am.,  i.  245,  quaintly  remarks,  ‘ It  must  have  been  quite 
new  to  him,  and  a satisfaction  to  find  out  what  principles  he  sustained.’ 


TRIUMPH  AND  DEFEAT  OF  MORAZAN. 


141 


quer  or  perish  at  his  side,  and  faithfully  carried  out 
the  promise.63  Morazan  marched  upon  the  city  of 
Guatemala,  and  his  movement  created  the  greatest 
alarm  when  he  neared  Corral  de  Piedra.  Consterna- 
tion then  seized  the  serviles.54  Preparations  were 
made,  however,  for  defence.  All  men  capable  of  bear- 
ing arms  were  called  to  the  service,55  and  Carrera 
established  his  headquarters  at  Aceituno,  his  plan 
being  to  catch  the  men  of  Salvador  between  the  forti- 
fications  of  the  city  and  his  own  force.58  The  plan 
foiled.  Morazan  entered  the  city  on  the  18th  of  March 
at  sunrise,  by  the  Buenavista  gate,  and  after  some 
fighting,  made  himself  master  of  it,  and  of  all  the 
defences.67  Liberals  who  were  in  the  prisons  were 
set  free.  Among  them  was  General  Agustin  Guz- 
man, whom  Carrera  had  outrageously  treated,  confin- 
ing him  shackled  in  a dungeon.  Guzman  hailed  the 
victor  who  returned  him  to  freedom,  but  was  unable  to 
afford  any  aid;  the  shackles  had  made  him  a cripple. 
The  numerous  prisoners  taken  were  all  treated  with 
every  kindness.  Such  had  always  been  his  practice. 
However,  it  was  not  destined  that  he  should  enjoy  his 
victory.  Carrera  attacked  him  on  the  next  day — the 
19th — and  after  a fight  of  twenty-two  hours,  com- 
pelled Morazan  to  retreat.63  His  forces  had  been  shat- 

53  Among  them  were  Mariscal  and  Del  Rio.  War  had  been  declared  be- 
tween Guatemala  and  Salvador.  The  fiction  of  Atescatempa,  Carrera’s  procla- 
mations against  Morazan  the  chief  magistrate  of  Salv.,  the  movement  of  the 
IGth  of  Sept.,  1S3D,  against  the  lawful  authorities  of  Salvador  prompted  and 
aided  by  Carrera,  the  destruction  of  Los  Altos  the  friend  and  ally  of  Salv., 
and  many  other  causes,  constituted  a real  state  of  war.  Montufar,  Re.se  ha 
Ilist.,  iii.  456. 

31  Their  head  men  sought  refuge  with  the  nuns  of  La  Concepcion. 

55  Made  up  exclusively  of  Indians,  as  Carrera  wanted  no  white  soldiers  or 
officers.  Stephens’  Cent.  Am.,  ii.  111. 

56  The  worshippers  of  Carrera  have  said  that  he  intentionally  allowed 
Morazan  to  enter  the  city,  with  the  view  of  besieging  him,  which  is  absurd. 
The  city  was  full  of  war  material,  and  was  plentifully  supplied  with  meat. 

67  His  officers  who  distinguished  themselves  in  the  operations  were  Gen- 
erals Cabanas  and  Rivas,  colonels  Antonio  Rivera  Cabezas  and  Iguacio  Ma- 
iespin,  and  Lieut-col  Bernardo  Rivera  Cabezas. 

68  Carrera’s  official  report  is  dated  at  Guatemala  on  the  23d  of  March.  He 
does  not  speak  of  the  assassination  of  Col  Sanchez,  Morazan’s  aide-de-camp, 
by  order  of  his  brother,  Sotero  Carrera;  nor  of  the  wanton  massacre  of  many 
others;  nor  of  the  maltreatment  of  women,  followers  of  the  Salvadoran  camp, 
which  caused  the  French  consul  to  raise  his  voice  in  protest.  Carrera  gave 


142 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 


t ered  at  the  Cal  vario.  The  number  of  assailants,  known 
as  cachurecos,  was  overwhelming.69  At  4 o’clock  in 
the  morning  he  left  the  city  by  the  plaza  de  Guada- 
lupe with  upwards  of  400  men,  and  was  far  away 
before  the  escape  became  known.  No  pursuit  of  the 
fugitives  was  attempted.60 

On  arriving  at  San  Salvador,  Morazan  found  the 
tables  turned  against  him.  He  was  openly  insulted 
in  the  streets;  and  becoming  convinced  that  it  would 
be  impossible  to  raise  a new  army  and  continue  the 
war,  he  concluded  to  cease  the  struggle  and  leave  the 
country.  He  accordingly  called  a meeting  and  made 
known  the  necessity  of  such  a course  in  order  to  save 
the  state  from  anarchy.  On  the  5th  of  April  he  em- 
barked at  La  Libertad  upon  the  schooner  Izalco,  to- 
gether with  Vice-president  Vijil  and  thirty-five  of  his 
supporters.61  The  vessel  reached  Puntarenas,  where 
the  chief  of  Costa  Rica,  Braulio  Carrillo,  who  had 
congratulated  Guatemala  on  the  defeat  of  Morazan, 
refused  him  residence  in  the  state,  though  it  was 
granted  to  some  of  his  companions.62  Morazan  and 

full  sway  to  his  ferocious  instincts  on  that  day,  taking  the  greatest  delight  in 
butchering  the  vanquished.  Many  of  the  pursued  sought  an  asylum  in  the 
house  of  Chatfield,  the  British  consul,  and  a word  from  him  on  their  behalf 
would  have  saved  their  lives;  but  he  did  not  utter  it,  and  they  were  put  to 
death.  Id.,  400-7;  Marure,  Ej'em.,  52. 

59  Their  hatred  against  Morazan  was  shown  in  their  cries,  accompanying 
those  of  ‘Viva  la  religion  ! Guanacos,  entreguen  4 ese  caualla,  entreguen  4 
ese  hereje;  nosotros,  defendemos  A Dios  y 4 sus  santos.’  They  called  their  op- 
ponents ‘guanacos,  pirujos,  malvados,  ladrones,’  and  declared  that  they  were 
going  to  bring  back  the  archbishop,  and  the  friars  who  were  6ent  away  in 
1829. 

60  Stephens,  who  was  then  on  his  way  from  San  Salvador  to  Guatemala, 
met  the  defeated  troops,  and  in  his  Cent.  Am.,  ii.  09  et  seq.,  gives  a graphic 
description. 

61  Miguel  Alvarez  Castro,  Josd  Miguel  Saravia,  Isidro  Menendez,  Cdrlos 
Salazar,  Maximo  Drellana,  NicolAs  Angulo,  Trinidad  Cabanas,  Enrique  Rivas, 
Gerardo  Barrios,  Pedro  Molina,  with  his  sons  Felipe  and  Josi?,  and  his  son-in- 
law  Manuel  Irungaray,  Antonio  and  Bernardo  Rivera  Cabezas,  JosA  M.  Silva, 
MAximo,  Tom4s  and  Indalccio  Cordero,  Antonio  Lazo,  and  others.  Pedro 
Molina  refused  to  goat  first,  but  was  prevailed  on  by  his  sons  and  son-in-law, 
who  saw  that  his  fate  would  he  sealed  if  he  remained.  Montufar,  lieseha 
Hist.,  iii.  484. 

62  Pedro  Molina  and  his  sons  Felipe  and  JosA,  Manuel  Irungaray,  Isidro 
Menendez,  Gen.  Enrique  Rivas,  Doroteo  Vasconcelos,  Gerardo  Barrios,  Inda- 
lccio Cordero,  JosA  Prado,  DAmaso  Lonza,  and  others.  They  were  made  after- 
ward the  objects  of  abuse  on  the  part  of  Carrillo  and  his  coarse  wife,  Froilaua 
Carranza.  Id.,  iii.  C00-1. 


FALL  OF  MORAZAN. 


143 


his  remaining  companions  continued  their  voyage  to 
South  America,  where  he  remained  about  two  years. 
After  a time,  touching  at  David,  in  Colombia,  he 
issued  a stirring  manifesto  to  the  Central  American 
people.63  He  was  the  last  champion  of  the  ‘Con- 
federacion  de  Centro  America,’  whose  establishment 
had  been  greeted  with  so  much  joy  on  the  1st  of  July, 
1823. 

The  governments  of  Nicaragua  and  Honduras, 
which  had  promised  Guatemala  aid  to  resist  Morazan, 
on  hearing  of  his  downfall  congratulated  the  victor  on 
the  defeat  of  the  ‘common  enemy  of  all  the  states.’ 
They  thought  that  with  the  fall  of  Morazan,  Central 
American  nationality  would  be  revived.  They  could 
not  yet  see  that  they  had  been  the  dupes  of  the  aris- 
tocrats and  their  clerical  allies  in  Guatemala,  who, 
while  holding  out  the  promise  of  reuniting  Central 
America,  had  been  all  alone*  working  for  the  destruc- 
tion  of  federal  nationality. 

After  the  departure  of  Morazan  and  Vijil,  Anto- 
nio Jose  Canas,  by  virtue  of  his  position  as  a council- 
lor of  state,  assumed  the  rulership  of  Salvador,  and 
called  the  assembly  to  hold  a special  session.  It  was 
expected  that,  Morazan  being  out  of  the  way,61  with 
so  honorable  and  upright  a man  as  Canas  at  the  head, 
concord  would  be  restored.  But  Salvador  was  still 
the  subject  of  abuses,  and  on  the  remonstrances  of 
Canas,  the  government  of  Guatemala  despatched  a 
diplomatic  mission  to  San  Salvador.  It  was  com- 
posed of  the  former  pig-driver  Rafael  Carrera,  and 
Joaquin  Duran,  and  had  for  an  attache  Francisco 
Malespin,  a military  officer  whose  sword  had  been  dyed 
in  the  best  blood  of  Quezaltenango.65  A convention 

63  July  1C,  1841.  He  details  the  acts  of  the  serviles,  enemies  of  their 
country’s  independence  and  freedom.  Carrera’s  career  of  crime  is  also  fully 
discussed.  Morazan , Manif.,  in  Id.,  585-9G;  Id.,  in  Cent.  Am.  Pap.,  no.  3. 

61  The  serviles  had  said  that  they  waged  war,  not  against  Salvador,  but 
against  Morazan. 

6i  The  embassy  brought  an  escort  of  200  men,  and  Salvador  had  to  pay  all 
the  expense.  See  the  note  of  Minister  Manuel  Barberena  to  the  minister-gen- 
eral of  Guatemala,  dated  May  IS,  1840.  Carrera  was  lodged  in  one  of  the 


144 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 


was  concluded  on  the  13th  of  May,  1840,  placing  Sal- 
vador at  the  mercy  of  Guatemala,  Canas  having  to  sub- 
mit to  the  conditions  imposed.68  The  most  humiliat- 
ing condition  of  the  understanding  was  not  mentioned 
in  the  convention,  namely,  that  the  attache  Francisco 
Malespin  should  remain  in  San  Salvador,  with  the 
office  of  comandante  de  armas.  This  treaty  convinced 
the  people  of  Salvador  that  they  could  expect  no  favor 
from  the  aristocracy  of  Guatemala,  their  implacable 
foe. 

best  houses  of  Salvador,  and  his  deportment  clearly  indicated  what  his  early 
training  had  been.  His  first  diplomatic  utterances  were  threats,  and  the  gen- 
eral conduct  of  himself  and  his  soldiers  ■was  so  abusive  that  the  people  of  the 
liberal  district  of  Calvario  in  San  Salvador  finally  resolved  to  fall  upon  and 
annihilate  them.  Canas  saw  the  danger,  and  called  to  it  the  attention  of 
Duran,  ■who  prevailed  on  his  colleague  to  leave  the  state  with  his  troops. 
Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  iii.  4S7-8,  492. 

66  The  convention  was  signed  by  Joaquin  Duran,  secretary  of  the  sup.  gov., 
and  Lieut-gen.  Rafael  Carrera,  on  the  part  of  Guatemala,  and  by  Manuel 
Barberena  and  Juan  Lacayo  for  Salvador.  Under  art.  1st  Salvador  was  not 
to  have  in  office  any  man  who  had  cooperated  with  Morazan.  Art.  2d  required 
of  Salvador  to  surrender  to  Guatemala  a number  of  persons,  named  in  a list 
furnished,  to  be  retained  until  Salvador  should  be  fully  reorganized.  Art.  3d 
forbids  Salvador  to  permit  the  return  to  its  territory  of  any  of  the  persons  who 
went  away  with  Morazan.  Should  any  return,  they  must  oe  given  up  to 
Guatemala,  as  prescribed  in  the  2d  article.  Art.  4th  and  7th  refer  to  the  re- 
turn of  certain  armament  and  of  prisoners  of  war  taken  in  the  action  of  18th  and 
19th  of  March  last.  Art.  5th  says  that  the  constituent  assembly  of  Salvador 
having  been  called,  her  government  must  see  at  once  to  the  appointment  of 
deputies  to  the  convention  which  was  to  organize  the  republic.  Under  art. 
6th  Salvador  agreed  that  Guatemala  and  the  other  states  should  appoint 
agents,  who,  together  with  her  own,  were  to  have  in  their  charge  the  archives 
and  other  effects  of  the  federation,  hi.,  489-91. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

GUATEMALA  AND  HONDURAS. 

1824-1S40. 

State  Government  of  Guatemala — Barrundla’s  Radicalism — His  Over- 
throw— V ice- jefe  Flores  Assassinated  in  Quezaltenango — Down- 
fall of  the  Liberals  in  Guatemala — Aristocratic  Leaders  Exiled 
— Jefe  Molina — His  Differences,  Impeachment,  and  Acquittals 
— Rivera  Cabezas’  Reforms — Earthquakes — Galvez’  Rule  and  its 
Benefits — Party  Opposition  to  Him — Indian  Outbreaks — Carrera 
Captures  Guatemala — Galvez  Resigns — Subsequent  Rule  of  the 
Aristocrats — Guatemala  again  Independent — Honduras’  State 
Government — Jefe  Dionisio  Herrera — Early  Dissensions— Coma- 
yagua  Assaulted  by  Rebels — Morazan  in  the  Field — Honduras  Se- 
cedes from  the  Central  American  Confederation — Federalism 
Rooted  out  of  her  Territory. 


Having  sketched  the  life  of  Central  America,  first 
as  an  appendage  of  the  Spanish  crown,  next  as  a por- 
tion of  the  short-lived  Mexican  empire,  and  lastly  as 
a confederation  of  states,  embracing  the  period  from 
1801  to  1840,  it  is  well  now  to  glance  over  the  inter- 
nal affairs  of  each  state  separately,  for  the  period  after 
its  accession  to  the  federal  union  down  to  1840,  be- 
ginning with  Guatemala  as  the  most  important. 

I have  said  elsewhere  that  the  states  were  organ- 
ized on  the  same  principle  as  the  confederation, 
namely,  under  a popular,  democratic,  representative 
government.  The  first  constituent  congress  or  as- 
sembly of  the  Estado  de  Guatemala  was  installed  at 
La  Antigua  on  the  16th  of  September,  1824,1  under 
the  presidency  of  the  clergyman  Josd  Marfa  Chacon, 

xGuat.  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  42,  62-9,  178. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  10 


<H5) 


146 


GUATEMALA  AND  HONDURAS. 


and  its  first  act  was  to  call  Alejandro  Diaz  Cabeza  de 
Vaca  to  be  the  provisional  chief  of  the  state.2  On 
the  30th,  the  votes  for  jefe  and  vice-jefe  having  been 
counted,  and  neither  of  the  candidates  having  the 
requisite  majority,  the  congress  named  Juan  Barrun- 
dia  to  be  jefe  and  Cirilo  Flores  to  be  vice-jefe,  the 
former  assuming  the  reins  of  government  on  the  12th 
of  October,  and  at  once  inaugurating  a radical  policy, 
which  tended  to  widen  the  breach  between  liberals 
and  serviles.3  No  person  opposed  to  him  in  politics 
was  allowed  to  have  a voice  in  public  affairs.  How- 
ever, no  open  rupture  occurred,  even  during  a tumult 
in  February  1825,  when  the  Franciscan  friars  of  the 
college  de  propaganda  fide  refused  to  take  the  oath 
recognizing  the  constitution  of  the  republic.  The 
rabble  supported  the  friars,4  but  owing  to  the  ener- 
getic attitude  of  the  state  government,  the  priests  had 
to  submit. 

The  assembly  continued  its  labors.  A coat  of  arms 
was  decreed  January  20,  1825,  and  on  the  2d  of 
May  took  place  the  installation  of  the  executive 
council,  whose  prerogatives  and  duties  were  similar 
in  state  matters  to  those  of  the  federal  senate  in  na- 
tional affairs.  On  the  same  date  was  also  installed 
the  superior  court  of  justice.  The  framing  of  a state 
constitution  was  not  completed  till  the  11th  of  Octo- 
ber, on  which  date  it  was  decreed.5  After  passing  a 
law  for  the  political  division  of  the  state  into  depart- 
ments,6 the  assembly  adjourned  sine  die  one  month 


2 The  title  given  the  chief  magistrate  was  that  of  jefe.  That  of  president 
was  not  decreed  till  Nov.  29,  1S39.  Marure,  Efem.,  51. 

3 He  is  represented  as  a man  of  excitable  temperament  and  harsh  manners. 
He  was  a brother  of  Jos6  Francisco  Barrundia. 

4 The  prelate  of  the  order  was  summoned  to  the  palace  of  the  federal  gov- 
ernment, and  a compromise  was  agreed  to.  Meantime  the  mob  had  assem- 
bled, shouting,  ‘Mision  queremos!  Viva  la  religion!  Muera  la  heregia! 
Mueran  los  que  no  quieren  misiones!’  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  1S2-3. 

5 It  was  solemnly  promulgated  Dec.  26,  1S25.  This  constitution  was  in 
full  force  till  the  meeting  of  a second  constituent  assembly,  when  it  ceased  to 
rule.  Marure,  Efem.,  15;  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  201-2. 

6 Vera  Paz  with  Peten;  Chiquimula,  Guatemala,  and  Escuintla;  Sacate- 
pequez  with  Chimaltenango;  Suchitepequez  with  SoloH;  Quezaltenaugo  and 
Soconusco;  Totonicapan  and  Huehuetenango.  Id.,  4G3-70. 


BARRUNDIA  AS  JEFE. 


147 


later.  Clouds  had  already  appeared  in  the  political 
horizon,  the  state  authorities  having  transferred  the 
seat  of  government  from  La  Antigua  to  Guatemala, 
against  the  opposition  of  the  national  executive. 

The  liberal  party  has  been  accused  of  having,  with 
the  connivance  of  the  jefe  Barrundia,  committed 
frauds  at  the  elections  held  in  January  1826  for  a 
partial  renewal  of  the  representative  council.  In  the 


Arms  of  Guatemala. 


first  ordinary  legislature,  which  met  on  the  1st  of 
February,  a law  was  passed  for  new  elections  to  fill 
the  council.  But  these  and  other  arbitrary  measures 
of  the  liberal  party  gave  rise  to  such  warm  discus- 
sions in  the  assembly,  that  Barrundia  at  last  ignored 
the  authority  of  the  council  as  then  existing.7  The 

7 Barrundia  induced  seven  of  the  deputies  to  abandon  their  seats,  and  to 
protest  against  resolutions  enacted  by  the  legislature  after  they  had  quitted 
it.  Marure,  Dosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  242. 


143 


GUATEMALA  AND  HONDURAS. 


latter  then  denounced  him,  and  called  the  vice-jefe  to 
assume  the  government.  But  through  the  mediation 
of  commissioners  of  the  federal  government,  harmony 
was  restored.  This  harmony  was  not  to  last  long, 
new  complications  arising  from  another  quarter.  I 
have,  in  detailing  federal  affairs  at  this  period,  spoken 
of  the  plans  attributed  to  president  Arce  to  overthrow 
the  liberal  party,  and  the  events  which  culminated 
with  the  deposal  of  Barrundia  from  his  position  as 
jefe  of  the  state.  The  first  resolution  taken  by  the 
legislature  and  representative  council  was  to  remove 
the  capital  to  Quezaltenango.  The  new  jefe,  Flores, 
was  at  the  same  time  empowered  to  organize  a mili- 
tary force,  raise  funds,  and  adopt  other  proper  meas- 
ures to  uphold  the  state’s  sovereignty.8  Flores  had 
advocated  the  removal  of  the  state  capital,  but  stren- 
uously opposed  the  selection  of  Quezaltenango  as  an 
unfit  place  for  the  seat  of  government  of  a liberal 
state.9  The  assembly  paid  some  heed  to  his  remon- 
strances, and  tarried  a while  at  San  Martin  Jilotepec, 
where  it  was  resolved  that  Barrundia  should  resume 
the  reins  of  government;  but  he  declined,  pleading 
ill  health.10  The  assembly  remained  at  that  place  till 
the  29th  of  September,  and  then  concluded  to  repair 
to  Quezaltenango,  considering  Jilotepec  not  quite  safe. 

Flores,  accompanied  by  a few  deputies,  arrived  at 
Quezaltenango  on  the  8th  of  October,  and  was  re- 
ceived with  a shower  of  flowers.  He  at  once  set 
himself  to  complete  the  defence  of  the  district,  which 
had  been  already  begun  by  Colonel  Josd  Pierzon,11 
who  had  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  state  sev- 


8 This  step  was  taken  Sept.  6,  1S26.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  2G0; 
Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  53-4.  A demand  from  the  fed.  gov.  to  muster  out  the 
troops  was  refused  in  round  terms. 

* He  had  once  been  a resident  there,  and  knew  it  to  be  the  most  bigoted 
place  in  all  Cent.  Am.  Liberal  ideas  had  not  taken  much  root  there,  and 
fanaticism  ruled. 

10  He  afterward  attempted  to  recover  his  office,  but  the  course  events  had 
taken  impeded  it.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  57-8. 

11 A creole  from  Sto  Domingo,  who  had  been  formerly  a federal  officer;  but 
having  been  arbitrarily  removed  from  the  position,  he  joined  the  state  cause. 


PIERZON’S  CAMPAIGN. 


149 


eral  hundred  men.12  Having  reason  to  apprehend  an 
attack  from  the  federal  authority,  Pierzon  was  or- 
dered to  Patsun  to  watch  the  enemy.  It  was  during 
his  absence  that  the  events  occurred  leading  to  the 
murder  of  Jefe  Flores  by  an  ungovernable  fanatical 
mob,  of  which  a description  is  given  elsewhere.  Upon 
hearing:  of  those  occurrences,  and  of  the  friars  at 
Quezaltenango  having  called  the  Indians  of  the  neigh- 
borhood to  take  up  arms  for  the  common  defence, 
Pierzon  retreated  to  Totonicapan,13  encountering  the 
Quezaltec  rebels  on  the  18th  of  October  near  Salcajd, 
and  easily  defeated  them.  He  gave  no  quarter.  He 
demanded  the  immediate  surrender  of  all  arms  in 
Quezaltenango,  guaranteeing  the  lives  of  the  inhab- 
itants, otherwise  he  would  destroy  the  place.14  The 
rebel  authorities  had  to  submit,  and  on  the  following 
day  Pierzon  recovered  possession  of  the  place.  Sev- 
eral draconic  ordinances  were  issued  to  keep  in  check 
the  spirit  of  rebellion.15  The  leaders  of  the  riots  had, 
however,  fled,  thus  escaping  the  punishment  they  so 
richly  deserved. 

Juan  Barrundia  now  made  another  effort,  from 
Solola,  to  resume  his  former  authority,  but  his  pres- 
tige was  lost,  and  most  of  his  friends  had  forsaken  his 
cause.16  Pierzon  abandoned  Quezaltenango  on  the 
25th  of  October,  and  was  pursued,  overtaken,  and  de- 
feated by  the  federals,  under  Brigadier  Cdscaras,  at 


12  Near  Quezaltenango  he  endeavored  to  capture  his  former  command,  now- 
under  Manuel  Montufar,  but  the  latter  escaped.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  55-6. 
He  had  been  forewarned  by  some  serviles  of  Quezaltenango  of  the  ambuscade 
prepared  for  him.  Manure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  262. 

13 Abandoning  the  plan  he  had  formed  of  attacking  the  federals  under 
Francisco  Cdscaras. 

14 He  allowed  four  hours  for  the  surrender:  ‘si  en  el  termino  de  cuatro 
horas,  no  efectuan  Vds  lo  referido,  la  hermosa  ciudad  de  Quezaltenango  desa- 
parecerd. ’ Manure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  28S;  Id.,  Efem.,  18;  Mem. 
Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  57-8. 

13  Among  them,  one  of  Oct.  19,  1826,  to  punish  attempts  at  propagating 
sedition  among  the  soldiers;  another,  of  Oct.  25th,  to  impose  the  penalty  of 
death  on  all  Guatemalans  taking  up  arms  against  the  state  government.  Oaz. 
de  Mex.,  Dec.  14,  IS'26;  El  Indicador  de  Gnat.,  of  same  year,  no.  106;  Gual., 
Recop.  Leyes,  i.  248-50. 

ls  Afraid  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  federal  troops  then  marching 
toward  Los  Altos,  he  retired  to  Retalhuleu,  where  he  lived  till  1829. 


150 


GUATEMALA  AND  HONDURAS. 


Malacatan.17  Pierzon,  together  with  his  friends  Saget 
and  Fauconnier,  escaped,  and  were  proscribed,  but 
they  managed  to  cross  into  Chiapas.13  But  it  seemed 
that  it  had  been  preordained  that  he  should  perish  at 
the  hands  of  his  foes.  On  his  way  to  San  Salvador 
to  take  part  in  the  war  against  the  federal  govern- 
ment, he  was  taken  prisoner,  brought  to  Guatemala, 
and  shot,  on  the  11th  of  May,  1827,  without  a trial.19 

Another  body  of  liberal  troops,  under  Cayetanc  de 
la  Cerda,  not  being  aware  of  Pierzon’s  defeat  at  Ma- 
lacatan, prepared  to  march  from  Los  Altos  to  Guate- 
mala, but  the  soldiers  were  induced  to  rebel,  and  thus 
the  last  armed  force  of  the  state  disappeared.  The 
members  of  the  assembly  and  council  who  were  not 
in  prison  either  secreted  themselves  or  emigrated,  and 
the  state  was  left  without  authorities.  The  federal 
president  assumed  power,  and  replaced  the  jefes  poli- 
ticos and  military  commanders  with  his  own  creatures. 
He  published,  on  the  31st  of  October,  a decree  for 
new  elections  of  state  authorities.  The  new  assembly 
met  on  the  last  day  of  the  year,  and  on  the  1st  of 
March,  1827,  Mariano  Aycinena  was  chosen  by  pop- 
ular vote  chief  of  the  state.20  It  is  hardly  necessary 


17  Oct.  28,  1826.  Cascaras’  vainglorious  report  is  in  Gnat.,  Gac.  Gob.,  Nov. 
2,  1826,  and  Mix.  Gac.  Gob.,  Dec.  14,  1826;  Marure,  E/cm.,  18;  Mem.  Rev. 
Cent.  Am.,  59-60. 

18  All  persons  affording  them  aid  were  declared,  on  the  5th  of  March,  guilty 
of  high  treason.  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  250-4.  Decree  reiterated  March  28, 
1827;  Marure,  Efem.,  19. 

19  All  authorities  agree  that  the  execution  was  effected  upon  the  mere  order 
of  Aycinena,  the  then  jefe  of  Guat.,  and  without  legal  formalities.  Arce, 
Mem.,  6S;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  70;  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  16;  Squier’s 
Travels,  ii.  397.  This  last-named  writer  severely  condemns  the  affected  piety 
of  Aycinena,  who  made  confession  before  a priest  and  took  the  communion 
before  signing  the  death-warrant.  In  1829  the  liberal  party  awarded  extraor- 
dinary honors  to  Pierzon’s  memory,  ordering  that  his  name  should  be  placed 
by  the  side  of  Cirilo  Flores,  with  this  inscription,  ‘Viva  el  ilustre  Coronel 
Pierzon  en  el  corazon  de  los  bucnos  patriotas.’  Marure,  Efem.,  19. 

20 Aycinena  retained  his  position  uninterruptedly  till  the  12th  of  Apr., 
1829,  when  he  was  deposed  by  Morazan.  A legislative  act  expatriated  him, 
and  he  was  in  exile  till  early  in  1836,  when  he  returned  to  the  bosom  of  his 
family;  but  a second  legislative  order  compelled  him  to  leave  the  country 
again.  Finally,  an  amnesty  decree  of  July  25,  1838,  restored  him  to  his  coun- 
try in  Sept.  Marure,  Efem.,  18,  61.  Mariano  Cordoba  was  chosen,  in  March 
1827,  vice-jcfe,  and  when  he  resigned  the  office,  Manuel  Montufar  was  called 
to  succeed  him.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  CO. 


RULE  OF  AYCINENA. 


151 


to  state  that  the  elections  were  wholly  controlled  by 
the  servile  party,  whose  views  were  reflected  in  the 
new  jefe’s  policy.  Lest  the  existing  courts  should  not 
deal  to  the  liberals  subjected  to  criminal  prosecution 
such  punishments  as  their  enemies  desired,  a military 
court,  with  three  voting  members,  was  created,  to  ad- 
judicate verbally  upon  all  causes  for  treason.21  Dur- 
ing the  seven  months  of  its  existence — to  the  29th 
of  October,  1827 — it  sentenced  to  the  death-penalty 
upwards  of  ten  persons,  but  the  sentence  was  carried 
out  in  one  case  only.22 

The  history  of  Guatemala  during  Aycinena’s  rule 


Guatemala  Medal  of  about  This  Date. 


was  identical  with  that  of  the  federal  government, 
this  jefe  being  a supporter  of  President  Arce,  and 
affording  him  all  possible  aid  in  his  warfare  against 
Salvador,  all  of  which  has  been  narrated.  Toward 
the  end  of  1828,  however,  the  successes  of  the  arms 
of  Salvador,  together  with  certain  alleged  false  steps 
of  Aycinena,23  aroused  such  a spirit  of  discontent 

21  It  was  the  first  of  its  class  in  Cent.  Am.,  but  by  no  means  the  last. 

22  Lieut  Isidro  Velazquez  was  executed  March  30,  1827. 

23  Leniency  toward  the  proscribed  Antonio  Rivera  Cabezas,  whose  death- 
penalty  he  had  commuted  to  exile,  and  prohibition  of  certain  books,  pursuant 
to  decrees  of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities,  were  among  the  chief  causes  which 
alienated  him  many  of  his  former  supporters.  Montu/ar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  236; 
Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  114.  On  the  6th  of  December,  1828,  he  ordered  such 
books  to  be  burned.  Manure,  Efem.,  22. 


152 


GUATEMALA  AND  HONDURAS. 


against  him  and  his  administration,  that  on  the  20th 
of  October  the  assembly  passed  an  act  for  the  renewal 
of  all  the  chief  authorities  of  the  state.24  Soon  after- 
ward the  project  vras  entertained  of  detaching  Guate- 
mala from  the  federation.  Neither  of  the  plans  led 
to  the  proposed  results.  The  latter  was  disapproved 
by  the  representative  council,  and  the  former  was 
useless,  as  the  incumbents  were  continued  in  office.25 
This  caused  the  breaking-out  of  a revolution  at  La  An- 
tigua in  January  18 29, 28  which,  though  easily  quelled, 
hastened  the  march  of  the  liberal  forces  under  Mora- 
zan  from  San  Salvador  upon  Guatemala.27  After  this 
leader  took  the  city,  on  the  13th  of  April,  1829, 
Aycinena  and  the  other  chief  men  of  his  administra- 
tion being  thrown  into  prison,  Juan  Barrundia  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  government,23  and  the 
authorities  of  La  Antigua  were  transferred  to  Guate- 
mala.29 The  deposed  congress30  of  1826  also  reassem- 
bled on  the  21st  of  April.31  It  must  be  remarked,  in 
connection  with  the  state’s  affairs  at  this  time,  that, 
though  nominally  in  the  hands  of  Barrundia  and  the 
assembly,  they  were  virtually  under  Morazan’s  con- 
trol. To  meet  his  constant  demands  for  money  to 
support  his  forces,  a number  of  financial  schemes  were 
devised,  the  property  of  the  serviles  being  almost  ex- 

21  It  purposed  with  this  measure,  which  turned  out  to  be  unavailing,  to 
remove  one  of  the  obstacles  to  the  termination  of  the  war  by  means  of  a peace- 
ful arrangement. 

25  They  were  reelected,  though  succeeding  events  prevented  the  counting 
of  the  votes.  Mem.  Rev.  Gent.  Am.,  115. 

2liA  revolt  at  Quezaltenaugo,  Nov.  5, 1828,  had  been  summarily  suppressed. 
Marure,  E/em.,  22. 

27  The  districts  of  Sacatepequez  and  Escuintla  recognized  the  authorities 
that  were  installed  in  La  Antigua. 

28  His  brother  Josd  Francisco  having  been  made  acting  president,  he  re- 
signed for  the  second  time  the  office  of  jefe,  urging  obvious  reasons,  but  he 
was  required  by  the  assembly  to  continue  discharging  his  duties  till  the 
election  should  have  been  effected.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  1G7-9. 

“The  dispersed  representative  council  of  1826  had  been  reorganized  at  La 
Antigua  Feb.  11,  1829,  and  its  senior  member,  Mariano  Zenteno,  recognized 
as  acting  jefe  of  the  state. 

30  This  body  voted  Morazan  a gold  medal,  and  declared  him  a benemd- 
rito.  It  also  decreed  that  his  portrait  should  be  placed  in  the  hall  of  ses- 
sions. This,  however,  was  a spark  of  enthusiasm  which  died  out. 

31  Nicolas  Espinosa  presided,  as  he  had  done  at  the  last  sitting  at  San 
Martin  Jilotepec,  Sept.  26,  1826. 


RULE  OF  MOLINA  AND  RIVERA  CABEZAS. 


153 


clusively  affected  by  them.  Their  property,  as  well  as 
that  under  control  of  the  church,  was  taxed  severely.32 
Not  satisfied  with  depleting  the  resources  of  the 
enemy,  under  the  decrees  of  June  4th  and  August 
22d,  the  late  officials  were  made  amenable  to  prose- 
cution in  a summary  manner,  though  finally  a sort 
of  ironical  amnesty  was  granted  them,  involving  ex- 
patriation, which  was  enforced  on  the  28th  of  August.33 

New  elections  for  state  authorities  resulted  in  the 
choice  of  Pedro  Molina  as  jefe,34  and  he  was  inducted 
in  August  1829.  His  subsequent  disagreement  with 
the  temporary  president,  Jose  Francisco  Barrundia, 
the  novel  ideas  lie  suggested  for  remodelling  the  fed- 
eration, and  the  intrigues  of  his  opponents,  among 
whom  has  been  named  the  vice-jefe  Rivera  Cabezas, 
brought  on  his  overthrow,  when  he  was  superseded  on 
the  9th  of  March,  1830,  by  said  vice-jefe.35 

During  the  administration  of  Rivera  Cabezas  the 
state  of  Guatemala  enjoyed  the  blessings  of  peace. 
There  was  only  an  encounter  between  the  people  of 
Ilotenango,  now  Quiche,  in  Solold,  and  those  of  Chi- 
quimula  in  Totonicapan,  upon  land  questions.  There 
were  a few  wounded.  Rivera  Cabezas  arranged  the 
matter  to  the  satisfaction  of  both  towns.  He  also 
accomplished  many  reforms,  ascertained  the  amount 
of  the  state  debt,  and  introduced  a proper  economy 
in  the  expenditures.36 

32  Cayetano  de  la  Cerda  was  the  administrador  de  recursos,  and  he  acted 
without  restriction.  Mariano  Galvez,  Barrundia’s  secretary  of  state,  is 
credited  with  the  invention  of  the  financial  schemes  by  the  author  of  Mem. 
Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  136-7. 

33 Montufar,  Hesena  Hist.,  i.  131-3,  143-51. 

34  Antonio  Rivera  Cabezas  was  chosen  vice-jefe  in  March  1830.  He  was 
succeeded  by  Gregorio  Marquez  in  Feb.  1831;  Francisco  X.  Flores  was  conse- 
jero  Aug.  1831. 

33  Molina  was  impeached  on  trivial  and  inconsistent  charges  by  the  legisla- 
tive body.  Twice  tried  and  twice  acquitted;  but  meantime  the  term  for 
which  he  was  chosen  had  expired,  and  new  elections  were  ordered.  Marure, 
EJi’m. , 61.  Full  details  of  the  trials  in  Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  i.  205-17, 
229-33. 

36  Rivera  Cabezas  wielded  a powerful  pen,  and  in  a playful  way  ridiculed 
the  servile  party.  His  Don  Meliton  dialogues  did  it  more  harm  than  Jos6 
del  Valle  with  his  grave  and  erudite  speeches  in  congress.  He  won  himself 
the  bitter  hatred  of  that  party.  The  political  change  of  1839  placed  him  in 
the  hands  of  his  enemies,  and  he  lost  much  of  his  property.  He  left  the 


154 


GUATEMALA  AND  HONDURAS. 


While  internal  dissensions  were  exciting  the  people 
of  Guatemala,  they  were  forced  to  undergo,  on  the 
23d  of  April,  1830,  the  tribulations  resulting  from  one 
of  the  severest  shocks  of  earthquake  experienced  in 
the  country.37  Nearly  all  the  inhabitants  passed  the 
night  in  the  streets,  public  squares,  or  in  the  open 
fields.  The  assembly  adjourned  the  following  day, 
and  the  state  authorities  removed  to  Jocotenango. 
Fortunately,  no  more  shocks  occurred,  and  the  public 
alarm  gradually  subsided,  the  damage  done  being  less 
than  had  been  supposed.38  The  clergy  made  use  of 
the  earthquakes  to  arouse  the  rabble  against  the 
liberals.39 

After  the  removal  of  the  national  seat  of  government 
to  San  Salvador,  Guatemala  found  itself  in  a great 
measure  freed  from  the  constant  bickerings  between 

O 

the  federal  and  state  authorities.  The  servile  party 
gained  by  it;  but  for  all  that,  the  liberal  spirit  of  the 
federal  administration  was  still  felt.  Pursuant  to  a de- 
cree of  the  assembly  at  Jocotenango,  elections  for  state 
authorities  were  made,  and  Jose  F.  Barrundia  was  the 
popular  choice  for  jefe,  and  Gregorio  Marquez  for 
vice-jefe.  Barrundia  declined  the  office,  pleading  a 
previous  election  as  senator.  The  assembly  refused 
liis  resignation,  and  Barrundia  reiterated  it,  till  his 
wishes  were  granted.40  The  vice-jefe  Marquez  then 

country,  but  family  affairs  necessitated  his  return  some  years  after.  In  his 
last  years  his  intellectual  faculties  declined,  and  the  serviles  no  longer  feared 
him,  but  their  hatred  remained,  and  their  insults  and  abuse  hastened  his 
death.  His  portrait  is  also  given.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  235-7,  246. 

37  The  most  violent  felt  since  1773.  Marure , Efem.,  26. 

88  Several  buildings  were  damaged,  among  them  the  churches  of  Santa  Te- 
resa, San  Francisco,  and  Recoletos.  Since  the  end  of  March  shocks  had  been 
experienced  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Pacaya  volcano,  several  villages  being  al- 
most entirely  reduced  to  ruins.  Ib. 

39  The  nun  Teresa  called  them  the  effects  of  God’s  displeasure  for  the  ban- 
ishment of  the  archbishop  and  friars.  Montufar,  Resena.  Hist.,  i.  225-6. 

40  The  liberals  were  certain  that  with  Morazan  at  the  head  of  the  federal 
government,  and  Barrundia  as  chief  of  Guatemala,  there  would  be  no  dis- 
agreements. Barrundia  now  made  a cession  for  the  benefit  of  public  instruc- 
tion of  nearly  §7,000 — due  him  for  salaries  during  the  time  he  acted  as  presi- 
dent. This  was  a generous  act  od  the  part  of  a man  who  had  no  private 
fortune.  He  later  ceded  one  half  of  his  senatorial  pay  for  the  same  purpose. 
Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  273-6. 


RULE  OF  GALVEZ. 


155 


assumed  pro  tempore  the  executive  office,  and  retained 
as  his  secretary-general  the  clergyman  of  talent,  An- 
tonio Colom.  New  elections  were  called  for,  to  be 
made  by  the  same  electoral  bodies  which  had  effected 
the  last,  and  Mariano  Galvez  was  chosen  jefe,  assum- 
ing: office  in  August  1831. 41  This  chief  of  the  state 
endeavored  to  steer  a middle  course  in  the  manage- 
ment of  public  affairs,  but  he  was  only  partially  suc- 
cessful.42 Several  important  measures  were  adopted 
to  relieve  the  burdens  of  the  people,  and  to  advance 
their  intellectual  development.43 

Galvez  was  not  content  with  encouraging  science 

o o 

and  literature;  he  also  directed  his  efforts  to  the  ad- 
vancement of  arts  and  industries,  and  the  improvement 
of  towns,  public  health,  etc.  Friars  who  had  become 
secularized  were  granted  the  rights  enjoyed  by  other 
citizens,  and  could,  therefore,  bequeath  and  accept 
inheritances.44  At  Galvez’  suggestion,  the  assembly 
passed  the  act  of  February  27,  1834,  to  enable  nuns 
to  abandon  their  convents,  if  they  so  desired,  taking 
the  dowries  they  brought  with  them.  Later,  mar- 
riage was  declared  to  be  a civil  contract  that  could  be 
dissolved.45  The  measures  affecting  the  clergy  in 
their  privileges  and  revenues,  the  introduction  of  the 

41  Galvez  was  reelected  Feb.  9,  1S35,  and  held  the  position  till  Feb.  2, 
1838,  when  he  was  forced  to  resign  it.  During  his  first  term  Simon  Vascon- 
celos  was  vice-jefe,  and  Juan  Ant.  Martinez  consejero;  during  the  second, 
Pedro  J.  Valenzuela,  who  superseded  him;  Mariano  Sanchez  de  Leon  was 
consejero  in  1836,  and  Mariano  Rivera  Paz  in  July  1838.  The  latter  also 
held  the  executive  office.  Salv.,  Gac.,  Oct.  12,  1854;  Marure,  Efem. , 43,  45, 
61-2. 

43  Galvez  was  not  in  league  with  the  clergy  or  aristocracy,  on  one  side;  nor 
with  Barrundia  or  Morazau,  on  the  other.  He  wanted  to  foi-m  a party  of 
which  he  should  be  the  sole  chief.  This  prompted  him  to  oppose  all  parties, 
and  brought  upon  him  many  reproaches. 

43  In  July  1832  tithes  were  abolished.  On  the  16th  of  Sept,  an  academy 
of  sciences,  to  take  the  place  of  the  old  university,  was  established,  and  to  it 
were  attached  the  colegio  de  abogados,  and  the  protomedicato.  This  acad- 
emy was  suppressed  March  6,  1840,  and  the  university  of  old  was  restored. 
Marure,  Efem.,  32.  Among  other  measures  were  the  reduction  of  holidays  to 
seven,  aside  from  Sundays,  and  the  prohibition  of  religious  processions  in  the 
streets  on  working  days.  Montufar,  IleseTia  Hist.,  i.  307-19,  ii.  76-84. 

41  Even  the  offspring  of  priests  were  to  be  reputed  as  legitimate  in  cases 
of  inheritance,  where  the  father  had  died  intestate.  Id..,  ii.  346-7. 

45  This  blow  at  the  church  was  not  favorably  received  by  the  people,  and 
in  July  1838  the  resolution  was  suspended. 


156 


GUATEMALA  AND  HONDURAS. 


Livingston  code  with  trial  by  jury,  and  the  coloniza- 
tion by  an  English  company  at  Vera  Paz,  gave  rise 
to  displeasure  among  the  ignorant,  which  the  clergy 
and  the  serviles  did  not  fail  to  fan  into  a flame  that 
erelong  became  a conflagration.46  Added  to  this  was 
the  jealousy  engendered  by  San  Salvador  having  been 
made  the  national  capital.47 

The  first  outbreak  occurred  in  March  1837,  when 
the  Indians  of  San  Juan  Ostuncalco  rebelled.  It  was 
at  once  quelled,  but  the  ravages  of  cholera  caused  in 
June  the  uprising  at  Mita.  It  has  been  shown  in  an- 
other place  that  here,  at  this  juncture,  Rafael  Carrera 
made  his  first  appearance  in  the  political  field,  inaugu- 
rating the  war  that  eventually  dissolved  the  republic, 
and  through  its  consequences  brought  Guatemala  to 
the  verge  of  ruin.  On  the  16th  of  J une,  1837,  the  as- 
sembly met  in  extra  session,  but  was  unable  to  effect 
any  favorable  change  in  the  situation.  There  were 
two  bitterly  opposing  parties  striving  for  control.  To 
make  matters  worse,  insurrections  broke  out  in  several 
parts,48  ending  with  the  capture  of  the  capital  by 
Carrera  on  the  31st  of  January,  1838,  and  the  re- 
placing of  Galvez  by  Valenzuela  on  the  2d  of  Febru- 
ary. That  same  day  the  departments  of  Los  Altos, 
namely,  Solold,  Totonicapan,  and  Quezaltenango,  de- 
clared themselves  detached  from  Guatemala  to  consti- 
tute the  sixth  state  of  the  federation,  under  the  name 
of  Los  Altos.49  A constituent  assembly  was  installed 

46  They  made  the  Indians  believe  that  the  cholera  was  the  effect  of  Galvez 
and  his  friends  having  poisoned  the  springs,  ‘ para  destruir  hombres  que  de- 
testaba  y poblaciones  que  aborrecia.  ’ Id..  ii.  349. 

47  It  was  constantly  brought  forward  that  while  other  states  had  seceded 
from  the  confederation,  Guatemala  alone  had  contributed  to  the  common 
budget,  and  furnished  the  national  executive  arms  and  money  to  wage  war 
against  the  rebellious  states. 

48  Martial  law  was  proclaimed  Jan.  16,  1838,  in  the  departments  of  Saca- 
tepequez  and  Guatemala.  Two  days  later  La  Antigua  rebelled,  appointing  a 
provisional  government,  and  subsequently  Chiquimula  and  SalamA  followed 
the  movement.  Marure,  E/em.,  42-3;  S'juier’s  Travels , ii.  431;  Gnat.,  llecop. 
Leye.%  i.  858-9. 

48  The  provisional  government  was  placed  in  charge  of  Marcelo  Molina, 
Jos<5  M.  Galvez,  and  Jos6  A.  Aguilar.  The  assembly  of  Guatemala  simply 
referred  the  matter  to  the  federal  congress,  which  recognized  the  new  state. 
AlonluJar , Reseiia  llist.,  iii.  9-23;  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  43. 


STATE  OF  LOS  ALTOS. 


157 


at  Quezaltenango  on  the  25th  of  December,  and 
Marcelo  Molina  elected  first  jefe  of  the  state.  He 
■was  inducted  in  office  on  the  28th.60 

The  constituent  assembly  adopted,  May  2G,  1839, 
a constitution  which  was  democratic  and  representa- 
tive, with  the  Roman  catholic  as  the  religion  of  the 
state.61  Later,  it  passed  instructions  to  guide  the  ex- 
ecutive in  his  relations  with  the  other  states.  They 
were  based  on  equity  and  justice,  and  prompted  by  a 


'TurntKil 


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5 

tn\ 4i ?/,CX  ' . 

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y,A  -/a  u*'-  L ."|| 'Mti/Afi- ' 

3. 

J - ingOjj 

^he^e&!ongS«^%^  t ( g?  jf  f ff 


,»///,,, "'S^  1 fun »» 


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jf  sGCl‘ATEiy!ALft 


Los  Altos. 


spirit  of  fraternit}7.52  The  state  concluded  with  Sal- 
vador, on  the  10th  of  August,  a treaty  defensive  and 
offensive,  but  it  came  to  naught,  for  reasons  that  will 
be  explained. 

60  Marure,  E/em.,  47. 

61  The  state  comprised,  on  the  north,  the  districts  of  Huehuetenango,  Saea- 
pulas,  Malacatan,  Tejutla,  Cuilco,  Jacaltenango,  and  Solold,  together  with 
ail  the  territory  between  the  river  Pasion  and  Chiapas,  to  where  it  touched 
the  undefined  boundaries  of  Tabasco  and  Yucatan;  on  the  west,  Ostuncalco 
and  San  Marcos;  on  the  south,  Cuyotenango  and  Mazatenango;  on  the  east, 
Atitlan,  Solola,  Joyabaj,  Quichd;  and  in  the  centre,  Totonicapan  and  Quezal- 
teuango.  Montu/ur,  Reseiia  Hist.,  iii.  391-3. 

83  Dated  July  12,  1839.  Id.,  394-7. 


158 


GUATEMALA  AND  HONDURAS. 


The  jefe,  Molina,  was  an  honest  man  and  an  able 
jurist.  He  loved  Los  Altos,  and  considered  it  a 
necessary  organization  for  the  greater  lustre  of  the 
Central  American  republic;  but  he  had  little  knowl- 
edge of  human  nature,  and  was  easily  deceived.  The 
government  of  Guatemala  pursued  toward  him,  since 
April  13,  1839,  a machiavelian  policy,  and  led  him 
into  the  fatal  belief  that  it  really  desired  the  prosper- 
ity and  happiness  of  the  new  state,  which  had  become 
the  residence  of  the  liberals  who  had  left  Guatemala, 
fleeing  from  Carrera,63  and  constantly  published  severe 
strictures  against  Carrera  and  the  aristocratic  clique 
which  surrounded  him.  Molina  had  been  persuaded 
that  the  Guatemalan  authorities  were  friendly  toward 
the  state  of  Los  Altos,  though  requiring  that  it  should 
discourage  the  attacks  of  the  exiled  liberals.  How- 
ever, Molina,  abiding  by  the  constitutional  clauses 
declaring  freedom  of  the  press  to  be  inviolable,  an- 
swered that  the  government  of  Guatemala  had  the 
right  of  prosecuting  the  writers  before  the  courts  of 
Los  Altos  for  libel.  This  ill  feeling  was  all  that  Pa- 
von,  the  Guatemalan  machiavelian  minister,  desired 
for  future  hostile  proceedings.  The  opportunity  was 
not  wanting,  and  the  state  of  Los  Altos  was  destroyed 
by  Carrera  on  the  2£th  of  January,  1840,  and  rein- 
corporated with  Guatemala.64  Molina,  though  cred- 
ulous and  vacillating,  at  the  last  moment  showed  him- 
self to  be  possessed  of  a brave  heart.  He  well  knew 
that  his  administration  had  been  a just  one,  that  all 
charges  against  his  government,  on  the  part  of 

63  Galvez,  Jos4  F.  and  Juan  Bammdia,  Simon  Vasconcelos,  and  others. 

54  On  the  28th  of  Jan.  a body  of  Quezaltec  troops,  under  Colonel  Corzo, 
was  defeated  by  the  Guatemalans,  under  Gen.  Monterrosa.  It  had  been  sta- 
tioned in  the  hacienda  of  Bejucal,  with  the  double  object  of  guarding  on  the 
coast  side  the  territory  of  Los  Altos,  and  of  forming  a combination  with  the 
men  of  Salvador,  who  were  about  to  invade  Guatemala  from  the  river  Paz 
frontier.  The  treatment  of  the  fugitives  by  the  Indians  was  shocking.  Corzo 
and  Lieut-col  Cdrdoba  perished  at  their  hands.  Carrera,  after  defeating,  on 
the  20th  of  Jan.,  the  Quezaltec  troops  that  attempted  to  check  him  on  the 
heights  of  Soldi,  entered  Quezaltenango  unresisted,  and  put  an  end  to  that 
state.  Its  towns  were  taken  under  Guatemalan  protection,  on  the  fiction  of 
their  voluntary  annexation,  by  decree  of  Feb.  26,  1840.  Alarure,  Efem.,  52; 
G ua.t.,  liecop.  Leyes,  i.  43-50. 


RIVERA  PAZ  AS  JEFE. 


159 


Guatemala,  by  Pavon  and  his  fellow-aristocrats,  were 
false.  He  did  not  forsake  his  post.  Carrera  grossly 
insulted  him,  and  sent  him  as  a prisoner  to  Guatemala. 
General  Guzman  was  reviled,  forced  to  wear  rags, 
beaten,  and  his  hair  and  beard  pulled  out.  Other 
citizens  were  shamefully  treated,  and  their  homes 
plundered.56 

Affairs  in  Guatemala  had  undergone  a great  change 
since  the  removal  of  Galvez  from  the  position  of  jefe. 
His  successor,  Valenzuela,  was  deposed  July  22,  1838, 
by  a popular  movement,  and  Mariano  Rivera  Paz 
placed  at  the  head  of  affairs.66  His  first  official  act 
was  one  deserving  of  special  commendation,  as  it  ex- 
hibited a conciliatory  spirit  which,  unfortunately,  had 
been  a stranger  in  the  country  during  many  years 
past.  Three  days  after  being  installed,  at  his  special 
suggestion  the  state  assembly  nullified  all  acts  of  pro- 
scription, and  decreed  a general  amnesty  for  all  per- 
sons implicated  in  political  offences  since  September 
1821. 67 

65  It  was  claimed  that  Carrera  could  not  prevent  these  abuses,  which  were 
committed  by  the  very  people  of  Los  Altos  who  rose  against  the  partisans  of 
the  government.  The  fact  is,  they  were  savage  Indians  under  Carrera’s  pro- 
tection. This  chief  returned  in  triumph  to  Guatemala,  and  was  received 
amid  the  plaudits  of  his  clerico-aristocratic  supporters  and  the  rabble.  His 
victorious  army  brought  iu  the  rear  the  armament  and  spoils  of  Quezaltenango, 
and  upwards  of  100  prisoners,  among  them  Guzman.  Mariscal,  and  Soto.  The 
first  named  was  wounded,  and  tied  to  a mule.  The  rabble  made  him  the 
special  object  of  their  scoff.  Montufar,  Resena  Ilist.,  iii.  439-41. 

56  Deprived  of  the  office  Jan.  30,  1S39;  restored  Apr.  13th  of  the  same  year; 
held  it  till  Dec.  13,  1S41.  May  14,  1842,  he  assumed  for  the  third  time  the 
executive  office,  with  the  title  of  president  of  the  state.  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley  ex,  i. 
175;  Marure,  Efem.,  61-2.  Stephens,  who  saw  Rivera  Paz  in  1840,  speaks 
well  of  him,  saying  that  ‘in  all  the  trying  positions  iu  which  he  was  afterward 
placed,  he  exhibited  more  than  ordinary  prudence  and  judgment.’  Cent. 
Am.,  i.  201. 

5;  The  3d  and  last  art.  contained  these  words:  ‘Un  olvipo  general  sobre 
todos  los  acontecimientos  politicos  desde  el  quince  de  Setiembre  de  mil 
ocliocientos  veintiuno  hasta  la  fecha;  y se  prohiba  rigurosamente  removerlos 
con  ningun  motivo.’  Further  than  this,  Josb  F.  Barrundia  had  moved  that 
the  initiative  should  be  made  urgent,  and  voted  on  without  being  referred  to 
a committee.  Montufar,  who  gives  full  details  on  this  affair,  blames  Barrun- 
dia for  his  excessive  generosity  and  abnegation,  which,  he  declares,  always 
turned  to  the  prejudice  of  that  statesman  and  his  party.  He  wanted  his  en- 
emies pardoned,  and  to  enjoy  all  personal  guarantees,  but  there  was  no  spirit 
of  reciprocity  on  their  part.  When  the  serviles  assumed  the  reins  of  power, 
they  invariably  abused  and  persecuted  Barrundia.  He  was  not  only  sent  info 
exile,  but  insulted  there  in  publications  they  would  forward  him.  Resena 
Hist.,  iii.  1SS-90. 


160 


GUATEMALA  AND  HONDURAS. 


From  the  moment  Rivera  Paz  was  made  the  pro- 
visional head  of  the  state  government,  reaction  set  in 
and  went  on  with  flying  colors.  Measures  in  conso- 
nance with  the  wishes  of  the  retrogressionists  were 
adopted  one  after  another  as  fast  as  they  could  be 
drawn  up.6S  These  decrees  should  have  satisfied  Car- 
rera and  his  supporters;  but  it  seems  that  they  did 
not;  his  faction  became  more  and  more  recalcitrant. 
He  found  himself  closely  pressed ; but,  unfortunately, 
General  Guzman  was  persuaded  to  enter  into  arrange- 
ments with  him  at  El  Rinconcito.  This,  however, 
did  not  bring  peace  to  the  state  for  any  length  of 
time. 

In  the  latter  part  of  January  1839  Rivera  Paz  was 
deposed  by  Carlos  Salazar,  military  commander  of 
Guatemala,59  but  reinstalled  by  Carrera  on  the  13th 
of  April.60  This  disturbed  condition  lasted  some  time 
longer.  The  state  declared  itself  independent  on  the 
17th  of  April  of  the  same  year,  and  the  only  form  of 
union  maintained  with  the  other  states  was  by  special 
treaties  of  allowance,61  in  which  the  states  mutually 
acknowledged  their  independence  and  sovereignty, 
and  pledged  themselves  to  reconstruct  Central  Amer- 
ica. All  efforts,  however,  to  reestablish  order  were 

56  The  executive  was  authorized  to  support  the  petition  of  the  clergy  in 
order  that  the  diocese  should  have  a bishop,  and  permitted  that  he  should 
appropriate  a portion  of  the  public  funds  to  that  end.  No  mention  was  made 
of  the  person  who  was  to  be  bishop.  The  idea  was  to  flatter  the  several 
clergymen  who  were  with  Carrera  hoping  to  earn  a mitre.  July  25th  the 
people  were  called  to  elect  a constituent  assembly,  of  not  less  than  fifty  mem- 
bers, to  reform,  add  to,  or  retain  in  whole  or  in  part  the  constitution  of  Guate- 
mala. This  decree  was  supported  by  the  liberals,  who  foolishly  believed  that 
their  party  would  have  the  power  to  reconstitute  the  state.  The  servilea 
hailed  it,  being  sure  of  controlling  the  situation  with  Rivera  Paz  at  the  head  of 
the  government,  and  three  servile  wings  as  his  counsellors.  Reactionary 
deputies  would  be  plentiful  in  the  constitutional  convention.  The  capitation 
tax  was  reduced  to  four  reales.  The  assembly,  now  converted  into  a law- 
maker by  steam,  on  the  26th  of  July  revoked  the  laws  establishing  civil 
marriage  and  divorce,  freedom  to  bequeath  property,  reduction  of  the  num- 
ber of  holidays,  and  the  further  admission  of  religious  vows.  Id.,  190-2. 

69  He  ruled  2J  months,  at  the  end  of  which  he  had  to  seek  safety  in  flight, 
on  Carrera  occupying  the  capital.  Manure,  Efem.,  48,  62. 

6U  The  former  political  order  of  affairs  now  came  to  an  end,  and  a new  era 
began  under  Carrera’s  auspices.  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes , i.  207. 

61  The  texts  of  the  several  treaties  may  be  seen  in  Convention,  in  Cent.  Am. 
Constituciones,  5-25,  28-31;  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  382-95. 


CARRERA’S  TRIUMPH. 


1G1 


in  vain,  owing  to  the  political  complications  caused  by 
Carrera’s  rebellion  in  March  1839.  His  capture  of 
Guatemala  on  the  19th  of  March,  1840,  and  the  end 
of  the  struggle  between  him  and  Morazan,  which  has 
been  narrated,  did  not  materially  change  the  state  of 
affairs;  at  all  events,  resolutions  subsequently  adopted 
by  the  assembly  had  little  weight.62  The  only  im- 
portant ones  were  the  restoration  of  the  fuero  ecle- 
sidstico,63  and  the  creation  of  a medical  faculty  in  the 
university.  Thus,  after  sixteen  years  of  continual 
strife,  Guatemala  found  herself  again  an  independent 
and  impoverished  state.  Neither  of  the  parties  which 
had  striven  for  supremacy  had  gained  anything.  The 
commonwealth  was  practically  under  the  dictatorship 
of  an  Indian  chieftain,  whose  will  even  those  who  had 
helped  him  to  attain  his  position  dared  not  dispute. 

From  the  moment  that  the  plan  of  a Central 
American  confederatioh  was  contemplated,  Honduras 
manifested  her  willingness  to  be  one  of  its  members; 
and  upon  the  federal  constituent  assembly  fixing,  on 
the  5th  of  May,  1824,  the  basis  of  organization  for 
each  separate  state,  a local  assembly  of  eleven  dep- 
uties was  assigned  to  Honduras.  The  state  con- 
stituent assembly  met  at  the  Mineral  de  Cedros,64and 
on  the  16th  of  September  Dionisio  Herrera  was 
chosen  jefe  del  estado,  and  Jose  Justo  Milla  vice-jefe. 
In  July  1825,  the  territory  was  divided  into  seven 
departments,6'  and  on  the  11th  of  December  the  state 
constitution  was  promulgated.  This  ended  the  labors 
of  the  constituent  body,  which  four  months  later  was 
replaced  by  the  ordinary  legislature,  the  installation 


02  Honors  were  paid  to  Carrera  and  Rivera  Paz.  Their  portraits  were  to 
he  placed  in  the  hall  of  sessions.  Mctrure , Efcm.,  53.  A few  days  later  the 
19th  of  March  was  decreed  a civic  feast-day.  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  iii.  34S. 

63  Act  of  Nov.  9,  1840.  Id.,  286. 

CJ  Not  at  Aguanqueteric,  as  the.  federal  congress  had  decreed.  Astaburuaga, 
Cent.  Am.,  13;  Marure,  Efem. , 10.  The  last  named,  in  his  Dosq.  Hint.  Cent. 
Am.,  148,  gives  the  name  as  Leypateric. 

e'°  Comayagua,  Tegucigalpa,  Gracias,  Santa  liarbara,  Olancho,  Yoro,  and 
Choluteca. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am..  Vol.  III.  11 


GUATEMALA  AND  HONDURAS. 


!S2 

ot‘  which  at  Tegucigalpa  was  followed  by  that  of  the 
representative  council  at  Comay agua. 

Honduras  was  not  allowed  to  enjoy  a long  term  of 
peace.  The  assembly  ordered  new  elections  for  chief 
of  state,  on  the  ground  that  Herrera’s  tenure  of  office 
had  been  intended  to  be  merely  provisional;  but  he 
held  to  a different  opinion,  and  refused  to  surrender 
his  authority.  Matters  were  made  worse  by  the 
enmity  existing  between  Herrera  and  Iriar,  the  gov- 
ernor of  the  diocese.68  Anarchy  now  prevailed, 
some  of  the  departments,  especially  Gracias,  refusing 
Herrera  recognition.  This  state  of  things  was  mainly 
instigated  by  the  president  of  the  republic,  Arce,  who 
strove  to  overthrow  the  liberal  party  in  Honduras. 
Under  the  pretence  that  Santa  Kosa,  in  the  depart- 
ment of  Gracias,  out  of  which  the  federal  government 
drew  a revenue  from  tobacco,  needed  protection,  Arce 
despatched  there  200  men  under  Milla,  the  vice-jefe,67 
who,  after  a short  encounter  with  Herrera’s  force, 
marched  upon  Comayagua,68  arriving  there  early  in 
April  1827.  The  town  had  been  hastily  fortified, 
and  energetically  resisted  thirty-six  days;  but  not 
receiving  timely  reenforcements,  succumbed  on  the 
9th  of  May,  1827. 63  Herrera  was  sent  as  a prisoner  to 
Guatemala,  and  new  elections  were  ordered  in  Hon- 
duras.70 A new  legislature  on  the  13th  of  September 
chose  Gerdnimo  Zelaya  jefe,  but  he  was  recognized  as 
such  only  in  Santa  Barbara.  All  liberals  were  dis- 
missed from  office.  Francisco  Morazan,  who  had 

6GIrias  excommunicated  Herrera,  and  the  latter  had  him  arrested.  Both 
had  many  adherents. 

CTArce  claims  that  Gracias  had  called  for  the  protection.  Mem.,  G4-5; 
Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  61.  The  truth  is,  he  had  no  right  to  exercise  jurisdic- 
tion there,  the  place  not  being  on  the  frontier  nor  on  the  coast.  Morazan, 
Apuntes,  MS.,  6. 

08  Herrera  had  a force  to  defeat  Milla,  but  refrained  from  using  it,  in  order 
that  Honduras  should  not  be  accused  of  beginning  hostilities  against  the 
national  government.  Id. , 7. 

09 Marure,  Efem.,  19,  gives  the  10th  as  the  date.  Dunlop.  Cent.  Am.,  169, 
gives  March  10th.  Morazan  attributes  the  surrender  to  the  commander’s 
treachery.  Apuntes,  MS.,  8. 

70  C'leto  Bendana  was  made  jefe  provisional  in  Sept.  1827,  Francisco  Mora- 
zan being  consejero  in  Nov.  of  that  year.  Marure,  Efem.,  63. 


LIBERAL  IDEAS  IN  HONDURAS. 


1G3 


been  imprisoned,  notwithstanding  the  safe-conduct 
given  him  after  the  fall  of  Comayagua,  managed  to 
escape,  and  subsequently  rendered  efficient  aid  to 
defeat  the  federals  at  Trinidad.71  The  government 
installed  by  Milla  disappeared,  Morazan  temporarily 
assuming  the  reins  in  November.  The  further  inter- 
ference  of  the  federal  government  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  Honduras  has  been  fully  narrated  else- 
where. The  country  was  not  exempt  from  internal 
troubles  from  the  close  of  182972  to  the  beginning  of 
1833,  requiring  nearly  always  the  final  intervention 
of  the  federal  government  to  bring  them  to  an  end.73 

Morazan’s  ascendency  awakened  in  Honduras  more 
liberal  ideas  than  had  ever  prevailed  in  the  country, 
as  was  evidenced  in  the  laws  then  enacted.74  During 
the  following  years  Honduras  was  comparatively  tran- 
quil, the  political  agitations  of  the  republic  scarcely 
affecting  her.  There  was  a local  sedition  in  Decem- 
ber 1836,  and  the  early  part  of  1837,  contributing 
to  render  much  worse  the  financial  condition  of  the 
state,  which  had  been  bad  enough  before.75  The 
friends  of  the  federation  decreased  from  day  to  day. 
Honduras  accepted  the  act  of  the  federal  congress 
authorizing  the  states  to  constitute  themselves  as  they 
liked;  and  in  June  1838  the  legislature  and  executive 
called  for  a constituent  assembly  to  do  so,  which 
met  at  Comayagua  on  the  7th  of  October.76 


71  See  his  Apuntex,  MS.,  9-10. 

73  There  was  a sedition  of  the  serviles,  headed  by  Father  Rivas  and  others, 
which  was  concluded  by  a peaceable  arrangement  with  Morazan.  Montufar, 
Resena  Hist.,  i.  191-3,  190. 

73  Martinez  and  Cori,  implicated  in  a plot  with  negroes  of  Belize  and  Baca- 
lar,  and  others  were  executed  May  25,  1833.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  132. 

74  They  mostly  affected  the  clergy.  Manure,  Efem.,  23-7,  3.3-6. 

75  Resulting  from  various  causes.  A law  providing  for  a provisional  currency 
checked  foreign  trade.  In  the  interior  it  was  at  50  per  ct  discount.  A de- 
cree establishing  a single  tax  never  could  be  carried  out.  The  abolition  of 
tithes  was  a measure  which  caused  trouble.  Timid  or  fanatical  rulers  were 
afraid  of  ‘cuatro  candnigos  viejos  de  Comayagua  que  amenazaban  con  el 
salmo  108  y las  penas  del  infierno,’  and  fanaticism  soon  brought  about  the 
restoration  of  the  tithes.  Montufar,  Resena  Ilist.,  iii.  277. 

76  This  was  the  second  constituent  assembly,  and  its  first  president  was 
Josd  Santiago  Buezo.  The  town  of  Tegucigalpa  demanded  absolute  inde- 
pendence, declaring  itself  seceded  and  under  the  protection  of  Nicaragua  until 


164 


GUATEMALA  AND  HONDURAS. 


The  declaration  of  independence  was  solemnly  pro- 
mulgated in  a single  sentence  on  the  2Gth  of  October, 
1838.7r  All  further  efforts  on  the  part  of  Morazan 
and  his  fellow-federalists  to  restore  the  disrupted  re- 
public proved  unavailing,  as  we  have  seen.78  At  the 
end  of  January  1840,  the  secessionists  were  victorious, 
and  federalism  was  rooted  out. 

1 append  a list  of  Honduras  rulers  after  Mora- 
zan s short  provisional  administration  in  1827-28. 79 

it  should  be  declared.  This  was  the  work  of  the  returned  reactionists.  Id. , 
279-S2. 

17  ‘Art.  Unico.  El  estado  de  Honduras  es  libre,  soberano,  6 independiente.  ’ 
It  was  published  by  the  acting  jefe,  Leon  Alvarado.  The  declaration  being 
deemed  insufficient  by  the  secessionists,  another  act  was  passed  on  the  5th  of 
Nov.,  to  say  that  Honduras  was  independent  of  the  late  federal  government, 
of  the  governments  of  the  other  states  of  Cent.  Am. , and  of  any  other  gov- 
ernment or  foreign  power.  Id. , 282;  Mat  ure,  Efim. , 47. 

78  Tegucigalpa  had  been  twice  taken,  and  Comayagua  once,  by  the  federal 
forces.  Id. , 50-1. 

79Geronimo  Zelaya,  primer  jefe,  June  1S28.  His  authority  was  never 
recognized  outside  of  Santa  Barbara.  His  election  was  finally  declared  null, 
like  all  others  effected  pursuant  to  the  convention  by  the  president  of  the  re- 
public. Diego  Vijil,  vice-jefe,  Apr.  1S29.  .Juan  Angel  Arias,  consejero,  Dec. 
1829.  Jos6  Santos  del  Valle,  consejero,  July  1830.  Jos6  Ant.  Marquez, 
jefe,  March  1831.  Francisco  Milla,  consejero,  March  1832.  Joaquin  Rivera, 
jefe,  Jan.  1833  to  Dec.  31,  1836.  During  his  term,  owing  to  illness,  the  exec- 
utive was  temporarily  in  charge  of  F.  Ferrera,  the  vice-jefe,  in  Sept.  1833, 
and  of  J.  M.  Bustillo,  consejero,  in  Sept.  1835.  The  latter  was  again  in 
power  as  acting  president  in  Aug.  1839.  Ferrera  again  held  the  executive  in 
Jan.  1S41,  with  the  title  of  president  of  the  state.  J.  M.  Martinez,  consejero, 
Jan.  1837.  Justo  Jos 6 Herrera,  jefe,  May  1837.  Leon  Alvarado,  consejero, 
Oct.  1838.  Felipe  Medina,  Jos(5  Alvarado,  and  Lino  Matute  are  also  men- 
tioned as  having  had  charge  of  the  executive  in  Nov.  1838;  the  last  named 
till  Jan.  1839.  Juan  F.  Molina,  consejero,  Jan.  1839.  Jose  M.  Guerrero, 
consejero,  May  1839.  Francisco  Zelaya,  consejero,  Sept.  1S39.  Id.,  63; 
Montufar,  Resefia  Hist.,  ii.  133-6,  325-31;  iii.  282-3. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


SALVADOR,  NICARAGUA,  AND  COSTA  RICA. 

1824-1840. 

Salvador  State  Government — Liberals  Overthrown — Secession  from 
the  Union — San  Salvador  as  the  Federal  Seat  of  Government — 
Guatemala  Imposes  her  Will — Jefe  CaSas  and  Comandante  Males- 
pin — Nicaragua’s  Early  Troubles — Siege  and  Bombardment  of 
Leon — Organization  of  State  Government — Dissensions  and  War- 
fare-Eruption of  Cosiguina — Secession  from  the  Confederation — 
Costa  Rica  as  a Confederated  State — Juan  Mora’s  Administration 
— Towns’  Bickerings  Settled — Braulio  Carrillo’s  Rule— Final 
Secession  from  the  Central  American  Republic — Prosperity  of 
the  State. 


Salvador,  from  the  earliest  days  that  utterance  was 
given  to  the  idea  of  liberty  and  independence  from 
Spain,  was  ready  to  echo  and  champion  it,  and  was 
the  first  to  effect  an  organization  for  self-govern- 
ment.1 The  state  was  divided  into  four  departments, 
San  Salvador,  San  Vicente,  San  Miguel,  and  Sonso- 
nate.2  Under  the  direction  of  the  constituent  assem- 
bly a state  government  was  organized,  with  Juan 
Vicente  Villacorta  as  jefe,3  and  Mariano  Prado  as 

1 March  5,  1824,  the  local  constituent  assembly  met,  and  on  the  4th  of 
July,  the  state  constitution,  decreed  on  the  12th  of  June,  was  published,  aud 
its  support  sworn  to.  Marure,  Efem.,  10-11. 

“Sonsonate  had  always  belonged  to  Guatemala,  but  was  annexed  to  Salva- 
dor on  the  return  of  the  auxiliary  force  that  was  despatched  to  the  former 
in  1823  to  quell  Ariza’s  revolt,  of  which  I have  given  an  account.  By  intrigue 
and  force,  the  inhabitants  were  made  to  declare  in  favor  of  Salvador.  The 
region  was  later  attached  to  the  latter,  though  the  change  of  jurisdiction  has 
never  been  formally  acknowledged  by  Guatemala.  Some  time  after  there  was 
a plan  of  creating,  with  Sonsonate  and  Santa  Ana,  a separate  state,  but  the 
federal  congress  did  not  sanction  it.  Marure,  Bo*q.  Hist.,  i.  149. 

3 He  assumed  his  office  Dec.  13,  1824.  During  the  period  of  organization 
the  executive  was  in  charge  of  Juan  Manuel  Rodriguez,  who  bore  the  title  of 
director.  Id.,  Efem.,  13,  U2;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  32. 


1105) 


1GG  SALVADOR,  NICARAGUA,  AND  COSTA  RICA. 

vice-jefe.  After  installing  a superior  court,  the  con- 
stituent assembly  adjourned  sine  die  on  the  23d  of 
November,  1824. 

For  a long  time  past  there  had  been  differences 
between  Guatemala  and  Salvador  upon  ecclesiastical 
matters.  The  latter  not  only  claimed  an  authorita- 
tive voice  in  the  political  affairs  of  Central  America, 
but  also  to  be  placed  upon  an  independent  footing  as 
regarded  the  ecclesiastical.  Hence  the  anxiety  to 
have  a bishopric  erected  at  San  Salvador.  This  mat- 
ter assumed  a threatening  aspect,  and  engaged  the 
attention  of  ecclesiastics  and  statesmen,  as  well  as  the 
public  at  large  in  both  sections  of  the  country.  The 
details  will  be  given  in  a separate  chapter  treating  of 
the  church  in  Central  America.  It  is  in  order  to 
state  here,  however,  that  the  disputes  about  the 
diocese  of  San  Salvador  had  a deep  influence  in  the 
country’s  politics.  The  contending  parties  had  taken 
up  the  question.  The  liberals  in  both  states  sided 
with  Jose  Matfas  Delgado,  who  had  been  appointed 
by  the  Salvador  legislature  the  first  bishop.  The  ser- 
vile element,  on  the  other  hand,  supported  the  arch- 
bishop of  Guatemala.  But  after  a time  Delgado, 
who  was  not  unmindful  of  his  purposes,  supported 
President  Arce,  thus  forsaking  his  former  friends,  and 
joining  the  servile  party.  A marked  change  occurred 
soon  after,  however,  the  relations  between  Arce  and 
Delgado  becoming  cold  because  the  latter  suspected 
that  Arce  really  sympathized  with  the  archbishop. 
The  liberals  failed  not  to  strengthen  that  suspicion,  nor 
to  fan  the  llame.4 

Jefe  Villacorta,  owing  to  impaired  health,  sur- 
rendered the  government  to  the  vice-jefe,  Mariano 
Prado,6  whose  first  act  was  one  of  opposition  to  the 
national  government,  by  repealing  Arce’s  convocation 
of  October  10th  for  a new  congress,  and  issuing  one 

4 At  this  time  Salvador  became  the  asylum  of  the  liberal  party. 

5 Arce  alleged  that  Molina  and  others  had  induced  Villacorta  to  believe 
he  was  the  only  man  who  could  right  political  wrongs;  but  he  found  he  could 
not  do  this,  and  so  resigned.  Mem.,  GO-1. 


RULE  OF  CORNEJO  AND  PRADO. 


1G7 


of  his  own,  on  December  G,  1826,  appointing  Aliua- 
chapan,  in  Salvador,  as  the  place  of  assemblage. 
Prado  now  began  the  military  preparations  which 
were  followed  by  a war  between  Salvador  and  the 
federal  government,  and  which  terminated  with  the 
overthrow  of  the  servile  party  by  Morazan. 

A liberal  policy  was  for  a short  time  pursued  in 
Salvador  under  the  rule  of  Jose  M.  Cornejo,  who  had 
become  the  jefe  in  January  1829,G  and  peace  reigned 
during  the  next  three  years.  But  in  1832  it  was 
again  disturbed.  The  government  of  the  state,  be- 
coming dissatisfied  with  its  former  hero,  Morazan, 
attempted  to  secede  from  the  union,  but  was  brought 
under  subjection.7  Cornejo  was  deposed,  and,  together 
with  those  who  aided  him  in  the  rebellion,  was  sent 
to  Guatemala  as  a prisoner,  to  be  dealt  with  according 
to  law.8  Elections  for  authorities  were  then  held, 
and  Mariano  Prado  was  chosen  jefe,9  and  Joaquin  San 
Martin  y Ulloa  vice-jefe.  A period  of  liberalism  now 
commenced,  like  that  of  Guatemala  in  1829.  Several 
liberal  measures  were  adopted,  one  of  which  was  the 
establishment — decreed  August  21,  1832 — of  a sin- 
gle, very  moderate,  direct  tax.10  This  enactment, 
intended  to  relieve  the  exhausted  treasury,  met  with 
violent  opposition  in  San  Salvador,  and  sedition  broke 
out  on  the  24th  in  several  wards;  but  the  rioters  were 
dispersed.  Prado  issued  a proclamation  expressing 
his  resolution  to  uphold  the  law  and  maintain  order; 
but  as  the  excitement  continued,  he  ordered  that  the 
supreme  authorities  should  transfer  themselves  to 
the  villa  de  Cojetepeque  on  the  31st.11  On  the  14th 

6 Convents  were  abolished  March  1,  1830.  A college  was  established  in 
July  of  the  following  year;  and  the  state  seemed  to  have  recovered  from  the 
losses  of  the  late  war. 

7 Cornejo  could  not  be  in  accord  with  the  federal  authorities;  he  was  a 
servile,  and  in  league  with  their  enemies.  Montufar , Reseiia  Hist.,  i.  334. 

8 The  executive  authority  was  held  for  a while  by  Morazan  himself.  Ma- 
rure,  Efem.,  30,  62. 

9 To  accept  the  position  he  resigned  the  vice-presidency  of  the  republic. 
Montufar,  Resena  llist.,  ii.  0. 

10  Tithes  had  been  suppressed  and  trial  by  jury  introduced. 

11  The  public  archives  and  artillery  were  to  be  also  removed.  The  coman- 
dante-eeneral  was  to  remain  behind  with  four  cannons  and  200  muskets. 


1G8 


SALVADOR,  NICARAGUA,  AND  COSTA  RICA. 


of  November  there  was  also  a seditious  movement  in 
San  Miguel,  which  was  quelled  by  Colonel  Benitez. 

The  vice-jefe,  San  Martin,  was  in  accord  with  the 
revolutionists,  and  kept  up  a correspondence  with 
Galvez  in  Guatemala,  who  wanted  Prado  overthrown. 
This  was  known  in  San  Salvador,  and  gave  encourage- 
ment to  the  remnants  of  Cornejo’s  party.  The  removal 
of  the  capital  was  not  sufficient.  Another  revolt 
broke  out  at  San  Salvador  early  in  1833,  and  Prado, 
together  with  the  members  of  the  co-legislative  bodies 
and  of  the  superior  court,  had  to  abandon  their  places. 
On  the  13th  of  February  the  state  followed  the  ex- 
ample of  Nicaragua  and  seceded  from  the  union.  The 
vice-jefe,  San  Martin,  who  had  gone  into  hiding  on 
the  9th  of  February  to  save  himself  from  harm,  was 
called  by  the  revolutionists  to  assume  the  executive 
authority.12  In  July  a revolt  broke  out  among  the 
Indians  of  Santiago  Nonualco.  Headed  by  Anasta- 
sio  Aquino,  they  formed  the  plan  of  exterminating 
the  white  and  colored  population,  and  installing  a gov- 
ernment of  natives.13  The  utmost  cruelties  character- 
ized this  war  of  races,  whch  was  fortunately  soon 
suppressed.  Most  of  the  ringleaders,  among  them 
Aquino,  were  captured.  The  chief  was  executed  on 
the  24th  of  July,  1833,  at  San  Vicente.14  But  peace 
did  not  follow  the  suppression  of  this  rebellion.  Sal- 
vador, always  jealous  of  Guatemala,  insisted  on  bav- 
ins: the  federal  government  removed  from  her  rival’s 
territory.  At  last,  in  February  1834,  the  federal 

12  He  had  lost  his  wearing  apparel,  and  in  his  smallclothes,  and  w ith  a 
travelling  cloak  on,  he  took  charge  of  the  government.  Id.,  20.  He  was 
chosen  by  the  assembly  first  jefe  on  the  1st  of  July,  1833.  In  June  1834  he 
was  removed  from  office  and  expelled.  Marure,  E/em.,  36,  62;  Guat.,  Gaceta, 
Dec.  22,  1S54,  7. 

13  Aquino  was  a perfect  savage,  and  invoked  religion,  as  did  Carrera  some- 
what later.  He  once  entered  San  Vicente  with  the  crown  of  an  image  of  St 
Joseph  on  his  head.  His  mode  of  sentencing  prisoners  to  death  was  expedi- 
tious. The  victim  was  placed  before  a group  of  his  men,  who  were  told  ho 
was  their  enemy.  ‘Shoot  him,’ they  would  say,  and  the  thing  was  done. 
Aquino  was  in  league  with  the  serviles,  but  as  they  could  not  manage  him, 
they  persecuted  their  crowned  ally.  Monlujar,  Meseiia  Hist.,  ii.  21. 

"Crowe,  Gospel,  135,  aud  Squier,  Travels,  ii.  420-1,  erroneously  place  it 
in  1832. 


MORE  TROUBLE  AT  SAN  SALVADOR. 


169 


authorities  came  to  reside  in  Sonsonate,  and  later,  in 
June,  at  San  Salvador.  It  was  a great  mistake  to 
expect  harmony.  Before  the  month  was  out  there 
was  a street  fight  of  several  hours  between  troops  of 
the  two  powers.  The  federals  were  victorious,  and 
the  state’s  jefe,  San  Martin,  was  deposed.15  The  ex- 
ecutive authority  was  assumed  first  by  Cdrlos  Sala- 
zar, commander  of  the  federal  forces,  and  afterward 
by  Gregorio  Salazar,  the  vice-president  of  the  repub- 
lic. Neither  of  them  had  a legal  title.16  From  this 
time  the  state  remained  wholly  under  the  control  of 
the  federal  government  and  the  liberal  party,  which 
became  still  more  cemented  when  in  1835  the  capi- 
tal was  made  the  federal  district.  In  the  great  strug 
gle  between  Morazan  and  Carrera,  of  which  a detailed 
account  has  been  given  in  a former  chapter,  Salvador 
had  to  rely  entirely  on  her  own  resources  when  her 
territory  was  invaded  in  1838  and  1839. 

After  Morazan’s  signal  defeat  at  Guatemala,  Salva- 
dor no  longer  was  disposed  to  make  sacrifices;  indeed, 
she  was  too  exhausted  to  raise  a new  army.  However, 
she  was  by  no  means  willing  to  uphold  the  victorious 
Carrera;  but  being  unable  to  resist,  had  for  a while 
to  submit  to  the  force  of  circumstances,  and  to  recog- 
nize the  government  placed  over  her.17  But  as  soon 
as  Carrera  went  back  to  Guatemala,  that  government 
was  overthrown  by  the  people,  and  the  jefe,  Jose 


15  The  defeat  of  San  Martin  by  Gen.  Espinosa  was  at  Jiquilisco.  Guat., 
Boletin  Ofic.,  507-9.  San  Martin  was  now  forsaken  by  Galvez,  the  jefe  of 
Guatemala.  In  his  old  age  he  used  to  complain  of  ‘ las  inconsecuencias  del 
Doctor  Galvez.  ’ Moniufcir,  Resefia  Ilist.,  ii.  27. 

16 The  latter  ruled  only  from  July  to  Oct.,  when  he  was  temporarily  suc- 
ceeded, first  by  the  consejero,  Joaquin  Escolan,  and  then  by  the  vice- jefe, 
Josh  M.  Silva,  the  same  month.  Nicolds  Espinosa  became  jefe  in  Apr.  1S35, 
and  was  driven  away  in  the  following  November,  being  accused  of  promoting 
a war  of  races,  the  consejero  Francisco  Gomez  being  his  successor  on  the 
13th  of  Nov.  The  next  rulers  were:  Diego  Vijil,  Apr.  1S3C;  Timoteo  Me- 
nendez,  vice-jefe,  Sept.  1836;  Antonio  J.  Cauas,  consejero,  May  1839.  Ma- 
rure , Efem. , 62;  Montufcir,  Reseha  Hist.,  ii.  193. 

17  Carrera  contemplated  becoming  the  ruler  of  Central  America,  but  had  to 
abandon  his  plan  on  Nicaragua  and  Honduras  forming  a league  against  him. 
His  Indians  were  not  so  efficient  when  off  from  their  native  ground.  Squier’ss 
Travels,  ii.  441-2. 


170 


SALVADOR,  NICARAGUA,  AND  COSTA  RICA. 


Antonio  Caiias,  had  to  resign,18  Norberto  Ramirez 
becoming  the  jefe  provisional.19  More  than  any  other 
of  the  Central  American  states,  Salvador  needed  a 
period  of  peace  to  recover  from  the  wounds  inflicted 
in  nearly  twenty  years  of  warfare.  She  had  upheld 
the  principles  of  liberty  and  union  long  after  the  others 
had  given  them  up,  and  now  required  a prudent  and 
wise  government  to  restore  her  almost  extinct  life  and 
strength. 

O 


While  the  other  provinces  experienced  but  few  dif- 
ficulties in  organizing  themselves  after  the  separation 
from  Spain  and  Mexico,  Nicaragua  suffered  for  years 
from  intestine  strife.  This  was  not  exactly  a contest 
between  two  political  parties,  but  rather  between 
towns,  and  between  the  partisans  of  one  leader  and 
another;  in  other  words,  the  results  partly  of  sec- 
tional hatred,  and  partly  of  personal  ambition.  Per- 
secutions for  political  causes  were  of  daily  occurrence.20 
A junta  gubernativa,  recognized  by  the  general  gov- 
ernment, had  been  installed  at  Leon,21  where  Basilio 
Carrillo  was  the  commander  of  the  forces,  and  claimed 
the  right  to  rule  the  province ; but  there  was  another 
junta  at  Granada,  where  the  notorious  Cleto  Ordonez 
held  sway  in  accord  with  the  jefe  politico,  Juan  Ar- 
giiello,  which,  of  course,  ignored  the  pretensions  of 
the  Leonese  authorities.  Managua,  though  siding 

18Sept.  23,  1840.  He  had  ruled  since  Apr.  8th  of  the  same  year.  Salv., 
Diario  Ojic.,  Feb.  14,  1875.  The  revolutionary  movement  of  Sept.  20th  for 
his  removal  was  promoted  by  Francisco  Malespin,  Carrera’s  tool,  and  a man 
who  wielded  a fatal  influence  in  Salvador  till  Gen.  Joaquin  E.  Guzman  rid 
the  country  of  him.  Malespin  was  then  acting  for  Carrera,  who  feared  that 
a revolution  of  the  Calvario  ward  of  San  Salvador  would  upset  Caiias,  who 
was  without  influence,  and  could  no  longer  be  useful  to  the  aristocrats  of 
Guat.  Such  a revolution  would  create  a liberal  government,  and  might  bring 
back  Morazan.  Caiias  was  put  out  of  the  way  that  his  place  might  be  occu- 
pied by  a servile  tool.  Monlu/ar,  Itesena  Hist.,  iii.  499. 

18  He  held  the  position  only  to  the  end  of  1840.  His  successors  with  the 
same  title  were  Juan  Undo,  Jan.  1S41;  Pedro  Arce,  Apr.  1S41;  Senator  Es- 
colastico  Marin,  Feb.  1842.  Mature,  Efem.,  62. 

20 ‘En  la  ulterior  contienda  de  los  partidos  politicos  de  esta  Provincia, 
pues,  no  se  encuentran  mas  que  pasiones;  las  calificaciones  de  realistas,  im- 
perialistas,  6 serviles  solo  Servian  para  autorizar  la  persecucion.  ’ Ay  cm,  Ap.,  25. 

21  April  17,  1S23. 


NICARAGUAN  COMPLICATIONS. 


171 


with  Leon,  had  become  the  headquarters  of  the  anti- 
republicans, with  Bishop  Garcia  at  their  head,  who 
strove  to  rid  the  place  from  Leonese  influence.  Most 
of  the  other  towns  were  in  a similar  condition;  so  that 
it  may  be  asserted  that  the  whole  province  was  in  a 
state  of  anarchy.  The  junta  gubernativa  of  Leon 
accepted,  on  the  2d  of  July,  1823,  the  decree  of  the 
national  government  of  March  29th,  calling  for  a 
national  congress,  and  declared  Nicaragua  united  with 
the  other  provinces  that  had  formerly  been  the  reino 
de  Guatemala. 

On  the  13th  of  January,  1824,  a popular  uprising 
in  Leon  caused  the  junta  gubernativa  to  remove  Ba- 
silio  Carrillo  from  his  command,  replacing  him  with 
the  jefe  politico,  Cdrmen  Salazar.22  Early  in  the  same 
year  Justo  Milla  came  with  the  appointment  of  in- 
tendente  from  the  general  government,  and  with  in- 
structions to  pacify  the  country ; but  his  mission  failed.23 
On  the  22d  of  July  Ordonez  had  himself  proclaimed 
comandante  general  by  the  garrison  and  populace. 
Some  of  the  wards  of  Leon  attempted,  on  the  6th  of 
August,  to  overthrow  Ordonez  and  restore  Melendez, 
the  successor  of  Milla;  but  they  were  overpowered, 
and  the  city  was  sacked.24  On  the  14th  the  forces  of 
Managua,  under  Colonel  Crisanto  Sacasa,  captured 
portions  of  the  city  of  Granada.  After  twenty  days 
of  incessant  fighting  the  besiegers  retired  in  good 
order.  On  the  other  hand,  a division  of  Leonese  and 
Granadans  attacked  Managua  on  the  24tli  of  August, 
with  the  same  result. 

A junta  gubernativa  had  been  installed  on  the  9th 
of  the  month  at  El  Viejo,  in  opposition  to  that  of  the 
capital,25  and  organized  a force  of  2,000  men,  intended 

22  This  movement  was  the  precursor  of  the  great  calamities  that  were  to 
befall  Nicaragua.  Marure,  Efem.,  9. 

23  The  troops  and  the  mob  iii  Leon,  on  the  4th  of  May,  deposed  him,  and 
placed  his  office  in  charge  of  the  alcalde,  Pablo  Melendez,  who  in  his  turn  was 
overthrown  a few  days  later  by  another  sedition  headed  by  Ordonez. 

24  The  villas  of  Managua  and  Nicaragua  refused  to  recognize  the  revolution- 
ary government  at  the  capital,  and  established  a junta  gubernativa  at  the 
first-named  town. 

25  It  was  formed  with  the  chief  men  of  the  ‘ partido  de  Managua.’ 


172 


SALVADOR,  NICARAGUA,  AND  COSTA  RICA. 


to  lay  siege  to  Leon.  The  united  forces  of  El  Viejo 
and  Managua,  commanded  by  Sacasa  and  the  Colom- 
bian Juan  Jose  Salas,  assaulted  Leon,  captured  the 
suburbs,  and  penetrated  to  the  plazuela  de  San  Juan. 
The  garrison,  composed  of  Leonese  and  some  Grana- 
dans, now  found  itself  confined  to  the  chief  plaza  and 
contiguous  blocks.  Luring  the  siege,  which  lasted 
114  days,  there  was  incessant  fighting,  both  besiegers 
and  besieged  exhibiting  bitter  animosity.  Sacasa  was 
mortally  wounded,  and  died  twelve  days  after.  The 
fighting  often  took  place  inside  of  the  houses,  and  even 
of  the  churches.  Upwards  of  900  houses  were  either 
demolished  or  burned,  and  the  number  of  dead  and 
wounded  on  both  sides  was  large,  probably  over  900 
killed.  The  contest  ceased  only  on  the  4th  of  Janu- 
ary, 1825,  when  the  besieging  forces  retired.26 

The  villa  de  Managua  laid  down  its  arms  on  the 
22d  of  January,  1825,  peaceably  receiving  Manuel 
Jose  Arce,  who  had  entered  Nicaragua  with  an  auxil- 
iary force  from  Salvador,  and  with  instructions  to 
pacify  the  state.  In  consequence  of  his  arrival,  the 
dissensions  were  quieted  for  a time.27  Arce,  without 
bloodshed,  also  disarmed  the  troops  of  Ordonez  at 
Granada,  and  despatched  him,  together  with  Bishop 
Garcia,  to  Guatemala.  After  having  made  arrange- 
ments for  elections,  the  peace-maker  returned  to  Sal- 
vador, leaving,  however,  a portion  of  the  force  at 
Leon. 

On  the  10th  of  April,  1825,  preliminary  arrange- 
ments being  completed,  the  first  constituent  assembly 

26  By  order  of  Gen.  Manuel  Jos6  Arce,  who  afterward  entered  Leon.  De- 
tails of  battles  and  actions  during  this  unhappy  period  of  Nicaragua  history 
may  be  found  in  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  151-6;  Id.,  Efem.,  11-12, 
75;  Ayon,  Apuntes,  28-36;  Dunlop’s  Cent.  Am.,  160-2. 

21  In  the  previous  year  Martin  Arzti  had  been  sent  as  a commissioner  to 
restore  peace  in  Nicaragua.  He  was  ordered  to  use  gentle  means,  but  to  em- 
ploy force  against  parties  opposing  him.  To  support  him,  500  Hondurans 
were  stationed  at  Choluteea.  He  arrived  after  the  siege  of  Leon  had  begun, 
and  endeavored  on  the  spot  to  bring  about  an  arrangement  between  the  bel- 
ligerents; but  he  was  treated  disrespectfully  by  the  besiegers,  and  even 
arrested  and  threatened  with  death  by  Salas.  He  afterward  declared  the 
junta  at  El  Viejo  revolutionary,  and  that  its  commands  should  be  disregarded. 
Alter  that  he  conducted  the  defence  of  Leon.  Marure,  Bosq.,  i.  157-9. 


RULE  OF  ARGUELLO. 


173 


of  Nicaragua  met  under  the  presidency  of  Juan  Ma- 
nuel Zamora,  and  ten  days  later  Manuel  Antonio  de 
la  Cerda  was  installed  as  jefe  of  the  state,28  and  Juan 
Argiiello  as  vice-jefe.  Unfortunately  there  were  dis- 
agreements on  the  part  of  Cerda  with  both  the  con- 
stituent assembly  and  Argiiello,  which  delayed  the 
labors  on  the  state  constitution,  so  that  it  was  not 
decreed  till  the  8th  of  April,  1826. 29 

The  convention  then  adjourned  sine  die,  and  the  reg- 
ular or  ordinary  assembly  met  on  the  13th  of  August, 
at  Leon,  but  in  the  middle  of  the  following  month 
removed  to  Granada.30  Meantime  the  dissatisfaction 
with  Jefe  Cerda  had  assumed  such  proportions  that 
the  legislative  body  resolved  to  impeach  him.  He 
was,  accordingly,  suspended,  and  Argiiello  placed 
temporarily  in  charge  of  the  executive  authority. 
New  elections  were  also  decreed.31  But  Argiiello  had 
not  fostered  all  these  troubles  merely  to  surrender  the 
government  to  a new  man,  and  by  intrigues  contrived 
to  bring  about,  in  February  1827,  the  dissolution  of 
the  assembty.32 

The  indefatigable  Colonel  Cleto  Ordonez  made, 
with  the  aid  of  troops  of  Leon  and  Senator  Hernandez, 
an  unsuccessful  attempt33  to  seize  the  government, 
declaring  Argiiello  suspended.  An  effort  was  also 
made  by  the  president  on  behalf  of  Cerda,  but  it  was 
defeated  by  Herrera,  the  jefe  of  Honduras.  The 
state  of  war  continued;  Arce  reluctantly  had  removed, 
at  Arguello’s  request,  the  few  men  of  Salvador  that 
had  been  stationed  in  Nicaragua  since  1825,34  and 

28  In  the  latter  part  of  1828  he  was  shot,  under  the  sentence  of  a court- 
martial  convened  by  order  of  the  vice-jefe  Argiiello.  Id.,  Eferti.,  63-4. 

28  Its  support  was  sworn  to  on  the  la'd  day  of  that  month. 

30 The  first  representative  council,  or  senate,  was  inaugurated  at  the  same 
place  on  the  26tli  of  Oct.,  1826.  Id.,  18. 

31  Cerda  would  not,  however,  lay  down  his  power,  and  continued  exercising 
it  at  Managua,.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  43. 

32  The  dissolution  was  ‘a  consecuencia  de  una  sedicion  promovida  por  el 
Vice-jefe  del  mismo  Estado  Sr  Juan  Argiiello.’  Manure,  Efem.,  18. 

33  On  the  14th  of  Sept.,  1S27.  This  was  his  third  or  fourth  effort;  all 
fruitless,  however.  Id.,  20. 

34  He  foretold  at  the  time  that  ‘muy  luego  veria  el  congreso  arder  otra  vez 
la  tea  de  la  discordia  en  aquel  Estado.’  Arce,  Mem.,  17. 


174 


SALVADOR,  NICARAGUA,  AND  COSTA  RICA. 


thus  the  only  adversary  of  importance  Arguello  had 
was  Cerda.  The  contest  remained  for  a longf  time 
undecided.  Arguello  took  Granada,  while  Cerda’s 
headquarters  were  first  at  Managua,  and,  when  that 
place  seceded,  at  Rivas,  the  ancient  town  of  Nicaragua. 

In  September  1828,  Cerda’s  party  had  made  so 
much  headway  that  Arguello  and  his  followers  had 
vessels  in  readiness  to  effect  their  escape  should  the 
jefe  gain  another  victory.  But  the  priests,  who 
worked  against  the  latter,  inspired  the  disheartened 
Argiiellistas  with  renewed  courage,  and  in  another 
encounter  they  were  victorious.  Cerda’s  star  now 
waned.  A revolt  planned  by  two  of  his  officers  was 
quelled,  and  the  leaders  were  shot.35  This  severity, 
and  the  heavy  taxes  he  levied,  increased  his  foes.38 
At  last,  on  the  8th  of  November,  1828,  when  Rivas 
was  almost  without  troops,  one  of  his  officers,  who 
was  a relative,  named  Francisco  Arguello,  made  him 
a prisoner,  and  before  his  troops  could  come  from 
Jinotepe  to  his  rescue,  a force  of  the  vice-jefe  entered 
Rivas.  A military  court  was  at  once  organized, 
and  Cerda,  being  subjected  to  its  action,37  was  sen- 
tenced to  death,  and  executed.38 

Armicllo  was  now  free  from  his  strongest  advcr- 
sary;  but  the  struggle  went  on  as  new  pretenders 
sprang  up,  and  its  effects  in  the  course  of  time  were 
most  disastrous.  It  brought  the  state  to  a condition 
of  desolation  unequalled  in  Central  America.  Dio- 
nisio  Herrera,  chief  of  Honduras,  undertook,  under 
instructions  of  the  federal  government,  in  1829,  the 
task  of  pacifying  Nicaragua.  He  visited  Leon, 
and  succeeded  in  conciliating  parties  and  restoring 

35  Their  project  involved  the  annexation  of  Nicaragua  to  Colombia.  Lon 
Analen,  1S72,  54. 

38  lie  now  proposed  to  surrender  the  government  to  Argiiello  or  some  one 
else.  His  friends  dissuaded  him,  and  he  was  finally  the  victim,  of  treachery. 

31  Ilis  friends  had  obtained  that  the  trial  should  be  at  Granada,  but  the 
mob  at  Rivas  opposed  his  removal  at  the  moment  of  departure.  Id.,  63. 

38  Nov.  29,  1828.  It  is  said  that  the  vice-jefe,  Arguello,  decreed  a sus- 
pension  of  the  sentence;  but  purposely  delayed  the  courier,  so  that  the  re- 
prieve arrived  too  late  at  Itivas.  A full  biography  of  Cerda,  with  scattered 
historical  items,  is  given  in  Id. , 29-72,  passim. 


HERRERA’S  RULE. 


175 


order;  and  when  new  elections  took  place  in  May 
1830  he  was  himself  chosen  its  jefe.33  Managua,  the 
last  place  to  hold  out,  was  finally,  without  the  use  of 
force,  prevailed  upon  to  recognize  the  newly  con- 
stituted authorities,  and  in  June  was  already  enjoying 
the  benefits  of  peace.  In  order  to  consolidate  the  peace 
throughout  the  state,  Herrera  made  the  leaders  of 
parties  leave  its  territory.  His  rule  was  a quiet  one 
for  the  next  two  years,  and  until  Nicaragua  was  called 
upon  by  the  national  government  to  furnish  her  con- 
tingent of  troops  to  suppress  revolutionary  movements 
beyond  her  boundary.40 

The  revolutionary  spirit  showed  itself  again  in  1832. 
On  December  3,  1832,  the  state  assembly  attached 
the  federal  revenue,  and  refused  further  recognition 
of  the  general  government.  A few  months  later  a 
revolt  broke  out  against  Herrera.  The  movement 
originated  in  Managua,  and  was  seconded  in  Masaya 
and  Matagalpa.  Granada  and  Leon  opposed  it. 
Jefe  Herrera  at  first  was  loath  to  resist  it,  and  laid 
his  resignation  before  the  legislature,  and  it  was  ac- 
cepted on  the  1st  of  March,  1833.  But  that  body, 
under  popular  pressure,  four  days  after  revoked  the 
resolution,  and  recalled  Herrera  to  hold  the  executive 
authority,  with  the  extraordinary  powers  that  had 
been  decreed  him  on  the  8th  of  February  previous.41 

The  insurrection  had  spread  also  in  Metapa,  Cho- 
coyos,  Nandaime,  San  Jorge,  and  throughout  the  de- 
partment of  Nicaragua.  At  the  head  of  the  move- 
ment was  an  ecclesiastic.  Herrera  exhausted  all 

39The  installation  of  the  assembly  was  on  Nov.  1,  1829.  The  elections 
had  been  decreed  by  the  vice-jefe,  Arguello,  and  his  act,  as  well  as  the  elec- 
tions effected  under  it,  were  on  the  23d  of  May,  1830,  declared  to  be  legit- 
imate. Rocha,  C6d.  Nic. , i.  80.  Herrera  had  been  inducted  in  office  on  the  12th 
of  May.  Mont)' far,  Reseiia  Hist.,  i.  199-203. 

10  The  services  of  the  Nicaraguans  were  recognized  by  both  the  federal 
president  and  the  state  assembly.  Honors  were  decreed  to  the  survivors,  and 
pensions  to  the  wounded,  and  to  the  widows  and  orphans  of  the  dead.  Rocha, 
Ctid.  Nic.,  i.  214—15. 

41  This  last  action  was  attributed  by  the  revolutionists  to  Herrera’s  mach- 
inations and  Morazan’s  influence;  but  the  truth  was,  that  the  people  recog- 
nized Herrera’s  services  as  the  pacificator,  and  his  good  qualifications  as  a 
ruler.  Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  ii.  31-2. 


SALVADOR,  NICARAGUA,  AND  COSTA  RICA. 


'<76 

peaceful  means,  and  had  to  employ  force,  and  Mana- 
gua was  taken  on  the  29th  of  June,  1833. 43  Nica- 
ragua and  other  places  accepted  the  amnesty  tendered 
them.43  But  it  seemed  almost  impossible  to  maintain 
peace  for  any  length  of  time.  In  May  1834  Granada 
and  Metapa  rebelled,  under  one  Cdndido  Flores.  The 
rebels  were  successful  for  several  months,  and  took 
possession  of  Managua.  But  on  the  13th  of  August 
they  were  defeated;  a few  days  later  Granada  was 
recovered,  and  four  of  the  ringleaders  were  shot. 

In  the  morning  of  the  20th  of  January,  1835,  there 
was  an  eruption  of  the  volcano  Cosigiiina,44  attended 
b}’  one  of  the  most  terrific  earthquakes  ever  experi- 
enced in  Central  America.45  The  event  was  a mem- 

42  A detailed  account  of  this  revolt  is  given  in  the  Centro  Americano,  89- 
97.  It  is  said  that  a number  of  medals  were  found  of  tortoise-shell,  gold,  and 
other  metals,  with  the  image  of  Fernando  VII.,  and  bearing  the  inscription 
‘ Viva  Fernando  VII.  Rey  de  Espaha  y de  las  Indias,  Ano  de  1828,’  which  gave 
rise  to  the  supposition  that  the  revolt  had  been  in  his  interests.  Montufar, 
Reseiia  Hist.,  ii.  36-8.  Herrera  issued  a proclamation  calling  on  the  people  to 
stand  by  the  government.  Manure,  E/em.,  33-4. 

43  The  assembly,  installed  on  the  21st  of  Aug.,  1833,  at  Leon,  approved  all 
of  Herrera’s  acts. 

14  On  the  southern  coast  of  Nicaragua,  12  leagues  distant  fron  Leon. 

45  A dense  yellow  cloud  rose  suddenly,  accompanied  by  a strong  smell  of 
sulphur  and  a shower  of  tine  white  dust.  The  alarmed  inhabitants  closed 
their  doors  and  windows,  but  the  dust  could  not  be  kept  out.  Breathing  be- 
came difficult.  This  lasted  nearly  three  days.  On  the  23d,  at  1 a.  m.,  a 
loud  detonation,  followed  by  heavy  shocks  of  earthquake,  rain  of  sand,  and 
total  darkness,  rendered  the  terror  of  the  people  complete.  Flocks  of  birds 
fell  dead  to  the  ground,  and  wild  animals  sought  refuge  in  buildings.  The 
frightened  inhabitants  ran  to  their  yards,  or  hurried  to  the  churches  to  im- 
plore divine  mercy.  Forty-three  hours  passed  before  the  earth  became  quiet, 
when  a strong  wind  cleared  the  atmosphere,  enabling  the  people  to  ascertain 
the  damage.  The  ashes  in  the  vicinity  of  the  volcano  were  several  feet  deep. 
The  river  Chiquito  had  been  wholly  dried  up,  and  two  new  islands  were 
formed.  A large  number  of  animals  had  perished,  and  the  living  ones  were  in 
a state  of  starvation.  Such  had  been  the  force  of  the  convulsion  that  the 
detonations  and  the  rain  of  ashes  had  reached  a distance  of  hundreds  of 
leagues,  as  far  as  Oajaca,  Jamaica,  and  Bogota  in  Colombia.  Montufar,  lie- 
geiia  Hist.,  ii.  145-50,  in  giving  an  account  of  the  event,  adds  that  the  priests 
called  it  a punishment  from  heaven  because  tithes  had  been  abolished,  free- 
dom of  conscience  proclaimed,  and  the  decrees  of  1829  and  1830  upheld. 
The  parish  priests  in  several  towns,  during  the  prevailing  darkness,  preached 
from  their  pulpits  that  this  shaking  of  the  earth  was  a manifestation  of  God’s 
wrath  for  the  crimes  of  the  liberals.  Squier,  Truv.,  ii.  110-11,  says  that  the 
superintendent  of  Belize,  on  hearing  the  explosions,  mustered  his  troops, 
thinking  that  a battle  was  being  fought  somewhere  near  the  coast.  Stephens, 
Cent.  Am.,  ii.  38,  relates  a similar  incident  of  the  military  commander  of 
Guatemala. 


A GREAT  EARTHQUAKE. 


177 


orable  one  for  the  Nicaraguans,  and  its  abatement  was 
attributed  to  the  efficacious  intercession  of  their'  saints; 
and  in  commemoration  of  it  they  still  have  a feast  of 
thanksgiving  every  year  on  the  23d  of  January.46 

A short  period  of  peace  followed.  Puny  are  the 
efforts  of  man  at  killing  each  other  when  heaven  fires 
its  artillery!  The  exhausted  state  seemed  unable  to 
continue  its  suicidal  course.  The  tranquillity  was 
broken,  however,  though  only  for  a short  time,  in 
1837. 47  The  assembly  had,  on  the  21st  of  February, 
1835,  recognized  Jose  Zepeda  and  Jose  Nunez  as  the 
duly  elected  jefe  and  vice-jefe  respectively.  Colonel 
Zepeda  was  a distinguished  patriot,  who  had  rendered 
important  services  to  the  cause  of  liberty.  His  elec- 
tion was  hailed  with  approval  in  Nicaragua,  and  in 
the  other  states  of  the  union.  He  took  possession  of 
office  April  23,  1835. 43  The  government  experienced 
no  serious  difficulty  during  183G  in  the  administration 
of  public  affairs.  It  was  engaged  in  improving  the 
public  roads,  and  in  other  matters  of  general  utility. 
But  1837  was  inaugurated  with  infamous  crimes,  with 
the  murders  of  the  jefe  Zepeda,  and  of  the  citizens 
Roman  Valladares,  Evaristo  Berrios,  and  Pascual 
Rivas,  which  resulted  from  a revolt  of  the  garrison  at 
Leon.43  The  movement  was  promptly  suppressed, 
and  the  ringleader,  Braulio  Mendiola,  executed.  The 
vice-jefe,  Nunez,  assumed  rulership,  and  during  his 
administration  a second  constituent  assembly  was  con- 
vened, and  commenced  its  labors  on  the  31st  of  March, 


46  Accounts  of  the  catastrophe,  differing  more  or  less  in  details,  according 
to  the  various  points  where  it  was  observed,  arc  given  in  Manure,  Efem.,  3C-7 ; 
Stephens'  Cent.  Am.,  ii.  35- 8;  Squier’s  Trav.,  ii.  110-14,  162-3,  with  a view  of 
the  volcano;  Byam's  Wild  Life,  32-7;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  15-17;  Loncl. 
Georj.  Soc.  Journ.,  v.  387-92;  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  23;  Wells’  llond., 
230-1;  Cor.  Atldnt.,  May  9,  1835,  10;  Dice.  Univ.  Hist.  Geog.,  x.  919-20. 

47  Not  in  1836,  as  Dunlop  has  it.  Cent.  Am.,  191-2. 

49  His  minister-general  fora  time  was  J.  N.  Gonzalez,  and  on  his  resigning, 
Hermenegildo  Zepeda,  one  of  the  first  lawyers  in  the  state,  succeeded.  AJon- 
tufar,  Resoiia  Hist.,  ii.  302. 

19 On  the  25th  of  Jan.  Manure,  Efem.,  39,  64;  Montufar,  Reseha  Hist.,  ii. 
306-10,  gives  the  official  documents  describing  the  occurrences. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  12 


173  SALVADOR,  NICARAGUA,  AND  COSTA  RICA. 

1838. 60  One  month  later,  on  the  30th  of  April,  the 
state  seceded  from  the  federation,  an  act  which  may 
be  called  a mere  formality,  inasmuch  as  Nicaragua 
had  not  taken  part,  to  any  notable  degree,  in  the 
affairs  of  the  general  government.  Nominally,  how- 
ever, the  idea  of  a union  of  the  Central  American 
states  was  upheld,  and  still  expressed  in  the  new  state 
constitution  framed  by  the  assembly  and  confirmed  on 
the  12th  of  November,  1838. 51  All  this  was  pure  af- 
fectation, however,  for  Nicaragua  lent  her  hearty  aid 
to  eradicate  the  last  remnants  of  the  federation.  The 
coveted  sovereignty  was  attained  at  last.  Later  events 
will  show  whether  or  not  it  brought  Nicaragua  pros- 
perity. The  present  generation  had  grown  up  midst 
the  noise  of  war,  hearing  the  battle-cry  of  one  or  an- 
other contending  party,  and  it  could  hardly  be  ex- 
pected that  it  could  appreciate  the  blessings  of  peace.52 

Costa  Rica,  owing  to  her  geographical  position,  was 
almost  isolated,  politically,  from  the  rest  of  Central 
America.  It  would  be  wrong,  however,  to  infer  that 
her  participation  in  the  general  affairs  of  the  republic 
had  been  one  of  mere  formality  or  policy  for  her  own 
convenience  or  safety.  Nowhere  had  the  ideaof  a union 
been  more  warmly  embraced.  Four  months  only  had 
elapsed  after  the  bases  for  the  organization  of  the 
state  had  been  adopted  by  the  national  constituent 
convention,  when  Costa  Rica’s  first  assembly  met,53 


50  Father  Solis,  the  president,  and  others  attributed  to  Morazan  and  the 
constitution  of  18*24  the  evils  Nicaragua  had  suffered  from,  forgetting  those 
preceding  Morazan  and  the  constitution. 

51  Ratified  by  the  executive  Nov.  17th.  Given  in  full  in  Ate.,  Comtit.,  in 
Cent.  Am.,  Constitutions,  1-39.  A brief  synopsis  in  Squier’s  Travels,  ii.  211- 
13.  See  also  Niles'  Reg.,  1839,  lvi.  49. 

62  During  Herrera’s  term  the  following  held  the  executive  authority  for 
short  periods:  Carlos  Ituiz  y Bolanos,  Aug.  1S31;  Benito  Morales,  Feb.  1834; 
Jos6  Nunez,  March  1834.  I find  that  the  government  was  also  provisionally 
in  charge  of  Gregorio  Juarez,  May  1835;  F.  X.  Rubio,  Jan.  1838;  Jos6  Nunez, 
as  jefe,  March  12,  1838;  Evaristo  Rocha,  May  183S;  Joaquin  Cosio,  June 
1838;  Patricio  Rivas,  director,  June  1839;  Joaquin  Cosio,  July  1839;  Hilario 
Ulloa,  Oct.  1839;  Tomds  Valladares,  Nov.  1839.  In  1840  he  became  director 
del  estado;  Pablo  Buitrago,  director,  Apr.  1841.  Marure,  Efem.,  64. 

53  Sept.  6,  1824.  Molina,  Costa  Rica,  93,  followed  by  Wagner,  Costa  R., 


EVENTS  IN  COSTA  RICA. 


179 


and  on  the  21st  of  January,  1825,  decreed  a state 
constitution.64  In  the  middle  of  April  the  first  ordi- 
nary legislature  began  its  labors,  and  on  the  24th  of 
September  Juan  Mora  was  installed  as  chief  of  the 
state.55  This  was  a happy  choice;  for  during  his  rule 
Costa  Rica  escaped  the  evils  which  protracted  war- 
fare wrought  in  the  other  states  of  the  union.  Fol- 
lowing the  example  of  Salvador,  a decree  was  passed 
in  September  creating  a bishopric  independent  from 
Nicaragua,  and  appointing  Fray  Luis  Garcia  the  first 
bishop;  but  the  decree  became  a dead  letter. 

The  first  effect  of  Mora’s  quiet  rule  was  the  en- 
largement of  Costa  Rican  territory.  Dissatisfied  with 
the  jefe,  Cerda  of  Nicaragua,  the  district  of  Guana- 
caste,  or  Nicoya,  which  formerly  belonged  to  that 
state,  declared  its  separation,  and  asked  to  be  incorpo- 
rated with  Costa  Rica.56  The  arrangement  was  ap- 
proved by  the  federal  congress  on  December  9th,  and 
since  then  Nicoya  formed  one  of  the  five  departments 
of  that  state.57  Nicaragua  protested;  Costa  Rica  re- 
fused to  restore  the  territory,  and  the  matter  remained 
an  open  subject  of  discussion,  but  never  leading  to 
hostilities.63 

Early  in  1826  an  attempt  was  made69  by  a Spaniard 
named  Jose  Zamora,  at  Alajuela,  to  overthrow  the 
government.  He  attacked  the  quarters  of  the  garri- 

545,  gives  it  as  May  6th,  which  is  evidently  a mistake.  Marure,  E/em.,  11, 
has  it  Sept.  Cth,  and  that  Agustin  Gutierrez  Lizaurzdbal  was  its  first  presi- 
dent. 

Costa  Rica,  Ley  Fundam.  (San  Salv.,  1825),  24  mo,  2G  pp. ; Mem.  Rev. 
Cent.  Am.,  32;  Astaburuaya,  Cent.  Am.,  13;  Molina,  Costa  R.,  18.  This 
last-named  author,  on  his  p.  95,  gives  the  date  as  Jan.  22d,  evidently  fol- 
lowing Marure,  Ej'em.,  13.  Squier,  Travels,  ii.  388,  makes  it  Jan.  2d. 

w Mariano  Montealegre  became  the  vice-jefe.  Mora  was  reelected  in  March 
1S29,  and  ruled  till  toward  the  end  of  1832.  Marure,  Ej'em.,  64;  Id.,  Bo*q. , 
149;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  32. 

66  Personal  enmity  between  Pedro  Munoz,  an  influential  man  in  Guana- 
caste,  and  Cerda  was  the  main  reason.  Los  Anales,  1872,  54. 

67  The  approval  was  merely  provisional.  The  other  four  are  Cartago,  San 
Josd,  Heredia,  and  Alajuela.  Molina,  Costa  R.,  5-6. 

68  Nic.  y Hond.,  Doc.,  101-12;  Ayon,  Consid.  Llmites,  20-4;  Frisch,  Mex., 
73. 

69  Marure,  Efem.,  16,  and  Bosq.,  i.  232-3,  following  El  Indicador,  1826, 
no.  75,  and  El  Semanario,  1826,  no.  86,  gives  the  date  as  Jan.  29th.  Molina, 
Costa  R. , 96,  places  it  on  the  28th. 


180  SALVADOR,  NICARAGUA,  AND  COSTA  RICA. 

son,  but  after  several  hours’  fighting  was  repulsed, 
with  most  of  his  followers  slain,  wounded,  or  made 
prisoners.  A few  days  afterward  he  was  captured  and 
shot.63  During  several  years  this  was  the  only  public 
disturbance.  The  struggle  between  serviles  and  lib- 
erals in  the  other  states  did  not  affect  Costa  Rica,  which 
prudently  maintained  neutrality.  She  endeavored, 
however,  to  bring  on  peace  between  the  belligerents, 
by  accrediting,  in  1828,  Manuel  Aguilar  as  special 
envoy  to  Guatemala  and  Salvador;  but  his  mission 
proved  fruitless,  chiefly  owing  to  the  success  of  the 
Salvador  arms,  and  the  irreconcilable  feeling  thereby 
engendered.61  It  was  the  unsatisfactory  result  of  this 
effort,  which  in  a great  measure  prompted  Costa 
Rica,  after  Mora’s  reelection  in  1829,  to  secede  from 
the  union  till  the  federal  authority  should  be  reor- 
ganized. When  this  took  place,  the  secession  act  was 
revoked  in  January  1831. 

In  March  1833  the  second  term  of  office  of  Mora 
expired;  and  in  acknowledgment  of  his  beneficent  and 
wise  polic}7,  the  assembly  decreed  that  his  portrait 
should  be  placed  in  the  hall  of  sessions,  with  a highly 
complimentary  inscription.62  Costa  Rica  had  made 
great  progress  from  both  the  material  and  intellectual 
points  of  view.  A number  of  clergymen  endeavored 
to  introduce  a decree  of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  of 
Guatemala  to  burn  certain  so-called  forbidden  books. 
They  failed,  the  result  being  the  importation  of  a large 


60  He  confessed  to  have  acted  under  a commission  from  the  court  of  Spain, 
and  as  a lieut-col  in  its  service.  Seventeen  of  his  partisans  were  sent  out  of 
the  country. 

61  A detailed  account  of  that  mission  may  be  seen  in  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am., 
112-14;  Molina,  Costa  R.,  96-7. 

02  ‘ Ocupa  este  lugar  cl  ciudadano  Ex-gefe  Juan  Mora,  por  sus  virtudes,  y le 
ocuparin  sucesivamente,  los  que,  en  cl  mismo  destino,  se  hagan  diguos  de  61.  ’ 
Marure,  Efem.,  33.  Mora  was  horn  in  San  Jos6  in  17S4,  and  had  filled  sev- 
eral important  trusts  before  his  election  to  the  chief  magistracy.  After  hi3 
retirement  he  again  held  other  offices  till  his  exile  in  18.13.  Returning  to  his 
country  in  1842,  he  took  a prominent  partin  public  affairs.  In  Nov.  1848  he 
was  declared  a benem6rito  de  la  patria,  and  given  a pension  for  life.  In  May 
I860  he  became  president  of  the  supreme  court.  Honesty  and  integrity  were 
the  prominent  traits  of  his  character,  united  with  ability  and  liberal  ideas, 
but  free  from  exaggerations.  Molina,  Costa  R.,  75-6,  98,  119-21. 


RULE  OF  GALLEGOS  AND  CARRILLO. 


181 


number  of  the  denounced  works.  Jefe  Mora  treated 
the  pious  proposal  with  the  contempt  it  deserved.63 

Mora’s  successor  duly  elected  was  Jose  Rafael  Ga- 
llegos, who  assumed  his  duties  in  April  1833. 64  The 
state  at  this  time  was  enjoying  liberty,  and  perfect 
freedom  of  the  press.63  It  was  the  asylum  of  the 
exiles  from  other  Central  and  South  American  states. 
It  was  not,  however,  altogether  exempt  from  the 
spirit  of  localism.  Cartago  had  been  the  capital,  and 
wanted  to  recover  that  position.  San  Jose  felt  as  a 
loss  the  absence  of  the  supreme  authorities.  Here- 
dia and  Alajuela  would  not  be  less  than  the  other  two 
places.  Guanacaste  was  the  only  one  out  of  the 
question.  Hence  the  resolution  adopted66  that  the 
state  capital  should  alternately  be  at  San  Jose,  Car- 
tago, Heredia,  and  Alajuela.  A later  law,  of  June 
9th,  prescribed  that  the  residence  of  the  supreme 
authorities  at  each  of  said  places  should  be  for  the 
period  of  four  years.  Gallegos’  rule  was  of  short 
duration.  He  resigned  in  March  1834. 67 

Braulio  Carrillo  was  elected  jefe,  and  went  into 
office  in  April  1835.63  In  his  time  several  liberal 

63 Costa  Rica  had  never  been  under  the  sway  of  bishops,  clergymen,  or 
monks.  That  fanaticism  which  has  been  so  baneful  to  other  states  of  Spanish 
America  never  existed  here.  Monlvfar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  305. 

01  Guat.,  Boletin  OJic. , 1833,  no.  34,  376;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  iv.  4-5.  Ga- 
llegos was  an  honorable  man  and  father  of  a family,  as  well  as  a wealthy 
property  owner.  But  he  was  not  conversant  with  state  affairs,  nor  with  the 
intrigues  of  politicians.  His  chief  aim  was  economy;  be  wished  to  see  the 
public  treasury  full  of  money;  he  cared  less  to  apply  that  money  in  the  devel- 
opment of  the  country. 

65  In  proof  of  which  were  the  newspapers  El  Noticioso  Universal,  La 
Tertulia,  El  Correo  de  Costa  Rica,  and  the  number  of  sheets  that  were  con- 
stantly issued. 

66  By  the  assembly  aud  council,  and  published  by  the  executive,  Apr.  3, 
1834.  Id.,  198-201;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  iv.  110-12,  120-1. 

67  Juan  Jos6  Lara  became  jefe  provisorio,  and  in  his  turn  was  succeeded  in 
June  of  the  same  year  by  the  vice-jefe  Agustin  G.  Lizaurzdbal,  who  ruled  till 
March  1835,  when,  because  of  ill  health,  he  delivered  the  government  to  Ma- 
nuel Fernandez,  who  had  it  till  the  regularly  elected  jefe  assumed  his  duties. 
Marure,  Efem.,  64;  Molina,  Costa  R.,  99;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  iv.  134-5, 
159-60. 

68  He  was  bom  in  Cartago  in  1800,  and  studied  in  the  university  of  Leon, 
Nicaragua.  He  had  never  been  out  of  Cent.  Am.,  and  consequently  his  mind 
had  never  had  the  expanding  influence  of  travel.  He  was  accordingly  full  of 
petty  prejudices.  He  could,  however,  appreciate  men  of  merit,  and  avail 
himself  of  their  abilities;  but  if  he  mistrusted  a man,  he  proved  a relentless 


182  SALVADOR,  NICARAGUA,  AND  COSTA  RICA. 

innovations  were  made,  in  addition  to  those  intro- 
duced some  time  previously;  namely,  suppression  of 
tithes  and  decrease  of  holidays;69  those  enactments 
aroused  the  clergy,  and  prompted  them  to  fan,  in 
retaliation,  the  flame  of  discord  existing  between  San 
Jose  and  Cartago,  which  culminated  in  an  open  revolt 
on  the  24th  of  September,  1835. 

An  alliance  was  entered  into  by  Cartago  with  Ala- 
juela  and  Heredia,  to  refuse  recognition  to  the  gov- 
ernment, and  to  convoke  a new  assembly  with  equal 
representative  rights  for  the  different  towns.70  The 
allied  forces  marched  upon  San  Jose,  then  the  seat  of 
government;  but  were  defeated  in  several  encounters, 
and  they  again  submitted.71  The  result  of  this  revolt 
was  the  further  strengthening  of  San  Jose,  to  which 
place  was  conveyed  all  the  armament  of  the  state. 
The  government  was  equally  successful  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  when  an  armed  force  from  Nicaragua,  led  by 
the  Costa  Rican  Manuel  Quijano,  formerly  in  his 
country’s  military  service,  Pedro  Abelian,  and  Ma- 
nuel Dengo,  entered  the  department  of  Guanacaste, 
and  marched  upon  its  chief  town,  where  they  expected 
to  find  support;  but  they  only  met  with  disappoint- 
ment. They  were  first  repulsed  by  the  inhabitants, 
and  afterward  routed  by  the  troops.72 

The  peace  thus  restored  was  not  of  long  duration. 
Braulio  Carrillo  was  succeeded  as  jefe  of  the  state73 

foe.  He  rarely  placed  any  trust  in  any  one.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  208; 
Costa  Ii.,  Col.  Leycs,  iv.  206-7;  Molina,  Costa  Ii.,  68  et  seq. ; Wagner,  Costa 
Rica,  20i-3. 

63  Law  of  Apr.  11  and  Aug.  25,  1835;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  iv.  196-9, 
235-9;  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  May  25,  1S75. 

70 Government  issued  a proclamation  against  the  rebels  on  the  6th  of  Oct., 
1835.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  iv.  273-80. 

71  The  decisive  action  occurred  on  the  28th  of  Oct.  About  50  persons  per- 
ished. Details  on  those  troubles  appear  in  Molina,  Costa  R.,  99-100;  Ma- 
ture, Efern.,  38.  The  authors  of  the  rebellion  were  mulcted  in  sums  ranging 
from  $2,000  down  to  $30.  Monthfar,  Resena  Ilist.,  ii.  208-27,  237-47. 

11  Two  thousand  men  came  upon  the  invaders  at  the  hacienda  of  Santa  Rosa. 
Quijano  escaped  to  Nicaragua.  The  government,  by  a decree  of  July  2,  1836, 
declared  him  and  others  outlawed,  and  one  of  them  was  executed.  Costa  R. , 
Col.  Leyes,  iv.  325-30,  349-58.  Guanacaste,  later  known  as  Liberia,  and 
Nicoya,  for  their  loyalty,  were  rewarded,  the  former  being  made  a city,  and 
the  latter  a villa.  Molina,  Costa  It. , 100;  Montvfar,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  230-6. 

73  Carrillo  held  the  executive  office  till  March  1837,  when,  his  term  having 


REVOLT  IN  COSTA  RICA. 


183 


by  Manuel  Aguilar,  in  April  1837.  A plot  intended 
to  overthrow  the  government  was  soon  after  detected, 
and  the  authors  were  sent  into  exile.74  But  Carrillo 
had  also  been  disappointed  at  Aguilar’s  election,  and 
being  influential  with  the  soldiery,  he  had  but  little 
difficulty  in  getting  together  a party  with  which,  on 
the  27th  of  May,  1838,  he  deposed  this  official,  send- 
ing him,  together  with  the  vice-jefe,  Juan  Mora,  into 
banishment.75  This  was  the  first  instance  in  Costa 
Rica  when  the  legitimate  government  of  the  state 
was  overthrown  by  force  of  arms.  It  cannot  be  said 
that  the  change  was  altogether  for  the  worse.  Under 
Carrillo’s  active  and  energetic  rule  the  country  made 
rapid  progress  in  a material  point  of  view.76  He  saw 
at  once  the  hopelessness  of  reestablishing  the  Central 
American  confederation,77  or  of  reorganizing  it  so  as 
to  render  it  beneficent  to  the  several  states;  and 
therefore,  instead  of  making  fruitless  efforts  in  thaf 
direction,  strove  rather  to  isolate  Costa  Rica.  This 
policy  he  impressed  on  the  second  constituent  con- 
vention, which  met  on  the  1st  of  November,  1838, 73 

expired,  he  surrendered  it  to  Joaquin  Mora,  a brother  of  the  former  jefe,  Juan 
Mora,  who  ruled  only  one  month,  and  began  his  administration  by  opposing 
some  of  Carrillo’s  measures.  Id.,  312. 

74Aguilar  had  political  enemies  who  accused  him  of  friendship  for  Cartago, 
Heredia,  and  Alajuela,  thereby  exposing  San  JosG  to  new  assaults.  With  this 
pretext  a plan  was  formed  to  assault  the  barracks  at  San  Jos6  on  the  night  of 
Aug.  26th.  Id. , 318-20. 

?5Carrillo  was  recognized  as  jefe  by  a special  decree  of  the  assembly  on 
the  2Gth  of  June,  and  remained  at  the  head  of  affairs  till  1842,  when  he  was 
overthrown  in  his  turn.  Costa  A'.,  Col.  Leyes,  iv.  241;  Marure,  E/em.,  64; 
Montufar,  Reseha  /list.,  ii.  322-3.  Miguel  Carranza,  Carrillo’s  father-in-law, 
became  vice-jefe.  Stephens,  Cent.  Am.,  i.  359. 

76  He  established  a reign  of  despotism,  in  which  his  will  was  law,  restrict- 
ing the  press  and  punishing  his  political  opponents  with  expatriation  and 
otherwise,  though  they  were  pardoned  in  1838.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  iv.  320-1, 
v.  96-100,  193-4.  His  course  made  him  many  enemies,  whom  he  treated  with 
the  utmost  harshness.  His  change  from  a liberal  ruler  to  an  arbitrary  one 
was  quite  marked.  He  was  known  by  the  sobriquet  of  Sapo  de  Loza.  A 
number  of  charges  against  him  appear  in  Montufar,  Reseha  Hist.,  iii.  561-79. 
During  his  former  administration,  in  1836,  he  restored  the  tithes  and  the  ex- 
cessive number  of  holidays  of  the  church. 

77  The  assembly  had,  in  April  1838,  passed  a resolution  inviting  the  federal 
congress  to  call  a national  convention  for  the  exclusive  purpose  of  reforming 
the  federal  institutions.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  v.  196-8. 

78  Carrillo  could  not  rule  with  the  liberal  constitution  of  1 825.  To  do  away 
with  this  obstacle  he  used  as  a pretext  the  decree  of  the  federal  congress  of 
May  30,  1838,  empowering  the  states  to  reconstitute  themselves.  The  assem- 


184  SALVADOR,  NICARAGUA,  AND  COSTA  RICA. 

and  on  the  15th  the  formal  separation  was  declared, 
the  convention  still  manifesting1  a willingness  to  main- 
tain  a sort  of  union  by  means  of  special  treaties.79 

He  also  took  effective  steps  to  pay  off  Costa  Rica’s 
share  of  the  foreign  debt,  contracted  by  the  Central 
American  republic.  The  state  was  for  a long  time 
exempted  from  the  afflictions  and  consequent  injurious 
results  which  visited  the  other  states  during  the  bitter 
last  struggle  in  1840  between  Morazan  and  Carrera 


for  the  existence  of  the  republic.  The  other  states 
were  impoverished  and  brought  to  the  verge  of  ruin, 
whereas  Costa  Rica,  with  comparative  tranquillity, 
was  constantly  marching  forward. 


bly  of  Costa  Rica  accepted  the  decree  on  the  lGth  of  July,  1838,  and  Carrillo 
seized  the  opportunity  to  get  rid  of  a fundamental  law  that  did  not  suit  him. 
It  was  at  his  suggestion  that  the  assembly,  by  decree  of  July  14,  1838,  called 
the  constituent  convention.  Coat'i  11. , Col.  Leyes,  iv.  248-51,  279-84;  Alontufar, 
Resena  Hist.,  iii.  20(1-7. 

;9A  treaty  of  friendship  and  alliance  was  concluded  July  1,  1839,  with 
Honduras;  another  of  the  same  character  one  month  later  with  Guatemala. 
Both  are  given  in  Convention,  in  Cent.  Am.  Constitutions,  13-14,  23-5. 


COAT  OF  ARMS  AND  FLAG. 


185 


The  president,  on  the  21st  of  April,  1840,  decreed 
a coat  of  arms  and  flag  for  the  state  of  Costa  Rica.80 
This  was  abrogated  by  the  provisional  government 
two  years  later.81 

80  The  coat  of  arms  was  a star  with  rays,  placed  in  the  centre  of  a sky-blue 
circle,  and  had  at  the  circumference  the  inscription  ‘Estado  de  Costa  Rica.’ 
The  flag  consisted  of  three  horizontal  stripes,  the  uppermost  and  lowest  white, 
and  the  central  one  sky-blue,  with  the  coat  of  arms  on  the  latter.  The  flag 
of  the  mercantile  marine  was  not  to  have  the  coat  of  arms,  but  instead  of  it, 
in  silver  letters  on  the  centre  stripe,  the  inscription  ‘Estado  de  Costa  Rica.’ 
Costa  It.,  Col.  Leyes,  vi.  316-20. 

81  President  Morazan’s  decree  of  April  20,  1842,  restored  the  flag,  arms, 
and  coins  as  before  the  promulgation  of  Carrillo’s. 


CHAPTER  X. 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION. 

1839-1852. 

Interstate  Dissensions — Pacto  de  Chinandega — Confederacion  Cen- 
tro Americana — Supremo  Delegado  Chamorro — Hostility  of  Gua- 
temala and  British  Officials — Arce  Invades  Salvador — War  of 
the  Confederacy  against  Guatemala — Helplessness  of  Chamorro 
— End  of  the  Pacto  de  Chinandega — Condition  of  the  States — 
Ferrera’s  Bad  Faith — Salvador  and  Honduras  against  Nicara- 
gua— Horrors  of  Leon — Vice-president  Joaquin  E.  Guzman — Hon- 
duras and  Salvador  at  War — Guardiola’s  Vandalism — Malespin 
Overthro%vn — Renewed  Efforts  to  Confederate— Guatemala  an 
Independent  Republic — Costa  Rica  Follows — Salvador,  Nicara- 
gua, and  Honduras  a Confederacy — Its  Short  Life — Further  Un- 
successful Attempts. 

» 

The  government  of  Nicaragua,  on  the  13th  of 
September,  1839,  following  the  advice  of  Minister 
Pavon  of  Guatemala,  asked  for  the  mediation  of 
Frederick  Chatfield,  the  British  consul,  in  an  en- 
deavor to  bring  to  an  end  the  existing  dissensions 
with  Salvador.  Chatfield  declined  to  interfere,  on  the 
plea  that  Salvador,  in  a treaty  with  the  state  of  Los 
Altos,  on  the  10th  of  August,  had  insulted  the  Brit- 
ish crown.1  However,  on  the  27th  of  May,  1840,  he 
sent  to  the  government  of  Nicaragua  an  extract  of  a 


1Articles  8th  and  9th  of  this  treaty  stipulated  that  the  ports  of  both 
states  were  to  be  closed  to  British  trade  until  Great  Britain  should  restore  to 
Central  America  the  island  of  Roatan,  the  seizure  of  which,  together  with 
its  consequences,  is  treated  of  in  another  part  of  this  volume.  Chatfield, 
who  had  been  favoring  the  views  of  Guatemala  against  Los  Altos,  declared 
to  the  latter  that  these  articles  were  offensive  to  his  government.  The  gov- 
ernment of  the  new  state,  being  anxious  to  avert  any  interruption  of  friendly 
relations,  by  its  minister,  Aguilar,  assured  the  consul,  on  the  18th  of  Jan., 
1840,  that  the  objectionable  articles  would  be  rescinded. 


(136) 


ENGLISH  INTERVENTION. 


187 


despatch  of  March  2d  from  the  British  foreign  office, 
saying  that  his  sovereign  would  cordially  mediate  be- 
tween the  two  states,  provided  such  mediation  was 
asked  for  by  both,  or  by  all  the  governments  inter- 
ested, in  which  event  he,  Chatfield,  was  authorized  to 
use  his  good  offices.  But  he  was  at  the  same  time 
directed  to  add  that  Great  Britain  was  not  disposed 
to  enter  into  any  engagement  binding  her  to  employ 
armed  forces  in  Central  America.  This  course  was 
not  pleasing  to  Pavon,  but  fully  satisfied  the  execu- 
tive of  Nicaragua.  Chatfi eld’s  mediation  was  never 
called  for. 

Buitrago,  director  of  the  state  of  Nicaragua,  was 
drawn  by  the  force  of  public  opinion  to  give  his  as- 
sent to  the  state  taking  part  in  a convention  intended 
to  reorganize  the  republic  of  Central  America.2  The 
Nicaraguan  delegates  used  their  best  endeavors  for 
the  accomplishment  of  their  mission;  but  from  the 
beginning  they  found  their  efforts  hindered  by  the 
machiavelism  of  the  aristocrats  of  Guatemala,  and  in 
disgust  left  the  convention  after  filing  a protest.3 
They  returned  to  it  afterward,  however,  and  on  the 
11th  of  April,  1842,  the  convention  made  a declara- 
tion in  seven  articles  establishing  a ‘gobierno  na- 
cional  provisorio,’  having  at  its  head  a ‘supremo 
delegado,’  with  a council  composed  of  one  representa- 
tive chosen  by  each  of  the  respective  state  assem- 
blies.4 Antonio  Josfi  Canas  was  appointed  supremo 


2 The  state  assembly  passed  a decree  to  that  end  April  17,  1841,  and  ap- 
pointed the  deputies  to  represent  it,  the  appointees  being  Francisco  Castell on, 
Gregorio  Juarez,  Benito  Rosales,  Ex-jefe  Jos6  Nunez,  and  Hermenegildo 
Zepeda.  The  last  named  was  represented  by  Sebastian  Salinas.  Castellon’s 
selection  by  the  assembly  was  a blow  at  Buitrago,  the  two  being  bitter  oppo- 
nents. 

3 In  the  protest  they  set  forth  the  machinations  brought  to  bear  to  defeat 
them.  Nicaragua  and  Salvador  had  asked  Guatemala  and  Costa  Rica  to 
enter  the  convention.  Ferrera,  the  executive  of  Honduras,  played  a double 
game.  He  had  representatives  in  the  convention,  while  he  was  leagued  with 
the  aristocrats  of  Guatemala,  who  spurned  the  idea  of  reorganization. 
Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  144. 

* Meantime  the  convention  named  the  supreme  delegate  and  the  members 
of  the  council.  The  duties  of  the  executive  officer  were  multifarious,  in» 


1S8 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION. 


delegado.  But  this  great  effort  on  the  part  of  the 
men  imbued  with  a truly  patriotic  spirit  came  to 
naught,  because  the  assembly  of  Guatemala  indig- 
nantly rejected  the  compact  of  Chinandega,  and  Fer- 
rera  of  Honduras  acted  in  bad  faith.  Costa  Rica 
accepted  it  with  certain  restrictions.5 

A second  effort  was  made  on  the  27th  of  July  at 
Chinandega  by  the  delegates  of  Salvador,  Honduras, 
and  Nicaragua,  who  passed  an  act  to  form  a league 
under  the  name  of  Confederacion  Centro  Americana.0 
Sixteen  of  the  articles  in  the  constitution  conformed 
with  the  instructions  given  by  the  aristocrats  of  Gua- 
temala through  the  state  assembly  to  the  commission- 
ers despatched  to  the  villa  de  Santa  Rosa  on  the  28th 
of  September,  1839;  and  yet,  after  their  adoption  by 
the  convention  of  Chinandega,  these  same  persons 
made  opposition  to  them.  The  fact  was,  that  they 
had  been  all  along  using  deception,  appointing  com- 
missioners to  several  diets,  but  never  intending  that 
a reorganization  of  Central  American  nationality 
should  be  arrived  at.7 

volving  foreign  and  internal  affairs.  Among  the  foreign  affairs  was  the  ne- 
gotiating of  a concordat  with  the  pope,  and  of  a treaty  with  Spain  for  her 
recognition  of  Central  American  independence.  He  was  also  to  procure  the 
reassembling  of  the  American  diet.  Squier’s  Tram.,  ii.  444-5;  Montufar , Re- 
eenallist.,  iv.  147-8;  Reichardt,  Nic.,  73-4;  Salv.,  Diario  OJic.,  Feb.  14,  1875. 

6Act  of  the  constituent  assembly,  dated  July  20,  1S42.  Montufar , Resena 
Hist.,  iv.  304-5. 

6 The  act  consisted  of  77  articles,  and  was  an  amplification  of  the  fonner 
act.  Art.  4 said  that  the  confederate  states  recognized  the  principle  of  non- 
intervention by  one  or  more  states  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the  others.  They 
bound  themselves  never  to  resort  to  arms  for  the  settlement  of  disputed 
points,  nor  to  permit  the  annexation  of  towns  of  alien  jurisdiction  without 
the  express  assent  of  their  sovereign.  The  other  states  of  the  late  union 
were  granted  the  privilege  of  joining  the  confederacy  with  equal  rights  and 
representation.  Art.  14  prescribed  that  the  government  was  to  be  exercised 
through  delegates  for  the  general  objects  of  common  benefit  expressly  set 
forth  in  the  instrument.  Art.  15.  The  executive  authority  was  to  be  in  charge 
of  a supremo  delegado,  with  a consultive  council  formed  with  one  member 
from  each  state.  Art.  16.  The  judicial  power  was  intrusted  to  a court  com- 
posed of  members  chosen  by  the  state  legislatures.  The  delegates  who 
subscribed  the  act  were:  J.  Nunez,  G.  Juarez,  Francisco  Castellon,  Pedro 
Zeledon,  and  Sebastian  Salinas  for  Nicaragua;  Manuel  Barbcrena,  and  Jos6 
M.  Cornejo  for  Salvador;  Manuel  E.  Vazquez,  Mbnico  Bueso,  and  Jacobo  Rosa 
for  Honduras.  Cent.  Am.,  Paclo  de  Confed.,  1-12;  Niles'  Reg.,  lxiv.  2;  La 
Union,  June  15,  1850;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  266-82;  Pabellon  ATac., 
Oct.  19,  1S44,  27;  Froebel’s,  Cent.  Am.,  143. 

7 An  act  was  passed  by  the  constituent  assembly  on  the  2Sth  of  July,  1841, 


PACTO  DE  CHINANDEGA. 


189 


Guatemala  accredited  a legation  at  Leon,  Gerdnimo 
Carcache  being  the  envoy.  lie  tried  to  exculpate 
his  government  for  its  opposition  to  the  compact  of 
Chinandega,  asserting  at  the  same  time  its  firm  re- 
solve to  uphold  the  treaty  concluded  in  October  1842, 
by  Pavon,  Arriaga,  and  Duran,  and  accepted  by 
Costa  Rica  in  May  1843.8  This  opposition,  notwith- 
standing the  organization  of  the  executive  and  coun- 
cil, under  the  compact  of  Chinandega,  was  effected  at 
San  Vicente,  in  Salvador,  on  the  29th  of  March,  1844; 
Fruto  Chamorro,  delegate  from  Nicaragua,  being 
chosen  supremo  delegado,  Juan  Lindo,  delegate  from 
Honduras,  president  of  the  council,  and  Justo  Her- 
rera, ex-jefe  of  the  same  state,  secretary  of  that  body. 
The  installation  of  the  confederate  government  was 
at  once  communicated  to  the  several  states. 

Honduras,  on  the  27th  of  April,  recognized  and 
accepted  what  had  been  done  at  San  Vicente.  Sal- 
vador and  Nicaragua  expressed  much  satisfaction. 
The  reactionary  government  of  Guatemala  kept  silent, 
and  on  being  pressed  for  an  answer,  returned  a cold 
and  laconic  one,  to  the  effect  that  the  matter  would 
be  laid  before  the  legislative  body;  that  is  to  say,  the 
assembly  which,  on  the  17th  of  April,  1839,  had  de- 
clared the  Central  American  confederation  dissolved.9 
It  could  not  be  expected  that  such  an  assembly  would 
give  its  assent.  The  committee  to  which  the  subject 
was  referred  made  an  unfavorable  report,  which  the 
assembly  accepted.  Costa  Rica  suggested  amend- 
ments to  the  ‘pacto  de  Chinandega.’10  This  docu- 

purporting  to  have  in  view  a restoration  of  the  union.  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i. 
454-5. 

8 Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  viii.  28-36.  This  treaty  was  called  by  the  nobles 
* tratado  de  union.’  Carcache  produced  a note  of  June  17,  1843,  from  Ayci- 
nena  reiterating  his  government’s  protest  against  the  expediency  and  practi- 
cability of  establishing  in  Central  America  ‘ una  forma  de  gobiemo  unitario,’ 
which  in  its  opinion  would  entail  upon  the  country  still  greater  misfortunes. 
Castellon,  for  the  Nicaragua  executive,  replied  on  the  5th  of  Aug.,  denying 
that  any  offence  had  been  committed  by  entertaining  opinions  favorable  to 
the  late  government.  Monlufar,  Resefia  Hist.,  iv.  151-2. 

9 Rivera  Paz’  decree,  in  Guat. , Recop.  Leyes,  i.  46-8. 

10  Costa  Rica  appointed  delegates  to  the  diet.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  viii. 
57-9,  92-8,  188-9.  The  minister  of  Guat.  had  proposed  to  Costa  Rica  a con- 


190 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION. 


ment  never  had  any  practical  value,  for  the  govern- 
ments which  were  parties  thereto  took  no  account  of 
the  duties  it  imposed  on  them.  It  will  be  seen  that 
the  executive  of  Honduras  was  its  covert  enemy,  and 
that  the  government  of  Salvador  openly  infringed  a 
number  of  its  clauses. 

Malespin,  president  of  Salvador,  was  arranging  af- 
fairs for  a change  in  favor  of  a theocratic  regime  to 
please  Viteri,  bishop  of  San  Salvador,  when  news 
came  that  the  state  had  been  invaded  at  Atiquizaya 
by  Manuel  Jose  Arce.  The  ex-president  had  with 
him  troops  of  Guatemala,  and  a supply  of  arms  and 
ammunition  to  put  in  the  hands  of  Malespin’s  ene- 
mies. The  question  will  be  asked,  Why  did  the  aris- 
tocrats of  Guatemala  cause  the  invasion  of  Salvador, 
her  executive  being  their  agent  Malespin,  who  was, 
moreover,  under  the  control  of  Bishop  Viteri  ? This 
is  easily  explained.  Malespin  was,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
aristocrats,  another  Carrera,  disposed  at  times  to  slip 
out  of  their  hands.  It  was,  therefore,  important  to 
have  him  superseded  by  Arce,  when  affairs  in  the 
state  would  go  on  smoothly  and  to  their  satisfaction. 
In  Arce  ruling  over  Salvador,  they  would  have,  be- 
sides, a support  against  Carrera.11  But  the  people  of 
Salvador,  albeit  much  dissatisfied  with  Malespin  and 
Viteri,  were  decidedly  opposed  to  Arce  with  aristo- 
cratic surroundings.  His  invasion  of  the  state  only 
served  to  strengthen  Malespin’s  power  for  a time. 
The  president  set  the  whole  state  in  motion  to  meet 
the  emergency.  He  did  even  more:  he  asked  for  the 
assistance  of  the  supremo  delegado  of  the  confeder- 
acy, which  was  promised  him.  Each  state  was  to 
furnish  1,000  men;  but  meanwhile  Salvador  was  to 
place  2,000  men  at  the  disposal  of  the  confederate 

vention  of  commissioners  from  all  the  states,  appointed  in  the  manner  he  sug- 
gested, namely,  all  the  commissioners  were  to  be  of  Guatemala,  and  directed 
by  him  to  review  the  compact  of  Chinandega.  The  proposition  was  rejected. 
The  reports  of  the  committees  in  the  assemblies  of  Guatemala  and  Costa 
ltica  are  given  in  Montufar,  Hesena  f/ixt.,  iv.  283-97,  380,  407-9. 

“This  would  save  them  from  such  blows  as  the  lieut-gen.  inflicted  on 
them  at  Pinula  and  Villa  de  Guadalupe,  early  in  1844. 


MALESPIN  AND  ARCE. 


191 


executive.12  The  general  government  agreed  to  use 
its  utmost  endeavors  to  avert  the  subjugation  of  Sal- 
vador by  Guatemala.  Malespin  was  enjoined,  on  his 
part,  to  confine  his  military  operations  within  the  ter- 
ritory of  his  own  state.  He  easily  got  together  in  a 
few  days  at  San  Salvador  4,000  men,  with  which  force 
he  marched  to  the  front.  One  portion  of  the  van- 
guard, under  Lieutenant-colonel  Pedro  Escalon,  on 
the  5th  of  May,  reached  the  Chingo  Valley  in  pur- 
suit of  Arce,  Aquilino  San  Martin,  and  Guillermo 
Quintanilla,  who  fled  to  their  headquarters  at  Coate- 


peque.  They  were  attacked  there,  and  took  to  flight 
a second  time,  leaving  a large  quantity  of  arms  and 
ammunition.  Another  portion  of  the  vanguard  occu- 
pied Chalchuapa,  placing  a force  and  the  artillery  at 
Santa  Ana.13 

Malespin,  in  disregard  of  the  command  he  had  re- 
ceived from  the  supremo  delegado,  marched  trium- 
phantly to  Jutiapa,  in  Guatemala;  in  consequence  of 
which,  the  government  of  Rivera  Paz  assumed  that 

12  They  were  to  be  paid  for  by  the  confederate  states. 

13  These  facts  appear  in  the  official  report  to  the  state  government  on  May 
6,  1844. 


192 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION. 


Guatemala  was  in  a state  of  war,  her  territory  hav- 
ing been  invaded;  and  Carrera  was  called  upon  to  use 
her  forces  against  the  invaders.  A forced  loan  was 
decreed,  and  a change  took  place  in  the  cabinet,  Man- 
uel F.  Pavon  assuming  the  portfolios  of  relations, 
government,  and  war.14  Pavon  was  certainly  the 
man  for  the  occasion.15  He  returned  an  answer  to 
a note  from  the  minister  of  the  supremo  delegado, 
which  Milla,  his  biographer,  has  pronounced  an  able 
and  conclusive  one.  But  it  was  in  reality  a mass  of 
abuse  against  Salvador  and  Malespin.  He  did  not 
attempt  to  show  that  Arce’s  invasion  was  not  the  act 
of  the  Guatemalan  government,  as  he  should  have 
done;  but  claimed  that  the  war  against  Malespin  was 
not  a consequence  of  Arce’s  act,  but  of  the  malice  of 
the  Salvadorenos.16 

The  bad  climate  of  Jutiapa  soon  began  to  decimate 
the  Salvador  army,  reducing  it  to  about  3,000  men. 
Moreover,  the  government  of  Salvador,  then  in 
charge  of  Vice-president  Guzman,  could  not  easily 
procure  means  for  the  support  of  such  a force.  It 
was  quite  evident  that  the  time  for  upsetting  Car- 
rera had  not  yet  come;  and  Malespin’s  defeat  would 
only  bring  greater  outrages  upon  the  people.  Pa- 
tience was  necessary  under  the  circumstances.  It 
was  consequently  decided  to  abandon  Jutiapa  and  re- 

14  Jos6  Antonio  Azmitia  became  minister  of  the  treasury,  and  Manuel 
Ubico  under-sec. -gen. 

15  He  could  not  deny  Arce’s  invasion  of  Salvador,  but  pretended  that  no 
prominent  man  of  the  govt  or  of  the  aristocratic  party  had  any  knowledge  of 
lus  intention  to  invade,  or  of  the  source  from  which  he  obtained  his  supplies. 
Pavon  knew  well  enough,  but  prevarication  was  convenient.  The  fact  is, 
Juan  A.  Alvarado,  Guatemalan  agent  in  San  Salvador,  had  given  his  govern- 
ment timely  information  of  the  intended  invasion.  Aice’s  departure  was 
open.  In  order  to  put  an  innocent  appearance  on  the  affair,  the  govt  decreed, 
May  12,  1844,  that  Arce  should  leave  the  city  within  24  hours,  and  the  state 
within  20  days.  In  an  address  to  the  people  on  the  2d  of  June,  Rivera  Paz 
says  that  Salvador  emissaries  had  been  detected  trying  to  rouse  the  people  of 
Los  Altos  to  insurrection,  and  that  the  plan  was  intended  to  avenge  the  de- 
feat of  1840.  This  is  hardly  true;  for  Malespin  had  been  then  on  Carrera’s 
side  against  Morazan,  and  his  tool  in  Salvador  ever  since.  The  aristocrats 
had,  when  it  suited  their  purposes,  published  letters  of  liberal  leaders  fall- 
ing in  their  hands;  and  yet  they  never  brought  out  those  said  to  have  been 
taken  trom  the  emissaries  at  Los  Altos. 

16 The  two  notes  are  given  in  Montufar,  Helena  Hist.,  iv.  531-41. 


TREATY  BETWEEN  HONDURAS  AND  SALVADOR. 


193 


cross  the  rio  fie  la  Paz,  which  was  effected  on  the 
17th  of  June.17  The  assembly  empowered  the  gov- 
ernment to  negotiate  for  peace,  and  a convention  was 
entered  into  at  the  hacienda  de  Quezada  on  the 
5th  of  August,  1844, 18  under  which  friendly  relations 
were  restored,  and  Guatemala  promised  to  accredit 
a commissioner  near  the  confederate  government.19 
This  convention  was,  however,  annulled  by  the  Gua- 
temalan commissioners,  because  the  supremo  delegado 
had  refused  to  ratify  it.20  But  the  government  of 
Guatemala  determined  that  it  should  be  held  valid 
by  Malespin’s  accepting  it  as  law  for  the  Salvadore- 
nos.  Bishop  Viteri  undertook  to  accomplish  this, 
and  succeeded.21  Malespin  gave  his  assent  to  the 
convention  being  ratified  by  the  supremo  delegado, 
and  made  a declaration  of  peaceful  intentions  toward 
Guatemala.22  He  refers  to  the  liberals  residing  at 
Leon,  who  had  been  driven  from  Honduras  by  Fer- 
rera,  and  from  Salvador  by  himself;  and  he  accuses 
them  of  being  the  cause  of  much  trouble,  for  which 
they  should  be  discountenanced  by  honorable  men. 
The  pacto  de  Chinandega,  as  we  have  seen,  had  be- 
come a dead  letter.  Honduras  and  Salvador  entered, 
on  the  10th  of  July,  1844,  at  San  Salvador,  into  a 
treaty,  which  was  ratified  by  both  governments.23 

17  Col.  Vicente  Cruz,  commanding  the  advance  force  of  Carrera’s  army, 
attributed  the  defeat  to  fear,  which  was  not  altogether  devoid  of  truth. 

18 The  commissioners  were:  Jos4  D.  Dieguez,  Luis  Batres,  and  Jos4  M. 
Urruela  for  Guat. ; Bishop  Viteri  and  Narciso  Monterey  for  the  sup.  del. 

19  Art.  2 stipulated  that  all  property  removed  from  Guat.  to  Salv.  by  the 
latter’s  forces  should  be  restored,  or  its  value  made  good.  This  article  was  a 
hard  one  for  Malespin,  and  yet  Viteri  accepted  it.  This  arrangement  was 
completed  in  May  18-46.  Id. , v.  18;  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  408-15;  Crowe's 
Gospel,  159;  La  Abeja,  Oct.  18,  1844;  Defensor  Integ.  Nac.,  Nov.  2,  1844; 
El  Constituc.,  Apr.  23,  1844;  Pabellon  Nac.,  Oct.  19,  29,  1844. 

20  He  insisted  on  certain  amendments,  his  commissioners  having  exceeded 
their  instructions,  and  humiliated  Salvador,  which  was  irresponsible  for  the 
movement  on  Jutiapa.  And  yet  Guatemala  declared  the  convention  to  be 
obligatory. 

21  The  object  then  in  view  was  to  unite  Malespin  and  Ferrera  for  a dash 
upon  Nicaragua.  With  the  Guatemalan  commissioners  went  Viteri,  and  he 
had  a princely  reception. 

22  He  added  that  by  sacrificing  a great  portion  of  her  rights  Salv.  had 
obtained  peace. 

23  The  commissioners  who  negotiated  it  were:  Cayetano  Bosque  for  Salva- 
dor: Canon  Doroteo  Alvarenga  and  Juan  Lindo  for  Honduras.  The  object  of 

Hist.  Cent.  Am..  Vol.  III.  la 


194 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION. 


Chamorro’s  government  was  notified  by  Ferrera 
that  auxiliary  forces  from  Nicaragua  would  no  longer 
be  allowed  to  traverse  Honduran  territory.24  Cha- 
morro’s minister,  M.  Aguilar,  remonstrated  against  a 
measure  which  would  prevent  the  arrival  of  friendly 
troops  to  defend  the  confederacy,  whereof  Honduras 
was  a component  part.26  Chamorro,  using  his  lawful 
authority,  ordered  J.  Trinidad  Munoz,  who  com- 
manded the  Honduras  force  of  operations,  not  to 
obstruct  the  passage  of  the  Nicaraguan  troops.  Munoz 
disobeyed  the  order;  and  upon  the  Nicaraguans  ar- 
riving at  Choluteca,  on  the  17th  of  August,  he  re- 
quired them  to  leave  the  territory  of  Honduras 
forthwith;  which  not  being  done,  he  assailed  and  con- 
quered them  on  the  19th,  after  a three  hours’  fight.20 
This  action  had  a great  influence  on  the  fate  of  Cen- 
tral America;  for  it  satisfied  the  aristocrats  of  Guate- 
mala that  the  supremo  delegado  had  no  means  for 
enforcing  his  authority  or  for  carrying  out  his  plans. 
It  was  virtually  a declaration  of  war  between  Hon- 
duras and  Nicaragua.  Malespin  was  likewise  em- 
boldened by  it  to  assail  Nicaragua.  The  latter  must 
then  move  with  the  utmost  activity  against  Ferrera, 
before  Malespin,  now  at  peace  with  Guatemala,  could 
come  to  his  aid.  But  difficulties  that  could  not  be 
overcome  were  in  the  way;  and  it  was  only  on  the 
23d  of  October  that  upwards  of  1,000  Nicaraguans 
appeared  before  Nacaome,  which  they  assaulted  the 
next  day,  and  after  two  hours  of  hard  fighting,  were 
repulsed.27 

the  arrangement  was  evidently  a league  against  Nicaragua,  though  it  cannot 
be  said  to  have  been  against  the  party  called  ‘coquimbos,’  for  generals 
Saget  and  Espinosa  were  now  serving  with  Malespin.  Montufar,  Iiesena  Hist., 
iv.  567-8,  581-2. 

2 ‘The  confederate  executive  had  ordered  a force  of  Nicaraguenses  to  come 
into  Salvador  through  the  department  of  Choluteca,  Lieut-col  Aguado  being 
charged  with  their  transportation. 

2iThe  troops  could  not  come  by  sea,  the  port  of  La  Union  being  then 
blockaded  by  a British  frigate.  Copy  of  Aguilar's  note,  dated  Aug.  11,  1844, 
in  Id.,  5G9-71. 

20  Munoz’  report  sets  the  enemy’s  loss  at  156  killed,  besides  many  prison- 
ers, and  over  200  muskets,  etc. 

2:  The  place  was  defended  by  upwards  of  700  men  under  Juan  Morales. 


WAR  ON  NICARAGUA. 


195 


Trinidad  Cabanas  and  Gerardo  Barrios,  two  of 
Morazan’s  officers,  made,  on  the  5th  of  September, 
1844,  an  attempt  at  San  Miguel  to  overthrow  Males- 
pin  without  bloodshed;  but  having  failed,  they  went 
off  to  Nicaragua  by  way  of  La  Union.  Malespin’s 
minister,  Jose  Antonio  Jimenez,  then  demanded  of 
the  Nicaraguan  government  that  Cabafias  and  Bar- 
rios should  be  either  expelled  or  surrendered  to  Sal- 
vador for  punishment.  The  demand  was  rejected. 
The  two  officers  were  by  no  means  discouraged.  They 
persevered  in  their  efforts,  which,  more  than  any- 
thing else,  finally  brought  about  the  tyrant’s  over- 
throw. By  virtue  of  a special  decree,  Malespin  took, 
on  the  25th  of  October,  personal  command  of  the 
state  forces,  placing  the  executive  office  in  charge  of 
the  vice-president,  Joaquin  Eufracio  Guzman,  who 
on  the  same  day  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  his 
duties,  giving  Malespin  unlimited  powers  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  state.  Such  authorization  did  not  justify 
Malespin’s  carrying  the  war  into  Nicaragua.28  This 
state,  after  the  defeat  of  its  troops  at  Nacaome,  had 
removed  them  from  Honduran  territory,  and  sued 
for  peace.  And  yet  Malespin,  in  violation  of  the 
laws  of  Salvador,  made  preparations  for  an  offensive 
war  against  Nicaragua. 

It  will  be  well,  before  relating  the  events  of  this 
campaign,  to  cast  an  eye  upon  the  present  lamentable 
condition  of  the  four  states  thus  bent  upon  each  other’s 
destruction.  Guatemala  was  ruled  by  the  aristocrats 
with  a rod  of  iron.  Her  financial  affairs  were  com- 
pletely disorganized.  In  Salvador  Malespin  had  no 
other  rule  of  conduct  than  his  own  will  and  Bishop 
Viteri’s  evil  counsels.  He  believed  himself  surrounded 
by  enemies,  and  indeed  he  was.29  Honduras  was  in  a 


28  Guzman  could  not  grant  such  authority,  as  it  was  of  the  exclusive 
province  of  the  state  congress.  It  was,  besides,  unnecessary,  as  neither  Sal- 
vador nor  Honduras  was  invaded. 

29  For  his  own  security,  in  his  absence,  he  placed  his  brother,  Calixto 
Malespin,  as  comandante  general,  near  Vice-president  Guzman.  This  man 
used  to  open  Guzman’s  correspondence,  and  deliver  him  only  such  despatches 


196 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION. 


disturbed  state,  and  the  victim  of  Ferrera’s  despotism. 
Nicaragua  was  in  anything  but  a satisfactory  situa- 
tion. The  men  who  with  their  superior  talents, 
statesmanship,  and  influence  might  have  carried  the 
ship  of  state  safely  through  the  coming  storm,  Fran- 
cisco Castellon  and  Mdximo  Jerez,  were  in  Europe 
working  to  undo  the  evils  wrought  against  Central 
America  by  Pavon  and  Chatfield.  The  director  of 
the  state,  Manuel  Perez,30  lacked  the  prestige  that 
the  occasion  required.  Casto  Fonseca,  the  com- 
mander of  the  forces,  had  been  given  the  rank  of 
‘gran  mariscal.’31 

The  pac-to  de  Chinandega  had  ceased  to  exist. 
Owing  to  hostile  acts  of  Malespin,  Chamorro  had  to 
seek  safety  in  flight.  Ferrera  treated  Chamorro 
with  contumely,  and  shamefully  abused  him  in  a 
report  to  the  chambers  of  Honduras,  in  January 
1846. 32  Malespin  and  his  army  against  Nicaragua 
entered  Honduras,  and  at  Nacaome  made  an  address 
to  the  president  and  army  of  Honduras.33  The  two 
allied  presidents  had  a conference  at  Sauce  on  the 
7th  of  November,  and  agreed  that  Malespin  should 
be  recognized  as  the  general-in-chief  of  their  forces. 
At  Choluteca  proposals  for  peace  came  from  Leon; 
and  on  the  21st  of  the  same  month  the  treaty  of 
Zatoca34  was  concluded,  which  was  disgraceful  to  the 

as  he  thought  expedient.  See  circular  of  Jimenez,  Guzman’s  minister,  to 
governors  of  departments,  of  Feb.  12,  1845,  in/e/.,  717-18. 

30  He  was  the  constitutional  chief.  Ayon,  Apunles,  4;  Hemanario  Nic.,  Apr. 
24,  1873. 

31 A pompous  title,  which  rendered  him  ridiculous  in  the  eyes  of  many, 
while  it  excited  jealousy  on  the  part  of  others.  Squier's  Trav.,  ii.  449. 
Fonseca  is  represented  as  a drunkard,  ignorant,  and  the  most  brutal  tyrant 
Nicaragua  ever  had.  Life  and  property  were  subject  to  his  nod.  Dunlop's 
Cent.  Am.,  224—5;  Wells'  lloud.,  494. 

33  It  should  be  known  that  Chamorro  had  not  been  a Morazanista,  or  even 
a liberal.  He  was  the  chief  of  the  conservative  party  in  Nic.  On  March  29, 
1S45,  his  term  having  expired,  and  there  being  no  legal  successor,  he  decreed 
that  the  office  of  supremo  delegado  ceased  to  exist,  and  communicated  the 
fact  to  the  governments  of  the  several  states.  Montufar,  Hcsena  Hist.,  iv.  122. 

33  Oct.  31,  1844.  The  object  of  the  war,  he  said,  was  to  avenge  the  insult 
inflicted  by  Nic.  on  Hond.,  and  it  was  to  be  waged  till  a lasting  peace  could 
be  secured. 

34  Here  the  invaders  were  joined  by  Gen.  Manuel  Quijano  and  64  dragoons 
who  had  deserted  from  Leon. 


ATTACK  ON  LEON. 


197 


Nicaraguan  negotiators.35  A secret  clause  was  also 
agreed  to,  binding  Nicaragua,  among  other  things,  to 
retire  her  troops  from  Chinandega  to  Chichigalpa. 
But  the  authorities  and  people  of  Leon  preferred 
death  with  honor  to  submission  to  such  degrading 
demands.  The  treaty  and  secret  clause  were  indig- 
nantly rejected.  Perez,  the  director,  surrendered  the 
executive  office  to  Senator  Emiliano  Madrid. 

In  the  night  of  November  21st  the  allied  forces 
encamped  in  the  barranca  de  San  Antonio.30  On  the 
26th,  at  8 in  the  evening,  they  were  in  front  of  Leon, 
and  threw  bombs  into  the  city.  The  next  morning 
at  3 o’clock  Malespin,  being  drunk,  ordered  an  assault, 
which  resulted  disastrously  for  the  invaders;  for  at 
sunrise  he  found  his  camp  strewn  with  corpses.07 
The  attack  was,  however,  continued  that  day  till  4 
o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  when  the  allies  found  them- 
selves short  of  ammunition,  and  with  many  of  their 
chief  officers  killed  or  wounded.  Discord  now  broke 
out  among  them,  and  the  Hondurans  wanted  to 
abandon  the  campaign;  but  J.  Trinidad  Munoz,  act- 
ing for  Malespin,  quieted  them,  and  the  struggle  went 
on.  That  night  Munoz  erected  intrenchments,  and 
at  break  of  day  on  the  28th  the  allies  were  in  con- 
dition to  act  vigorously.38 

Commissioners  came  out  to  the  allied  headquarters, 

85 The  commissioners  were  Hermenegildo  Zepeda  and  Geroninio  Carcache. 
Malespin  himself  acted  for  Salv.  and  Hond.  Art.  1 required  Nic.  to  pay 
Salv.  and  Hond.  all  the  expenses  of  the  present  war,  and  to  Salv.  those  in- 
curred in  the  war  of  April  last  against  Guat.,  because  Nic.  had  failed  to 
furnish  her  contingent  of  troops.  This  last  payment  was  waived  by  Salv.  in 
art.  6.  Art.  2 calls  for  the  surrender  by  Nic.  of  all  arms  within  her  territory 
belonging  to  the  allies.  Art.  3 made  it  the  duty  of  Nic.  to  deliver  to  the 
allied  forces  the  ‘facciosos’  Joaquin  Rivera,  Mdximo  Orellana,  Miguel 
Alvarez,  Trinidad  Cabanas,  Gerardo  Barrios,  Diego  and  Ramon  Vijil,  if  found 
in  the  state,  and  if  they  were  out  of  it,  not  to  allow  them  to  reside  therein 
without  the  consent  of  the  allied  governments.  Art.  7 throws  upon  Nic.  the 
expense  of  supporting  the  allied  troops  from  the  date  of  the  ratification  of  the 
treaty  till  they  should  have  reached  their  quarters  in  their  respective  states. 
Montufar , Eesena  Hist.,  iv.  592-4. 

8GGuardiola  became  intoxicated  and  abused  the  deserters;  whereupon  half 
of  them  abandoned  the  allied  camp,  and  he  was  placed  under  arrest. 

81  Among  the  slain  was  Cruz  Guardiola,  a brother  of  the  general. 

88  It  will  be  well  to  record  here  that  Munoz,  to  whom  Leon  owed  her 
present  tribulation,  was  a Nicaraguan  by  birth. 


198 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION. 


and  on  the  1st  of  December  a treaty  was  negotiated,39 
to  which  no  ratification  was  given  in  the  city,  and  the 
war  continued.  Meanwhile  there  was  much  agitation 
in  Salvador,  with  occasional  revolutionary  attempts, 
which  becoming  known  at  Leon,  emboldened  the 
authorities  and  citizens  to  keep  up  the  fight,  not- 
withstanding the  other  departments  had  turned  against 
them.40 

Jose  Francisco  Montenegro  and  Juan  Ruiz  were 


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SCLENTIMAME 


'i/ia.s  /?. 


Pt.S.FJena 


South-western  Nicaragua. 


39  The  negotiators  for  Nic.  were  Canon  Desiderio  Cortes  and  Ar.selmo 
Alarcon;  for  Salv.  and  Hond.,  Gen.  Nicolds  Espinosa  and  J.  T.  Munoz. 
Under  this  capitulation  the  terms  agreed  to  in  the  former  one  at  Zatoca  were 
to  be  enforced  as  regarded  payment  of  war  expenses  and  surrender  of  arms. 
Nic.  bound  herself  to  expel  from  the  state  Casto  Fonseca,  Cabanas,  Rivera, 
Orellana,  Barrios,  Alvarez,  Diego,  Ramon  and  Jos<5  Antonio  Vijil,  Domingo 
Asturias,  Jos6  Antonio  Milla,  and  Jos6  Antonio  Ruiz;  and  furthermore,  to 
deliver  to  Malespin  some  Salvadorans  who  revolted  against  him  at  San 
Miguel  on  the  5th  of  Sept.,  1844. 

10  Granada  took  Malespin’s  side,  and  was  followed  by  Rivas  and  other 
places.  It  seemed  as  if  all  the  actas  had  been  written  by  the  same  hand. 
Moniufar,  Ivesena  Hist.,  iv.  600,  635-6. 


SIEGE  OF  LEON. 


199 


the  commissioners  of  Rivas  and  Granada,  near  Males- 
pin.  Their  mission  brought  about  the  creation  of  a 
new  government,  which  had  no  recognition  in  Leon. 
Senator  Silvestre  Selva  lent  himself  to  be  made  by 
Malespin  and  his  allies  director  supremo  of  Nicaragua, 
under  the  stipulation  of  ratifying  the  convention  of 
December  1st,  adding  the  name  of  Pio  Castellon  to 
the  list  of  the  proscribed.41 

Several  partial  actions  took  place  in  other  parts  of 
the  department  of  Leon,  which  turned  out  favorably 
for  the  invaders.42  But  Malespin  was  furious  at  his 
failure  thus  far  to  capture  Leon.  The  firing  of  his 
guns  was  incessant.  lie  made  a final  effort,  throwing 
himself  at  the  head  of  a force  upon  the  works  of 
Sutiaba,  which  were  in  charge  of  Gerardo  Barrios; 
and  after  some  hours’  hard  fighting  was  repulsed, 
leaving1  the  field  covered  with  his  killed  and  wounded. 
But  there  was  no  unity  of  action  in  the  city  at  this 
time.  Some  officers  believed  that  Casto  Fonseca, 
though  brave,  was  not  competent  to  make  a proper 
defence;  and  one  of  them,  named  Jose  M.  Valle,  alias 
El  Chelon,  suggested  that  he  should  turn  over  the 
command  to  Cabanas.  Fonseca  looked  upon  the  sug- 
gestion as  an  insult,  and  in  consequence  Valle  retired, 
and  Cabanas  became  an  object  of  suspicion  to  Fon- 
seca. The  siege  with  its  horrors  continued.  The 
fatal  spirit  of  localism  that  maintained  discord  be- 
tween the  several  towns,  specially  between  Granada 
and  Leon,  was  now  as  ever,  and  till  the  transfer  of 
the  capital  from  Leon  to  Managua,  a great  misfortune 


41  The  most  humiliating  part  of  this  arrangement  was  the  3d  clause, 
wherein  the  eastern  and  southern  departments  recognize  Malespin  as  ‘pro- 
tector de  los  Nicaragiienses,’  and  general-in-chief  of  the  united  armies,  in- 
cluding one  organized  by  those  departments,  till  the  end  of  the  war.  Id.,  iv. 
600-2;  Nic.,  lieijistro  OJi o.,  12,  14,  55-6,  65,  69,  110-15;  Sandoval,  Rev.  Polil., 
9,  15— IS. 

42  Several  officers  were  shot,  among  them  a number  taken  by  Saget,  on 
the  vessel  Carolina.  Malespin  issued  stringent  orders  against  rendering  aid 
to  the  besieged.  An  official  report  from  Nagarote  of  Jan.  23d,  to  the  coman- 
dante  at  Managua,  speaks  of  a defeat  of  troops  of  the  govt  at  Leon,  with  the 
loss  of  200  killed,  300  wounded,  and  many  prisoners,  together  with  3 pieces 
of  cannon  and  other  arms,  etc.  Nic.,  Registro  Ofic.,  4. 


200 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION. 


for  the  whole  country.  The  besiegers  made  the  most 
of  it.43 

A vessel  arrived  at  this  time  at  Realejo  with  arms 
for  the  besieged,  of  which  Malespin  got  information 
from  the  Englishman  Manning,  and  through  Selva’s 
agent  lie  obtained  possession  of  1,000  muskets,  200 
rifles,  200  barrels  of  powder,  200  quintals  of  lead,  and 
12,000  flints.  With  this  supply  the  operations  against 
Leon  were  pushed  with  still  greater  vigor,  and  the 
city  succumbed  to  an  assault  by  Guardiola  on  the 
24th  of  January,  1 845.  Malespin  now  gave  full  sway 
to  his  bloody  instincts,  by  shooting  a number  of 
prominent  citizens  and  surrendering  the  town  to  the 
soldiery  for  plunder.44  The  outrages  committed  defy 
description.45 

While  Malespin  was  engaged  in  the  Nicaragua 
campaign,  the  state  of  Salvador  was  preparing  to 
throw  off  the  yoke,  and  his  brother  Calixto  was  issuing 
arbitrary  orders  without  the  knowledge  or  assent  of 
Vice-president  Guzman.  At  last,  at  midnight  be- 
tween the  30th  and  31st  of  December,  1844,  the  gar- 
rison at  San  Salvador  was  surprised  by  a party  of 
armed  men  from  the  Calvario,  and  captured,  together 
with  the  arms  in  the  barracks.40  After  that  the  re- 

,3  It  is  related  that  Pedro  Zeledon,  a Costa  Rican  residing  in  Chichigalpa, 
Nic.,  wrote  Munoz,  depicting  the  horrors  of  the  war  and  the  need  of  peace. 
Malespin  made  Munoz  invite  Zeledon  to  a conference,  and  when  he  had  him 
in  his  power,  demanded  a ransom  of  $1,000,  but  did  not  get  anything,  and 
Zeledon  obtained  his  liberty. 

44  The  only  house  exempted  from  plunder  was  Manning’s.  Many  houses 
were  razed  to  the  ground,  or  burned  purposely. 

45  On  the  first  day  the  acting  director,  Emiliano  Madrid,  Crescencio  Navas, 
cols  Francisco  Lacayo  and  Balmaceda,  Capt.  Valle,  Jos 6 M.  Oseguera,  and 
Father  Crespin  were  shot.  Crespin’s  offence  was  to  have  begged  the  infa- 
mous Manuel  Quijano,  at  the  door  of  the  hospital  for  the  wounded,  to  spare 
them.  Canon  Cortes  was  put  to  death  afterward.  Casto  Fonseca,  captured 
on  the  coast,  was  tried  by  court-martial  and  shot.  An  eye-witness  declared 
that  24  persons  were  executed  by  Malespin  in  Leon.  Montufar,  Ilese.ua  Hist., 
iv.,  table  no.  5,  G3G;  Sandoval,  Revista  Pollt.,  7—10;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  227, 
230-3;  Nic.,  Registro  OJic.,  4-G,  14;  Crowe's  Gospel,  159-61;  Niles'  Reg., 
lxviii.  193  Bustamante,  Mem.  Hist.  Mex. , MS.,  ii.  77,  speaks  of  Malespin ’s 
acts  of  horrible  cruelty,  adding  that  according  to  the  newspapers  of  Guat. 
Malespin  had  caused  to  be  assassinated  over  1,000  persons. 

4li  Eighty-five  prisoners  were  released  from  the  jail,  many  of  whom  had 
been  confined  there  for  alleged  political  offenses. 


INDEPENDENCE  OF  SALVADOR. 


201 


volt  went  on  gaining  large  proportions;  but  the  rebels 
were  defeated  in  the  plain  of  Jucuapa,  Cojutepeque, 
on  the  4th  of  January,  1845. 

The  liberal  chiefs  Cabanas  and  Barrios,  who  es- 
caped from  Nicaragua,  reached  La  Union.  Barrios,47 
with  the  view  of  rousing  the  Salvadorans,  spread  the 
report  that  Malespin  had  succumbed  at  Leon.  Ca- 
banas, a truthful  man,  disliked  the  scheme,  but  finally 
allowed  his  companion  to  pursue  his  plan  without 
contradiction.  They  both  entered  San  Miguel  on 
the  28th  of  January,  1845,  and  loudly  congratulated 
his  friends  and  acquaintances  on  Malespin’s  defeat. 
The  whole  department  was  soon  in  commotion,  and 
letters  poured  upon  Guzman  to  sound  the  cry  for  lib- 
erty. Calixto  Malespin  continued  his  arbitrary  acts, 
and  Guzman  concluded  to  oust  him  from  his  com- 
mand, without  bloodshed  if  possible.  In  this  he  was 
successful  on  the  2d  of  February;43  the  barracks 
were  soon  surrendered  to  him,  the  troops  following 
his  lead.  The  capital  seconded  the  movement,  and 
was  soon  followed  by  the  other  departments.49  The 
government  sent  a circular  to  the  other  states  an- 
nouncing the  change  effected,  and  it  wras  recognized 
by  all  but  Honduras.60 

The  chambers  of  Salvador  assembled  on  the  15th, 
before  which  Guzman  made  an  energetic  speech,  and 
Malespin  was  not  only  dethroned,  but  his  election  to 
the  presidency  was  declared  null.61  However,  there 

47  He  was  a son-in-law  of  Vice-president  Guzman.  They  differed  in  politics, 
but  Barrios  fully  believed  that  Guzman  was  the  person  to  overthrow  Males- 
pin, and  must  be  aided  with  some  bold  stroke. 

48  He  called  a large  number  of  his  friends  to  his  house  and  armed  them 
with  pistols — he  had  not  a single  musket  at  his  command.  He  then  called 
the  comandante  general,  and  the  mayor  de  plaza,  Antonino  Arevalo,  and 
made  prisoners  of  them  without  resistance.  The  two  escaped  afterward,  but 
Malespin  was  recaptured,  with  a wound. 

43  Acta  of  the  capital  on  Feb.  2,  1845.  Montufar,  Ucseiici  Hist.,  iv.  719-24; 
Monit.  Constit.  Jndep. , May  2,  1845;  La  Minerva , May  22,  1845. 

50  Costa  R.  had  heard  of  it  by  a vessel  from  AcajuTa,  and  sent  her  recog- 
nition before  the  circular  reached  her.  The  govt  of  Nic.,  created  by  Males- 
pin, recognized  Guzman.  The  nobles  of  Guat.  had  to  do  the  same;  and 
believing  themselves  endowed  with  extraordinary  good  sense,  added  their  ad- 
vice with  all  the  gravity  of  pedagogues.  Montufar,  Beseila  Hist.,  iv.  G7S. 

61  On  the  ground  of  unconstitutionality,  he  being  iu  command  of  the  state 


202 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION. 


was  much  to  do  yet  to  uproot  him  from  Central 
American  politics,  as  he  had  the  support  of  Honduras. 
In  an  encounter  at  Quelepa  Cabanas  was  defeated, 
which  gave  the  reactionists  courage  to  approach  Sail 
Vicente;  but  public  opinion  was  now  so  clearly  pro- 
nounced against  Malespin  that  Bishop  Viteri  turned 
against  him,  and  began  his  efforts  to  win  over  to  the 
clerico-oligarchic  party  the  new  president,  Joaquin 
Eufracio  Guzman.52  He  at  once  issued  a decree  of 
excommunication  against  Ex-president  Malespin.63 
But  the  government  of  Honduras  being  bent  on  sup- 
porting Malespin  at  all  hazards,  Guardiola  landed  at 
La  Union  with  an  armed  force,  and  occupied  San 
Miguel;  notwithstanding  which  act  Guzman  did  not 
declare  war  against  Honduras.  Attributing  it  to 
ignorance  of  the  true  state  of  affairs  in  Salvador,  he 
sent  a second  note,  which,  like  the  first,  remained  un- 
answered. Malespin  continued — with  the  assent  of 
Honduras,  and  without  that  of  Nicaragua,  which  had 
assumed  neutrality  in  the  contest — calling  himself 
general-in-chief  of  the  armies  of  Salvador,  Honduras, 
and  Nicaragua,  and  declared  Guzman,  the  Salva- 

forces  at  the  time  the  election  took  place.  Circular  Feb.  24,  1845,  in  Id., 
725;  El  Salvador  Regenerado,  no.  2. 

02  Guzman  was  a Costa  Rican  by  birth,  but  had  lived  many  years  in  San 
Miguel,  Salv.  He  entertained  liberal  ideas  from  his  earliest  political  life. 
His  military  service,  under  Morazan,  began  soon  after  the  battle  of  Gualcho, 
and  he  was  present  as  a captain  in  the  actions  of  San  Miguel  and  Las  Char- 
cas.  He  accompanied  that  leader  to  Guat.  In  the  invasion  of  Cent.  Am. 
from  Mex.  by  Arce  in  1832,  Guzman  did  gallant  service  at  Jocoro,  and  en- 
tered San  Salvador  with  Morazan.  Again  during  San  Martin’s  rebellion  lie 
served  under  his  chief  as  a lieut-col.  The  chambers  of  Salvador,  on  the  19th 
of  May,  1845,  declared  Guzman  a ‘ benem^rito  de  la  patria,’  and  awarded 
him  a gold  medal,  at  the  same  time  promoting  him  to  general  of  division. 
Montufar,  Resena  Hint.,  iv.  693-4;  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  May  21,  1S75.  Dun- 
lop, Cent.  Am.,  116,  says  of  him:  He  was  ‘more  remarkable  for  cunning  than 
honor  or  courage.  His  manners  are  gentlemanly;  he  has  no  mixture  of  col- 
ored blood,  and  is  rather  good-looking,  though  he  appears  to  possess  but  little 
talent  or  education.’  I am  inclined  to  think  that  Dunlop  misrepresented 
Guzman’s  character,  for  Guzman  proved  himself  a good  and  pure  ruler,  and 
his  name  is  revered  in  the  state  and  throughout  Cent.  Am.  by  all  lovers  of 
freedom  and  enlightenment. 

53  On  the  23d  of  Feb.,  1845,  grounded  on  the  execution  of  priests  at  Leon. 
The  decree  forbids  the  faithful  of  the  diocese  to  have  any  intercourse,  verbal 
or  written,  with  Malespin,  or  to  uphold  or  defend  him  in  any  manner. 
Full  text  in  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  679-81;  Bustamante,  Mem.  llist. 
Mex.,  MS.,  ii.  78. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE. 


203 


doran  chambers,  and  the  inhabitants  of  upwards  of 
100  towns  which  had  set  him  aside,  guilty  of  treason. 

Guzman  was  now  menaced  from  several  quarters; 
namely,  from  Malespin’s  partisans  in  San  Salvador, 
the  military  at  Comayagua,  J.  Trinidad  Munoz,  who 
wanted  to  destroy  the  liberals  that  had  escaped  from 
Leon,  and  lastly,  Rafael  Carrera,  who,  though  at 
times  inclined  to  wheedle  the  liberals,  generally  had 
his  claws  ready  to  tear  them  to  pieces.  Guzman 
found  the  panther  more  untractable  than  the  other 
wild  beasts.  It  was  therefore  necessary  to  place  in 
Guatemala  experienced  tamers;  but  he  was  unsuc- 
cessful in  this.  His  commissioners,  though  they 
managed  by  fawning  to  approach  Carrera,  met  with 
poor  success  in  their  mission.54 

Guzman  marched  against  Belloso  at  San  Vicente 
and  defeated  him.  He  next  went  to  San  Miguel, 
which  he  entered  amidst  the  plaudits  of  the  people.56 
Malespin  entered  with  him  into  a convention  at  J ocoro, 
binding  himself  to  surrender  all  national  property  of 
Salvador  and  to  leave  the  country.  But  the  author- 
ities of  Honduras  disapproved  the  arrangement,  and 
it  fell  to  the  ground;56  the  war  continued,  till  on  the 
18th  of  April  a treaty  of  peace  and  friendship  was 
concluded  at  Chinameca,  to  which  the  minister  of 
Salvador,  Duenas,  added  another  clause,  requiring 
that  both  Salvador  and  Honduras  should  disband 
their  troops  immediately  after  the  ratification  of  the 
treaty.67  Honduras  failed  to  ratify  it,  and  proposed 

51  They  were  Cayetano  A.  Molina  and  Juan  Antonio  Alvarado.  They 
asked  not  merely  for  Carrera’s  neutrality,  but  for  his  active  aid,  and  were  re- 
ferred to  the  ministers,  by  whom  they  were  dealt  with  as  children.  The 
ministers  pretended  that  their  request  could  not  be  acceded  to  without  an 
express  sanction  of  the  legislature,  which  was  not  then  in  session  for  lack  of 
a quorum.  The  plea  was  a ridiculous  one,  when  we  consider  that  Carrera 
had  never  before  consulted  the  wishes  of  the  assembly  to  act  his  own  will. 

65  Malespin  had  been  acting  there  as  president,  under  Hond.  support;  but 
on  Guzman’s  approach  his  troops  disbanded,  and  he  fled. 

60  In  March  1845  the  president  of  Hond.  took  Malespin  and  his  companions 
under  the  protection  of  his  govt.  Nic.,  Registro  Ofic.,  53-4. 

57  The  commissioners  of  Hond.  were  Sebastian  Salinas  and  Leonardo  Ro- 
mero; those  of  Salv.,  Jos<5  F6lix  Quiroz  and  NicolAs  Angulo.  The  treaty  was 
ratitied  by  Salv.,  but  rejected  by  the  other  contracting  party.  Text  of  the 
treaty  and  Duenas’  additional  clause,  in  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  726-32. 


204 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION. 


that  new  conferences  should  be  held  at  Gualcinse, 
and  at  the  same  time  despatched  900  men  upon  that 
place  under  Malespin.  Armed  parties  from  Honduras 
invaded  Salvador;  and,  indeed,  Ferrera  was  using  all 
possible  means  to  exasperate  the  latter  state  into  com- 
mitting acts  of  hostility  against  the  former,  so  that 
Carrera  might  have  an  opportunity  to  take  a hand  in 
the  game. 

The  chambers  of  Salvador  assembled  at  this  time, 
and  Minister  Duehas  reported  a treaty  of  peace,  amity, 
and  alliance  with  Guatemala.53  He  seemed  to  expect 
aid  from  that  side  of  the  river  Paz.59  Nicaragua  had 
extended  a friendly  reception  to  two  Salvador  com- 
missioners.60 The  chambers  gave  Guzman  ample 
powers  for  the  defence  of  the  state.  This  did  not 
include  authority  to  invade  any  other  state,  uidess  as 
a retaliatory  measure.  A resort  to  this  was  finally  re- 
solved upon,  and  a Salvadoran  army  under  Cabanas 
marched  the  24th  of  May  upon  Comayagua,  meeting 
with  defeat  there  on  the  2d  of  June,  and  again  at 
Sensenti  on  the  10th  of  the  same  month.61  The  Hon- 

58  Concluded  by  Cayetano  A.  Molina  and  Juan  A.  Alvarado  for  Sal v.,  and 
Alejandro  Marure  and  Jos6  M.  de  Urruela  for  Guat.,  April  4,  1845;  approved 
by  the  constituent  congress  of  Guat.  on  the  23d  of  the  same  month,  and  pub- 
lished by  Acting  President  Duran  the  next  day.  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  415- 
19;  Guat.,  Gaceta,  July  8,  1853;  Monti.  Constit.  hid,.,  May  21,  1845;  La  Mi- 
nerva. May  22,  1845. 

69  Duehas  was  then  considered  a liberal,  though  he  was  a Dominican  friar 
when  the  convents  were  closed  in  1839,  for  which  reason  the  government  of 
Guat.  would  not  trust  him.  It  was  deceiving  him.  He  was,  however,  the 
one  most  likely  to  succeed  in  keeping  Carrera  from  aiding  HoikI.  in  the  pres- 
ent emergency.  Hond.  had  sent  Felipe  Jaurcgui  and  Pablo  Orellana  to  Guat. 
The  former  was  Ferrera’s  mentor,  and  in  the  councils  of  Pa  von,  Aycincna, 
and  Batres.  At  first  he  was  alarmed  at  the  liberalism  of  the  constituent  con- 
gress, which  had  voted  assistance  to  Salv.  But  he  received  assurances  tl.at 
no  aid  would  be  sent  except  to  quell  revolts  in  the  interior;  and,  moreover, 
that  the  foes  of  llond.  would  be  stricken  from  the  Salvador  administration. 
Jduregui  now  understood  the  game,  and  wrote  his  government  that  the  vote 
o'  aid  by  congress  practically  amounted  to  nothing.  A note  containing  these 
assurances  was  published  in  Comayagua.  Guat.  concluded  a treaty  of  friend- 
ship and  alliance  with  Hond.  on  the  19th  of  July,  1845.  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes, 
i.  419-23. 

60 Dr  Aguilar  and  Father  Monterey.  Nic.,  Registro  OJic.,  61-2,  123-34. 
Gen.  Munoz,  who  so  efficiently  aided  Malespin  at  Leon,  was  now  the  com. 
gen.  and  most  prominent  man  in  Nic. 

61  Ferrera  claimed  another  victory  on  the  7th  at  Santa  Rosa,  but  it  was 
unfounded.  Id. , S3,  8S;  Monitor  Constit.  bid.,  Mav  21,  1845;  Crowe's  Gospel, 
16G-7. 


GUARDIOLA’S  VANDALISM. 


203 


durenos  inhumanly  put  to  death  all  the  wounded 
Salvadorehos  left  at  Comayagua  and  Santa  Rosa. 
Ferrera,  now  flushed  with  victory,  thought  that  he 
could  dictate  terms  to  Salvador.62  It  was  a mistake 
on  his  part,  for  the  people  of  Salvador  rose  en  masse 
to  repair  the  disasters  of  Comayagua  and  Sensenti. 

Guardiola  committed  many  acts  of  vandalism  in 
La  Union,  in  consequence  of  which  Minister  Duenas, 
on  the  25th.  of  July,  addressed  a circular  to  the  agents 
of  foreign  nations  protesting  against  the  seizure  of 


.BONACA^ 


pA**  ( „ e yj) 


Cedros 


•GUCIGALf 

r.vau,v; 


CHOLl 


Salvador  and  Honduras. 


foreign  goods  in  the  government’s  warehouse  at  that 
port.  Cabanas,  after  the  disasters  before  related, 

63  He  demanded  on  the  11th  of  July,  as  compensation  for  alleged  damages 
to  Hond.  by  the  invasion  of  Cabanos  and  Cordero,  that  Salv.  should  cede  to 
Houd.  all  the  arms  and  other  war  material  deposited  in  the  latter  state  by 
Malespin,  and  pay,  besides,  $100,000  in  specie,  to  be  collected  by  Hond.  in 
instalments  at  the  port  of  La  Union,  which,  until  the  payments  should  be 
completed,  was  to  be  held  by  Hond.;  or,  in  lieu  of  that  sum,  cede  to  the  lat- 
ter the  department  of  San  Miguel,  or  that  portion  of  the  department  of 
Cuscatlan  lying  outside  of  the  territory  enclosed  by  the  Lempa  on  the  south 
and  south-west.  He  also  required  the  exile  from  Cent.  Am.  of  a number  of 
persons.  This  note  was  published  in  Guat.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  no.  15,  Aug.  2S,  1845. 
In  July  a project  was  entertained  of  a confederation  of  Hond.  with  Nic., 
Guat.,  and  Salv.  Nic.,  Registro  Ofic.,  93-5,  102-8,  1 IS— 21,  13G-8. 


203 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION. 


arrived  at  San  Miguel  with  scarcely  fifty  men,  and 
endeavored  to  collect  his  scattered  forces;  but  his 
efforts  were  unavailing,  and  Guardiola  inarched  into 
the  city — which  had  been  abandoned  by  nearly  all 
the  inhabitants — and  gave  it  up  to  be  plundered  by 
his  soldiers.63 

All  that  part  of  Salvador  on  the  Lempa  and  the 
district  of  Chalatenango  were  in  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  who  acted  as  the  master  of  a conquered 
country.  One  of  the  commanders  was  the  notorious 
Manuel  Quijano.  The  Salvadorehos  attacked  him 
and  were  defeated.  The  Hondurans  now  felt  certain 
that  they  could  capture  San  Salvador.  But  on  the 
15th  of  August  Guardiola  with  900  men  attacked  the 
Salvadorehos  at  the  hacienda  del  Obrajuelo  and  was 
routed,  losing  two  thirds  of  his  force  and  most  of  his 
war  material.64  He  evacuated  San  Miguel  at  mid- 
night.  The  authorities  of  Honduras  soon  after  pub- 
lished a suspension  of  hostilities  in  order  to  negotiate 
a peace.65  An  armistice  was  afterward  signed  at 
Sumpul.66  Munoz  of  Nicaragua,  for  motives  of  his 
own,  exerted  himself  to  bring  about  peace  between 
Honduras  and  Salvador,  to  which  end  he  despatched 
Sebastian  Escobar  as  commissioner  to  the  two 
belligerents.  Sensenti  was  finally  fixed  upon  as  the 
place  for  holding  the  conferences,  and  a treaty  of 
peace,  amity,  and  alliance  was  concluded  on  the  27th 
of  November,  1845,  under  which  Malespin  and  Es- 
pinosa were  forbidden  to  set  foot  in  Salvador  without 
leave  of  her  government.67 

63  One  house  containing  British  property  was  spared.  The  houses  of  two 
French  merchants,  whose  nation’s  flag  was  flying  over  them,  were  plundered. 
Dunlop' n Cent.  Am.,  239. 

64  In  his  report  he  tried  to  cover  up  this  serious  disaster.  But  the  fact 
was,  that  he  escaped  with  only  about  300  men,  leaving  on  the  field  upward 
of  300  muskets,  and  a large  number  of  slain,  wounded,  and  prisoners. 
Montufar , Resena  Hist.,  iv.  700-1. 

65  Hond.  troops  entered  Salv.  after  that  and  were  defeated.  Guardiola 
with  350  men  attacked  Carballo,  who  had  only  39,  and  murdered  them.  It  is 
said  that  this  act  was  commended  by  Ferrera  in  his  report  to  the  chambers  of 
llond. 

66  Guzman  then  returned  to  Hond.  a number  of  prisoners  who  had  been 
represented  by  his  enemies  as  murdered. 

64  So  long  as  they  remained  in  Hond.  the  latter  was  to  compel  them  to 


GUATEMALAN  INDEPENDENCE. 


207 


The  government  of  Guatemala,  with  a view  of  not 
too  openly  going  counter  to  public  opinion  in  the 
states  desiring  to  see  a national  government  established, 
inserted  in  the  treaty  concluded  with  Salvador  on  the 
4th  of  April,  1845,  a clause  apparently  intended  to 
promote  that  end.63  And  yet  it  was  at  the  same  time 
considering  the  expediency  of  declaring  the  entire 
independence  of  Guatemala,  and  gathering  material 
which  wTas  made  public  in  a manifesto  in  March  1847. 
Indeed,  she  had  no  desire  to  carry  out  the  stipulations, 
though  she  named  Joaquin  Duran  and  Doctor  Mari- 
ano Padilla  her  commissioners.69  Pretexts  were  not 
wanting,  and  new  commissioners  appointed,  namely, 
Marure  and  Rodriguez,  both  of  whom  favored  Guate- 
mala’s absolute  independence.  The  result  was  the 
abandonment  of  the  plan  of  reorganization  as  entirely 
impracticable.70  The  declaration  of  independence  was 
made  in  the  decree  of  March  21,  1847. 71  Carrera, 

the  president,  in  a manifesto,  set  forth  the  causes  that 

live  at  a great  distance  from  the  Salv.  frontier.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv. 
736-8;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  239-43;  Nic.,  Registro  Ofic.,  132,  172,  221-2;  El 
Tiempo,  March  12,  1846. 

68  Each  of  the  contracting  parties  was  to  appoint  two  commissioners  to 
meet  at  Sonsonate  on  the  30th  of  Aug.,  and  was  to  urge  upon  the  other  three 
states  a consideration  of  the  lamentable  state  the  republic  was  in,  suggesting 
how  best  to  do  away  with  such  a condition  of  affairs;  and  proposing  therefor 
the  convocation  and  assembling  of  a constituent  power,  or  such  other  measure 
as  it  might  deem  conducive  to  the  desired  end.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v. 
30-1. 

69  Duran  well  understood  the  policy  of  his  government.  Padilla  did  not, 
and  volunteered  to  represent  in  San  Salvador  the  ardent  wishes  of  Guat.  for 
the  restoration  of  the  union.  He  did  so  in  a patriotic  speech  that  gave  him 
a good  name  in  Salv.  and  a bad  one  in  Guat.,  where  the  Gaceta  rebuked  him. 

10  ‘ Uu  delirio  de  imaginaciones  enfermas,’  it  was  pronounced  to  be.  Dele- 
gates from  Costa  It.,  Salv.,  and  Guat.  were  at  Sonsonate  on  the  17th  of  Feb., 
1846,  and  fixed  the  loth  to  the  20th  of  April  for  conferences,  but  they  did 
not  take  place.  On  the  15th  of  June  Costa  R.,  Hond.,  and  Salv.  only  were 
represented.  Nic.  and  Costa  R.  signified  their  willingness  to  meet  the  other 
states  at  any  place  they  might  select,  Hond.  having  suggested  Nacaome,  as 
Sonsonate  was  no  longer  deemed  safe.  The  whole  plan  failed  at  last  because 
of  the  action  of  Guat.  Much  interesting  information  on  the  subject  and 
official  correspondence  appear  in  Guat.,  Gac.  Ofic.,  no.  26;  Costa  R. , Col.  Leyes, 
ix.  51-3,58,  203-4,212-14,345-6;  x.  115-17,  123-4;  Nic.,  Reg.  Ofic.,  236-350, 
passim;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v.  310-18,  334-5;  Froebel’s  Cent.  Am.,  143; 
Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  253-4;  Niles'  Reg.,  lxix.  34. 

nSigDed  by  Rafael  Carrera,  and  countersigned  by  Jos6  Antonio  Azmitia, 
minister  of  relations.  Guat.,  Rer.op.  Leyes,  i.  73-6;  CostaR.,  Informe  Relaciones, 
etc.,  1848,  4;  El  Universal,  June  8,  1849;  Niles'  Reg. , lxxii.  20S;  The  Califor- 
nian, S.  F.,  Nov.  24,  1847,  ii.  3. 


2C8 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION. 


had  prompted  such  a measure,  which  he  called  one  of 
regeneration,  and  asked  the  people  to  greet  it  with 
the  same  enthusiasm  that  was  shown  in  1821,  when 
the  cry  for  separation  from  Spain  was  raised.72 

The  secessionists  pronounced  it  an  able  effort;  but 
it  caused  a disagreeable  impression  in  the  states,  and 
in  none  more  so  than  in  Salvador.  It  wounded  pi  b- 
lic  sentiment.  Carrera  had  no  legal  right  to  ti  ke 
such  a step.  The  constituent  assembly  had  plated 
him  in  charge  of  the  executive,  but  had  not  made  lvm 
a legislator.  For  all  that,  the  separation  from  the 
rest  of  Central  America  became  an  accomplished  fact, 
and  Carrera  was  declared  a hero,  the  founder  of  the 
republic,  and  coin  was  struck  with  his  bust  on  it.73 
This  act  was  ratified  on  the  14th  of  September,  1848, 
bjr  the  constituent  assembly  of  Guatemala,  when 
Carrera  was  no  longer  in  power. 

Lindo  was  ruling  in  Honduras  and  Guerrero  in 
Nicaragua,  but  these  two  states  were  in  accord  with 
Salvador,  from  fear  of  British  pretensions,  on  the  neces- 
sity of  a Central  American  union.  They  constituted, 
early  in  1848,  the  diet  of  Nacaome,  which  urgently 
invited  Guatemala  and  Costa  Bica  to  join  it;  but 
the  former  peremptorily  declined,  alleging  that  the 
decree  of  March  21st  precluded  her  taking  any  step 
backward.  Costa  Bica  sent  deputies  to  Nacaome.'4 

Tl  The  document  bore  Carrera’s  name,  but  it  was  no  production  of  his  own 
mind.  The  authorship  was  attributed  to  Alejandro  Marure;  that  is  to  say, 
he  drew  it  up  from  the  materials  that  had  been  collecting  for  years.  La 
Revista,  the  organ  of  the  Sociedad  Econdmica,  declared  it  the  offspring  of 
long  meditation,  and  indeed  it  was,  for  the  aristocrats  of  Guat.  had  been 
planning  it  since  1828.  The  full  text  is  given  in  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v. 
19G-207. 

78  Manuel  Pineda  de  Mont,  compiler  of  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  453,  claims, 
however,  that  Guat.  was  the  last  of  the  five  states  to  set  aside  the  federal 
govt,  the  last  to  secede,  the  last  to  continue  bearing  the  general  burdens  of 
the  system,  especially  the  pecuniary  ones  to  sustain  even  the  semblance  of 
authority;  and  that  she  only  adopted  the  resolution  of  March  21,  1847,  after 
exhausting  every  effort,  and  losing  all  hope  of  seeing  her  wishes  realized. 
The  reader  will  judge  between  his  statements  and  the  facts  as  they  have  been 
fairly  given  by  me. 

71  Joaquin  Bernardo  Calvo  and  Juan  Antonio  Alvarado.  The  ruler  of 
Costa  Rica,  Dr  Castro,  was,  however,  of  the  opinion  that  the  five  Central 
American  states  would  be  better  off  as  separate  nations.  Montufar,  Resena 
Hist.,  v.  266-7;  Nacaome,  Dictdmen,  in  Cent.  Am.  Parnph.,  no.  5;  Froebel'a 
Cent.  Am.,  143. 


REPUBLIC  OF  COSTA  RICA. 


209 


The  celebrated  Ecuatorian  general,  Juan  Jose  Flores, 
arrived  in  Costa  Rica  in  July  1848,  and  was  received 
with  much  consideration,  which  flattered  his  vanity. 
He  wanted  the  aid  of  Costa  Rica  for  his  own  plans, 
and  got  himself  into  the  good  graces  of  President 
Castro.  The  dissolution  of  the  Colombian  republic 
had  enabled  him  to  become  the  ruler  of  Ecuador;  and 
being  of  the  same  way  of  thinking  as  Pavon  and  his 
fellow-secessionists  of  Guatemala,  he  counselled  a 
complete  separation  of  the  states  of  Central  America. 
Several  influential  men  of  Costa  Rica  favored  the 
policy  of  a wholly  independent  government  for  their 
state.75 

Congress,  on  the  30th  of  August,  1848,  consum- 
mated the  work  of  final  separation,  with  a decree  de- 
claring that  the  title  ‘Estado  de  Costa  Rica’  was  not 
in  consonance  with  the  22d  article  of  the  constitu- 
tion, which  established  the  principle  of  Costa  Rica’s 
sovereignty,  freedom,  and  independence;  that  with 
this  understanding,  and  as  a free,  sovereign,  and  in- 
dependent nation,  other  powers  had  treated  with  her 
on  a footing  of  equality.  It  was  therefore  resolved, 
carrying  out  the  wishes  of  the  municipal  districts, 
that  the  term  ‘republica’  be  substituted  for  that  of 
‘estado.’76  President  Castro  sanctioned  its  promul- 
gation on  the  31st. 

Notwithstanding  so  many  difficulties,  the  friends  of 
union  never  resigned  the  hope  of  accomplishing  then- 
purpose.  In  November  1849  commissioners  of  Hon- 
duras, Salvador,  and  Nicaragua  assembled  at  Leon, 
and  on  the  8th  agreed  upon  a basis  of  union  of  the 
three  states,  the  terms  of  which  were  subsequently 
promulgated;77  and  it  was  left  optional  with  Guate- 

lb  Among  them  was  the  deputy  Nazario  Toledo,  an  intimate  friend  of  the 
president.  Felipe  Molina  was  another,  and  his  opinions  are  clearly  defined 
in  his  Dosq.  Costa  R.,  108-9. 

70  The  decree  bears  the  signatures  of  Juan  Rafael  Reyes,  vice-president, 
and  Nazario  Toledo  and  Santiago  Fernandez,  deputies  and  secretaries  of  con- 
gress. Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyas,  x.  330-8;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v.  526-7. 

77  The  arrangement  looked  to  a consolidation  for  the  purpose  of  conduct- 
ing foreign  relations,  an  1 to  an  early  union  on  the  plan  of  a federation.  Cent. 

Hibt.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  11 


210 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION. 


mala  and  Costa  Bica  to  join  it  or  not.  The  remnants 
of  the  aristocratic  element,  with  the  support  of  Brit- 
ish officials,73  opposed  the  union,  and  in  order  to  de- 
feat it,  promoted  revolutions  in  Nicaragua  and  Hon- 
duras. The  compact  went  into  effect,  however,  on 
the  9th  of  January,  1851,  when  the  national  repre- 
sentatives assembled  in  Chinandega,  Jose  F.  Barrun- 
dia,  representative  from  Salvador,  being  chosen  their 
president.79 

The  national  constituent  congress  was  installed  at 
Tegucigalpa  on  the  9th  of  October,  1852,  and  began 
its  labors  on  the  following  day.80 

Trinidad  Cabanas  was  on  the  13th  elected  jefe  su- 
premo of  the  federation,  but  he  declined  the  honor, 
being  desirous  of  disarming  opposition  to  the  new 
organization  on  the  part  of  his  political  opponents. 
His  resignation  was  accepted  on  the  26th,  and  Fran- 
cisco Castellon  chosen  on  the  28th.81  An  organic  law 
was  enacted  on  the  13th  of  October,  and  communicated 
to  the  government  of  the  federation.82  The  supreme 

Am.  Miscel.  Doc.,  46;  Costa  It.,  Gac.  Gob.,  March  2,  Apr.  20,  1850;  IlonJ., 
Gac.  OJic.,  Aug.  31,  1850;  El  Sijlo,  Apr.  22,  1851;  Xic. , Corr.  1st.,  Dec.  16, 
1849,  5larch  21,  Oct.  3,  1850;  La  Union,  Jan.  1,  15,  1850;  Guat.,  Gac.,  Nov. 
30,  1849;  Salv.,  Gac.,  Dec.  7,  1849. 

78  Consul-gen.  Chatfield  was  officially  advised  of  the  new  organization  on 
the  21st  Jan.,  1851,  and  ignored  Sec.  Buitrago’s  note.  On  being  reminded  of 
it,  May  22d,  he  returned  an  insulting  reply  July  13th,  refusing  his  recogni- 
tion, when  the  government  decreed,  on  the  24th  of  July,  to  cancel  his  exe- 
quatur as  consul-gen.  in  the  states  belonging  to  the  confederation,  and  to 
inform  his  govt  of  the  cause.  Cent.  Am.  Docs,  1-6.  The  British  officials 
also  resorted  to  other  means  to  defeat  what  they  called  Am.  policy.  Sijuier's 
Cent.  Am.,  ii.  135;  El  Universal,  Feb.  19,  March  26,  1850;  Salv.,  Gac.,  Dec. 
21,  1849;  Dem.  Rev.,  Nov.  1850,  452. 

79 Guat.  and  Costa  R.  had  refused  to  join.  Salv.  Gac.,  March  8,  22,  1S50, 
Oct.  12,  1854;  A’tc.,  Corr.  1st.,  Jan.  16,  30,  1851. 

80Theactof  installation  was  accompanied  with  religious  and  civic  cere- 
monies, the  govt  of  Hond.,  at  whose  head  was  Trinidad  Cabanas,  heartily 
joining  them.  Congratulatory  messages  came  from  all  friends  of  the  union. 
El  Sicjlo,  S.  Salv.,  Oct.  29,  30,  Nov.  1,  4,  10,  14,  16,  19,  1852;  Ilond..,  Gac. 
OJic.,  Oct.  30,  Nov.  15,  1852;  Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Revol.  Nic.,  17;  El  Porvenir, 
nos.  6,  7. 

81  The  assembly  also  elected  a vice-jefe  and  four  substitute  councillors  to 
fill  the  executive  chair,  in  the  event  of  the  jefe  or  members  of  the  executive 
council  dying  or  becoming  disabled. 

81  It  set  forth  the  duties  of  the  jefe  supremo  and  councillors,  the  indepen- 
dence between  the  federal  and  state  authorities,  the  rights  of  citizens,  respon- 
sibilities of  public  officials,  and  organization  of  the  federal  judiciary.  Ilond., 
Gac.  OJic.,  Nov.  30,  1852. 


A SHORT-LIVED  FEDERATION. 


211 


executive  authority,  on  the  20th  of  November,  1852, 
was  held  by  Pedro  Molina,  vice-jefe,  four  senators, 
and  two  acting  ministers  of  state.  The  federation 
thus  organized  was  not  destined  to  be  long  lived. 
Upon  the  allegation  that  the  congress  had  created 
a dictatorship,  and  referred  the  organic  statute  to 
the  people  instead  of  the  legislatures  of  the  states, 
the  assemblies  of  Salvador  and  Nicaragua  set  aside 
the  federation,  and  declared  themselves  independent 
states.83  Nicaragua  may  have  receded  from  that  act; 
but  whether  it  was  so  or  not,  the  union  between  Hon- 
duras and  Nicaragua  was  dissolved  by  the  war  which 
broke  out  in  February  1863  between  Salvador  and 
Guatemala,  Honduras  joining  one  of  those  states,  and 
Nicaragua  the  other.  Further  efforts  have  been 
made  from  time  to  time — 1871-76,  and  even  as 
late  as  1885 — to  accomplish  the  union  of  the  states 
under  one  government;  but  obstacles  have  been  in 
the  way,  the  chief  doubtlessly  being  the  personal  am- 
bition or  jealousy  of  rulers,  and  the  project  still  re- 
mains as  a possible  event  to  come  about  in  a few 
years,  as  it  is  believed  to  be  much  desired  by  the 
majority  of  Central  Americans.84 

83  Salv.  on  the  21st  of  March,  and  Nic.  on  the  30th  of  April.  The  con- 
gress, acting  too  precipitately,  overstepped  the  bounds  of  its  powers.  Perez, 
Mem.  Hist.  Revol.  Nic.,  17-18. 

81  More  details  on  the  confederation  scheme  are  contained  in  Astaburuaga, 
Cent.  Am.,  110-16;  El Nacional,  Nov.  27,  Dec.  25,  1858;  Nic.,  Bol.  O/ic.,  July 
30,  1869;  Id.,  Gac.,  March  2,  9,  1872;  Id.,  Reman.  Nicar.,  Nov.  21,  Dec.  12, 
1S72,  Feb.  6,  Oct.  16,  1873;  Los  Anales,  Dec.  1,  1872;  Alex.,  Diario  OJic., 
Nov.  2,  1871;  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  42d  Cong.  2d  Sess.,  i.,  pt  I, 
680-3;  Costa  R.,  Inf.  Rel.,  1876,  12-14;  Salo.  Gac.,  Ofic.,  June  10,  July  6, 
Aug.  19,  Oct.  26,  27,  1876;  Id.,  Diario  Ofic.,  March  17,  Oct.  5,  13,  1875, 
Jan.  27,  30,  Feb.  2-6,  1876;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March  2,  1876;  Caicedo, 
Lat.  Am.,  60-2;  Cent.  Am.,  Contest  al  Voto,  1-23;  Chamorro,  Cuestion  Na- 
cional, 1-7;  Harper's  Monthly  Mag.  xvii.  691. 

Further  authorities  for  the  preceding  chapters  are:  Montufar,  Rcseha  Hist., 
vols  i.— iv.,  passim;  Id.,  Discurso,  1-12;  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  1—72,  96—100, 
164-79,  185-6,  197-202,  207,  217-73,  382-95,  453-5,  461-75,  592-600,  858-9, 
877-8;  ii.  83-260,  632-7;  iii.  286,  338-48;  Id.,  Bolet.  Ofic.,  1831,  no.  2;  1832, 
nos.  17,  20;  1833,  no.  34;  1834,  nos.  34,  56,  July  15,  Oct.  15;  1836,  no.  84; 
1837,  no.  10;  1838,  no.  53;  Fernando  VII.,  Documentos,  264-76,  2S1-5,  292- 
311,  337 — 40;  Id.,  Decretos,  4-10,  15-26,  33-73,  105-10,  120-34,  149-82,  194- 
201,  220-3,  243-81;  Ayon,  Consid.  Limites,  20-4.  Id.,  Apuntes,  passim;  Asla- 
buruaga,  C.  Amer.,  12-32,  79-80;  Arce,  Mem.,  passim;  Reichardt,  Nic..,  76-9; 
Id.,  Cent.  Am.,  37-44,  114-17,  133-4,  139-45,  208-11;  Pirn's  Gate  of  the  Pac., 
38,  56,  58-61;  Gac.  Imp.  Alex.,  i.  162-3,  445-8,  477-9,  489-91,  503-5;  ii.  554- 
61,  635,  657-9,  677-9,  735,  747-52;  Gac.  de  Alex.,  1823,  no.  3,  11-12,  1826, 


212 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION. 


July  4,  Sept.  16,  Oct.  31,  Dec.  14;  1S26,  Jan.  25,  March  1,  31,  April  26; 
Ocios  Espan.  Emu/.,  v.  307-11,  405-13,  487-505;  vi.  8-21,  107-17,  302-13, 
383-4;  vii.  3-7;  Rorlia,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  10-23,  56-64,  72-92,  214-16;  ii.  22-56, 
1 63-4 ; Morazan  y Can-era,  Apuntes,  MS.,  1 — 1 S ; Molina,  Coup  d’ceil  Costa  R., 
4-5,  9-12;  Id.,  Costa  R.  y N.  Granada,  9-10,  16-29;  Id.,  Dosq.  Costa  R.,  pas- 
sim; Integ.  Cent.  Am.,  Dec.  11,  1849;  El  Rol.,  Oct.  13,  1S54;  Zebadha,  Man!/., 
1 -40;  Juarros,  Guat.,  ii.  103-4;  Id.,  Slot,  and  Com.  Hist.  Guat.,  74;  Squier's 
Cunt.,  581-2;  Id.,  States  C.  A.,  360-1,  414-16,  466,  482,  493,  575-88,  627-8, 
641-3,  663;  Id.,  Travels  C.  Am.,  ii.,  passim;  Id.,  Comp.  Hist.  C.  A.,  18-191; 
Wells'  Honduras,  116,  120,  230-1,  472-S3;  Jordans  Dangers  to  Foreigners, 
50-2;  Cuevas,  Porv.  Mix.,  252-7;  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Relac.,  18S4,  2-34,  and  docs. 
1 and  2;  Annals  Brit.  Legis.,  i.  60;  ii.  192,  365;  Hernandez y Davalos,  Col.  Doc., 

ii.  81-2,  130-1;  Herrera,  Discurso,  1-12;  Suarez  y Navarro,  Hist.  Mij.,  386, 
407-14;  Sur  America,  Sobre  las  Perturbaciones  de  Guat.,  1-52;  Lafond,  Voy. 
autour  du  Monde,  i.  367,  373-8;  Laferrilre,  De  Paris  d Guat.,  58-64,  256-8; 
Puydt  et  Binckurn,  Colonisation,  116-24;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  ii.  305;  Urruela, 
Inglaten-a,  7-12;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mij.,  ix.  9-10;  Aznero  Plata,  Informe,  1-19; 
Espir.  PM.,  Dec.  13,  20,  1828;  Jan.  18,  Feb.  14,  1S29;  Wappdus,  Mex.  und 
C.  Amer.,  258-64,  271  — 4,  360-3;  Trollope's  IF.  Ind. , 335;  Dunn’s  Guatemala, 
13-29,  150-1,  167-88,  205;  Atleta,  149-50,  199-200,  477;  Guat.,  Mem.  conte- 
nanl  ati  Aperru,  4,  126,  146-58;  Id.,  Memoria,  1837,  12-22;  Robertson  s Hist. 
Am.,  ii.  1138-9;  El  Progreso,  April  11,  18,  25,  1850;  Tribune  Almanac,  1851, 
36;  Holinski,  La  Californie,  305-31;  Huston’s  Journey  in  Hond.,  11;  Niles’ 
Register,  xxii.  65;  xxiii.  406;  xxvii.  355;  xxviii.  37,  114—15,  304;  xxix.  39, 
192,  382;  xxx.  439-40;  xxxi.  160,  172-6;  xxxii.  SO,  201,232,  282,  375;  xxxiii. 
38;  xxxiv.  8,  36,  123;  xxxv.  41,  155,  349;  xxxvi.  321;  xxxviii.  369,  395;  xliii. 
268;  xlv.  210;  liv.  2S9;  lvi.  49,  210,  243,  385;  lvii.  34,  280;  lix.  191;  Emi- 
grado  Observ.,  182S,  5-24,  122,  in  Ocios  de  Espaiia;  Pineda,  Descrip.  Geog.,  14- 
16;  Byarn’s  Wild  Life,  32-7;  Nouv.  Annales  Voy.,  xcii.  59-60,  75-7;  c.  51-60, 
64-6;  Young's Mosq.  Shore,  15-21,  26-33,  42-3,  53-89,  106-14,  122-38,  156,  166; 
Overland  Monthly,  xiv.  159-67;  Larrainzar,  Soconusco,  80,  132,  168,  17S;  Reper- 
toi-io  Americano,  i.  273-89;  Eastern  Coast  C.  Am.,  8-25;  Strangeivays ’ Mosq., 
4-5,  59-6S,  119-33,  144-S,  237-338;  Dunlap’s  Cent.  Am.,  passim;  Henderson’s 
A count  of  Br.  Hond.,  28-105,  165-211;  D'Orbigny,  Voy.  deux  Amertques,  398— 
406;  Pun  and  Seemann’s  Dottings,  314;  Nuevo  Viajero  Univ.,  iii.  609-10;  Lar- 
enavdiere,  Alex,  et  Guat.,  295-308;  Poinsett’s  Notes  on  Mex.,  app.  64;  Anderson's 
Commerce,  iv.  449;  Dunbar’s  Mex.  Papers,  234-5;  Regil,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog., 

iii.  239,  315;  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc.,  iv.  221-35;  Bolctin  Ofic.  (Mix.),  no.  14,  2; 
Dipulados,  Lista  de;  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  iv.  807-8;  Suarez,  Informe,  182;  Dice. 
Univ.  Hist.  Geog.,  x.  919-20,  971;  Findlay's  Directory,  i.  223,  240;  Peralta, 
Ripub.  de  Costa  Rica,  4-8;  Polynesian,  iv.  166;  North  Am.  Rev.,  xiv.  420-46; 
xxvi.  136-8,  143-5;  Osborne’s  Guide  to  IT.  Ind.,  234,  261-2;  Wagner,  Costa 
Rica,  201-3,  231,  543-51,  56S;  Crowe’s  Gospel  in  C.  Am.,  115-51,  200-22;  Los 
Anales,  Oct.  15,  1872,  p.  471;  Nov.  1,  1872,  p.  53;  Nov.  15,  1S72,  p.  56;  Dec. 
1,  1872,  pp.  62-3;  Dec.  15,  1S72,  pp.  71-2;  Paredes,  Coast  of  Mosquitos,  1-62; 
Nir.,  Semanario  Nic.,  May  30,  July  4,  18,  Dec.  26,  1872;  Jan.  2,  March  6, 
April  17,  24,  1873;  Hassel,  Mex.  and  Glint.,  316-19;  Boddam’s  Across  Cent. 
Am.,  66;  Bolet.  Exlraord.  Guat.,  Oct.  16,  1832;  July  30,  1833;  Farot,  102-5; 
1 ’on  Tempsky's  Mitla,  337-43;  Fajardo,  Infoi~me  al  Alin.  Relac.,  2-3,  14—15; 
J Inelf ken's  Reize  naar  Guat.,  ii.  76-97;  Id.,  Central  Amerika,  1-468;  Stephens' 
Travels  C.  Am.,  i.  11-22,  195-200,  211,  225-50,  304-7,  359;  ii.  37-8,  51-90, 
107-17,  205-9;  Thompson's  Guat.,  2,  136,  140,  160,  163,  167,  1S5-6,  252-8,  415, 
422-3,  509-10;  Laslarria,  La  Amirica,  250-2;  Ortigosa,  Sermon,  p.  24;  Diaz, 
Miscel.,  no.  1,  p.  1;  Costa  R tea,  Ley  Fundamental  Rcformada  (Alajuela,  1835), 

1 48;  Id.,  Ley  Fundamental  de  Costa  R.  (San  Salvador,  1S25),  1-26;  Amer.  Re- 
new, Nov.  1S50,  446-55;  Stout's  Nic.,  147-9,  168-75,  258-9,  358-62;  Bolet.  Soe. 
Mex.  Geog.,  2da  ep.,  iii.  100-6;  iv.  712-15;  Mix.,  Adas  Congr.  Const.,  iv.  2; 
Id.,  Col.  Dec.  sob.  Congr.,  p.  219;  Mesa  y Leompart,  Hist.  Amer.,  ii.  360-72; 
Martin  8 Hist  IF.  Ind.,  i.  163-70;  Lonel.  Geog.  Soc.,  Jour.,  v.  387-92;  vi.  12S, 
135;  viii.  317-27:  xi.  82-S;  Lynch,  Relacion  Puntual,  1757,  MS.,  4-19;  Otras 
Re/lex.  sobre  Rijonna  en  Cent.  Am.,  1-21;  Pan.,  Docs.  Ofic.,  in  Pan.,  Col.  Doc., 


AUTHORITIES. 


213 


MSS.,  no.  31,  pp.  62,  66-70;  Pinart  Coll.;  S.  Amer.  and  Guat.,  i.  221-3; 
LAceaga,  Adic.  y Rrcti/ic.,  613;  Malte-Brun,  Precis  Geog.  Univ.,  vi.  468;  Mar- 
gregor's  Prog.  America , i.  744-7;  Gordons  Digest  Laws  XJ.  S.,  328-35;  Lunario 
de  Centro- Amir . ; El  Siglo,  Jan.  10,  May  16,  1851;  June  5,  1852;  Guat.  Com. 
and  Agile.  Co.,  133-7;  Macpherson’s  Annals  of  Com.,  iii.  548;  iv.  159,  179;  El 
Observador  de  la  Repub.  Mex.,  July  4,  1S27;  Guat.,  Los  Nobles,  1- 11 ; Blasqnez, 
Opinion  sobre  los  Chamelcos,  in  Doc.  Originates  Chiapas,  4-5;  Diario  Mex.,  xi. 
279-80;  xii.  477-80;  Amer.  Annual  Reg.,  1825-6,  40-9;  Id.,  1826-7,  171-82; 
West  Indies,  Description,  49-50;  Torrente,  Revol.  Hisp.-Am.,  i.  115;  Revue. 
Americame,  i.  398-408;  Oposition  (La.),  June  15,  1835;  Democ.  Review,  v.  609- 
10;  xxx.  547;  Pahellon  Nac.,  Nov.  21,  1844;  Nic.,  Reg.  OJic.,  9-13,  59-  60; 
Los  Altos,  Manif.  Documentado,  1-28;  Amir.  Cent.,  Reclam,  de  Intern.,  7-10; 
Lesur,  Annuaire  Hist.  Univ.,  1827,  577-8;  Cor.  Fed.  Mex.,  Nov.  9,  11,  27, 
Dee.  14,  18,  1826;  1827,  passim;  Feb.  13,  March  31,  June  14,  July  18,  Sept. 

I,  9,  14,  18,  21-2,  Oct.  28;  Amirique  Cent.,  Cie  Beige,  pt  ii.  30-2,  115-29,  160-1; 
Guat.,  Decretos,  i.  nos.  1,  4,  20,  25,  31,  32,  39,  41,  134;  Morelet,  Voy.  dans 
l’ Amir.  Cent.,  ii.  291;  Montgomery's  Narrative  Jour,  to  Guat.,  33-54,  142-9; 
Modern  Traveller,  Mex.  and  Guat.,  ii.  194-5,  317;  Nic.  y Hand.,  Docs.,  1-11, 
35;  Sandoval,  Revista  Polit.,  3-7;  San  Juan,  Ocupacion,  28-43;  Aleman,  Hist. 
Mej.,  50,  291-2;  v.  57,  478,  614,  ap.  pp.  46-65,  104;  Id.,  Mem.  Presentada  d 
las  Camaras,  9;  Bidwell's  Panama,  347;  llond.,  Gac.  OJic.,  Feb.  20,  June  30, 
1853;  C.  Rica,  Gac.  Gob.,  Jan.  26,  1850;  Gac.  Nic.,  April  1,  June  17,  1865; 
July  20,  1867;  Santangelo,  Congr.  Panamd,  73-5;  Saravla,  Bosq.  Polit.  Estad., 

17- 18;  El  Semanal  Nicaraguense,  i.  44;  Baily's  Cent.  Am.,  81-2;  Mex.  Finan., 
April  18,  1885,  pp.  40-2;  Mex.  y Guat.,  Cuest.  Limites,  52-3;  Nic.,  Nueva  Dis- 
cusion,  6;  Gac.  Salv.,  Oct.  12,  1854;  Salv.,  Diario  OJic.,  Feb. -May  1875,  pas- 
sim; March  2,  28,  Sept.  9,  1876;  Sept.  20,  1878;  June  20,  Sept.  5,  1879;  Mex., 
Mem.  Guerra,  1833,  p.  8;  Id.,  Mem.  Relac.,  1823,  pp.  11-12;  1827,  p.  11;  1S29, 
p.  2;  1832,  pp.  2-3;  1833,  pp.  1-2,  1835,  pp.  3-4;  1838,  p.  9;  1839,  pp.  2-3; 
1839,  MS.,  pp.  12-13;  1840,  p.  2;  1841,  in  Diario  Gob.  Mex.,  Jan.  24,  1841, 
p.  1;  Mex.,  Mem.,  ii.,  docs.  1,  5,  8;  Id.,  Mem.  Min.  Relac.,  i.,  docs.  2,  4,  5,  9, 

II,  12,  13;  Nic.,  Memoria,  in  Cent.  Am.  Pamplil.,  iii.,  no.  1,  4-2S;  Payne's 
Hist.  Europ.  Colonies,  324-32;  Quart.  Review,  xxviii.  157-61;  Gac.  de  Guat., 
Oct.  7,  1S53;  May  5,  Dec.  22,  1S54;  Costa  Rica,  Bolet.  OJic.,  Jan.  13,  24,  27, 
Feb.  3,  7,  14,  17,  28,  March  14,  17,  1855;  Mill's  Mex.,  205-19;  Aim,.,  Ruiz 
Calend.  Salv.,  1873,  66-71;  Id.,  Guat.  Guia,  1853,  13-14;  Id.,  Hand.,  1829,  5, 

18- 37,  56-64,  90-5,  124-7,  133-48;  Cabildo,  Inforrne  que  el  Cabildo,  1-75;  Can- 
celada,  Tel.  Mex.,  104-11;  Chaff  eld’s  Letter  to  Lord  Palmerston,  Dec.  13,  1847; 
Id.,  Letter  to  Guat.  Govt,  Dec.  10,  1847,  in  Mosq.,  Correspond,  respecting  Mosq. 
Terr.,  170-2;  La  Nacion,  Sept.  S,  1856;  Mosq.  Kusteund  Texas,  29-30;  Conk- 
ling's  Guide,  335-6;  National  Calendar,  18;  Conder's  Mex.  and  Guat.,  195-7; 
Centro- Amir.,  La  Situation,  1-17;  Cande,  Golfe  de  Hond.,  5-9;  Centro- Amir., 
Informe  sobre  la  Constit.,  p.  73,  and  p.  30;  Id.,  Convention,  1-32;  Centro- 
Americano,  passim;  Cbrtes,  Actas  Publ. , ii.,  April  23,  1814,  p.  320;  Castellon, 
Docs.  Relat.,  36,  104;  El  National,  June  19,  26,  July  5,  31,  Aug.  14,  Sept.  25, 
Dec.  11,  1858;  Jan.  22,  1859;  Sept.  8,  1860;  Mosqueto  Indian,  in  Churchill's 
Coll.,  vi.  300-11;  Bericht  Mosquitolandes,  5-7,  12,  23,  28,  31-43,  220-7;  Cor. 
Atldntico,  May  9,  1835;  Benton’s  Thirty  Years’  View,  65-9;  Id.,  Debates  in 
Cong.,  vii.  383-4;  viii.  737,  746;  ix.  769;  x.  746;  xi.  767;  Mosaico  Mex.,  ii.  232, 
342,  344,  462;  Naciorudulad  Espahola;  Mosquito  Docs.,  nos.  77-229;  Nic.,  Bolet. 
OJic.,  Sept.  6,  1862;  Id.,  Constit.,  1838,  1-39;  Id.,  Docs.  Dip.  Hist.,  18-22;  Id., 
Cor.  1st.,  July  1,  1849;  Oct.  3,  1850;  Id.,  De  Orden  del  Director;  Munoz,  De- 
fensa  Llaves  San  Pedro;  Obispa  de  Chil.,  153-64,  451-54;  C6rtes,  Diario,  1811, 
viii.  33;  1813,  xix.  404;  1821,  ext.  i.,  Sept.  22,  p.  7;  ext.  iv.,  Nov.  IS,  pp. 
12-13;  1835-6,  ii.  227;  La  Union,  Dec.  1,  1849;  Jan.  1,  1850;  La  Union  de 
Nic.,  Jan.  5,  1861;  El  Universal,  April  18,  1850;  April  16,  1853;  Voy.,  New 
Univ.  Col.,  ii.  374-8;  Verdaderas  Razones,  1-13;  Viagera  Univ.,  xxvii.  174-7, 
189-91;  Vera  Paz,  Colonisation  de,  4;  El  Veracruzano  Libre,  June  13,  1828; 
Valois,  Mexique,  154—9,  209-27,  316-19;  Cent.  Am.  Papers,  i.-v.,  passim; 
Papeles  Varios,  xix.  pt  18;  exxi.  pt  i. ; exxiv.  pt  9;  cxlix.  pt  7;  clx.  pt  19; 
clxvii.  pt  5;  ccxxvi.  pt  10;  United  Service  Jour.,  1S33,  pt  ii.  456;  U.  S.  Govt 


214 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION. 


Docs.,  Commercial  Rel.,  1S66,  567-8;  1868,  302,  72S-9;  Id.,  Cong.  Globe,  1S38- 
9,  91;  Id.,  Cong.  Debates,  1825-6,  i.  1303-5;  1831-2,  i.  767-74;  Id.,  Amer. 
State  Pap.,  For.  Rel.,  v.  774-82;  Id.,  19th  cong.,  2d  sess.,  U.  S.  Acts,  j)p.  8- 
31;  Sen.  Doc.  1,  vol.  i.,  pp.  149-70;  Id.,  26th  cong.  1st  sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  2, 
p.  6;  Id.,  30tli  cong.  2d  sess.,  H.  Com.  Rept,  145,  pp.  3S3-5;  Filisola,  Mem. 
Guerra  Tex.,  ii.  88-9;  Id.,  A la  Junta  Soberana  de  Gnat.,  1-8;  Gazeta  de  Guat., 
vi.  21,  177-84,  443;  ix.  757;  xi.  4-7,  91-2,  120—4;  xiii.  353,  369-76;  xiv.  1- 
16,  82,  265;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  i.  326-7;  Bustamante,  Voz  de  la 
Pctria,  MS.,  4;  Id.,  Hist.  Iturbide,  163-1,  176;  Id.,  Cuculro  Hist.,  MS.,  vii. 
138-19;  viii.  177-9;  Porvenir  de  Mir. , Oct.  22,  29,  1871;  July  20,  1873;  Perez, 
Mem.  Camp.  Nacional,  82,  154;  Id.,  Biog.  Sacusa,  3-5;  Frisch,  Staaten  von 
Mex.,  55-62,  73-8;  Kaoen's  Nic.  and  Walker,  MS.,  27-36,  39-60,  64-85;  Costa 
Pica,  Col.  Leyes,  iii.  43-5,  101-1S,  129-31,  144-67,  169-8S,  2S9-2,  297-8,  304-6; 
iv.-v.,  passim;  vi.  41-3,  276-86,  304-5,  319-20;  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  71-5,  137, 
350-2;  Pomero,  Bosq.  Hist.,  42-5,  63-233,  395-417,  639-795;  Pineda  de  Mont., 
in  Guat.,  Pecop.  Leyes,  iii.  347-8;  Cent.  Am.,  Mem.  Hist.  Pevol.,  passim;  Menu 
Hist.  Centro- Am.,  1-72;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Amer.,  passim;  Id.,  Efem. 
Hechos  Notables,  passim. 


CHAPTER  XI. 


REPUBLIC  OF  COSTA  RICA. 

1841-1856. 

Rule  of  Carrillo  Continued— Plots  for  its  Overthrow — Invasion  of 
Morazan — Change  of  Government — Morazan’s  Policy — Opposition 
— Revolts — Morazan’s  Defeat  and  Death — -Satisfaction  of  the 
Oligarchs — Measures  of  the  Victors— New  Constitution — Subse- 
quent Amendments- — Sedition  — Castro’s  Administration  — Costa 
Rica  Declared  a Republic — Recognition  by  Spain — Relations  with 
Other  Powers — Boundary  Questions  with  Nicaragua  and  Colombia 
— President  Juan  Rafael  Mora — His  Repressive  Measures. 


Carrillo,  believing  himself  clothed  with  unlimited 
authority,  on  the  8th  of  March,  1841,  issued  what  he 
called  a ‘leyde  garantias,’  giving  himself  a life  tenure 
of  office  and  inviolability.1  The  supreme  government 
was  made  to  consist  of  the  executive,  and  two  cham- 
bers, named  respectively  ‘consultiva’  and  ‘judicial,’ 
whose  members  were  to  be  chosen  by  electoral  col- 
leges.2 Intending'  to  celebrate  with  eclat  the  inaugu- 
ration  of  the  c&mara  consultiva,  Carrillo  recalled  from 
exile  Juan  Mora  and  four  others.3  The  consultiva, 
following  Carrillo’s  wishes,  elected  Manual  Antonio 

1 Molina,  who  denies  that  Carrillo  was  disposed  to  be  tyrannical,  but  on 
the  contrary  anxious  for  the  good  of  his  country,  adding  that  he  was  ‘ severo 
y sencillo  en  su  conducta,  y que  paliaba  su  arbitrariedad  con  el  ejercicio  de 
las  virtudes  mas  relevantes  en  un  mandatario,  ’ confesses  that  on  the  present 
occasion  this  great  man  committed  a grave  error.  Bosq.  Costa  It.,  103;  Costa 
Jt.  Dec.  de  garan.  y loses,  24  mo.;  Id.,  Col.  Ley.,  viii.  15-36,  41-2;  Salv., 
Dmno  OJic.,  May  25,  1875. 

2 The  former  was  constituted  with  as  many  members  as  there  were  de- 
partments, namely,  four.  The  latter  was  composed  of  a president,  two  rela- 
tores  fi scales,  and  four  justices. 

3 He  insulted  them,  however,  by  providing  that  they  should  be  under  the 
surveillance  of  the  authorities.  Costa  if.,  Col.  Ley.,  vii.  42. 


(215) 


216 


REPUBLIC  OF  COSTA  RICA. 


Bonilla  segundo  jefe.4  The  enemies  of  the  present 
ruler  were  numerous,  and  increasing.  They  called 
Morazan  to  their  aid,  through  General  Bermudez  of 
Peru. 

Morazan  sailed  from  Chiriqm  in  Panamd,  and  after 
visiting  several  places  in  Central  ‘America  landed 
with  about  500  men  at  Caldera5  on  the  7tli  of  April, 
1842.  With  him  were  generals  Saget,  Cabanas,  Sa- 
ravia,  and  Rascon.6  Carrillo  heard  of  the  invasion 
in  the  evening  of  the  8th,  and  at  once  assumed  per- 
sonal command  of  the  troops  to  operate  against  the 
enemy,  turning  over  the  executive  office  to  Bonilla, 
the  vice-jefe,'  and  providing  other  measures  for  an 
active  campaign.  Nearly  1,000  men  under  Colonel 
Vicente  Villasenor  composed  the  expedition,  among 
whose  captains  and  lieutenants  were  some  of  the 
wealthiest  persons  in  the  country.8  Morazan  had 
issued  a manifesto  assuring  the  Costa  Ricans  that  his 
policy  would  be  one  of  order,  union,  and  progress,  to 
accomplish  which  Braulio  Carrillo  must  be  ousted 
from  power.  As  the  government  forces  approached 
the  invaders,  Villasenor  made  known  its  contents  to 
his  command,  and  asked  whether  they  were  for  fight- 
ing or  for  a peaceable  arrangement.  Both  officers  and 
men  almost  unanimously9  favored  the  latter,  and  a 
convention  was  concluded  at  Jocote  on  the  lltli  of 
April,  by  virtue  of  which  the  two  forces  fraternized, 

4 He  was  married  to  a niece  of  Carrillo.  Bonilla  was  faithful  to  him  in 
life,  and  to  his  memory  after  death. 

5 According  to  Col  Bernardo  Rivera  Cahezas.  Barrundia  makes  the  force 
only  300.  He  had  at  first  landed  at  La  Union,  in  Salvador,  with  22  officers 
of  all  ranks,  and  marched  upon  San  Miguel,  where  he  recruited  200  men,  and 
then  returned  to  La  Union.  He  next  visited  Acajutla  and  Sonsonate,  where 
he  ascertained  the  state  of  public  affairs  in  Salvador  and  Guatemala,  after 
holding  some  correspondence  with  the  chiefs  of  the  former  state  and  Nica- 
ragua. The  latter  answered  very  offensively.  Montufar,  Reseila  Hist.,  iv. 
47-55,  145.  Entertaining  a favorable  idea  of  the  invitation  sent  him  by 
the  Costa  Ricans,  he  sailed  for  the  isle  of  Martin  Perez,  in  the  gulf  of  Fonseca, 
where  he  finally  organized  his  expedition  and  embarked  it  on  the  vessels 
Cnizador,  Asuncion  Granadina,  Josef  a,  Isabel  II.,  and  Cosmopolila. 

6 Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  55-6;  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  14,  1S75. 

7 Costa  It.,  Col.  Ley.,  vii.  24S-50. 

8 Among  them  were  Vicente  Aguilar,  Francisco  and  Mariano  Montealegre, 
and  Rafael  Barroeta. 

* It  is  understood  that  Rafael  Barroeta  was  the  sole  exception. 


MORAZAN  AND  SARA  VIA. 


217 


becoming  one  army.  It  was  further  agreed  that  a 
constituent  assembly  should  be  called  to  reorganize 
the  state,  the  government  meanwhile  remaining  in 
charge  of  Morazan,  or  in  his  absence  in  that  of  Vicente 
Villasenor.10  This  convention  was  accepted  on  the 
next  day  at  San  Jose  by  Carrillo,  with  a few  additions 
which  did  in  no  wise  vitiate  it,  and  Morazan  afterward 
ratified  the  whole  at  Heredia.11  He  was  enthusiasti- 
cally welcomed  at  Alajuela  and  Heredia,  and  with  an 
augmented  force  marched  on  San  Jose,  which  he 
entered  without  hindrance.  As  jefe  supremo  pro- 
visorio  he  made  Josd  Miguel  Saravia  his  sole  minister 
of  state,  and  issued  a proclamation  embodying  com- 
plete forgetfulness  of  all  past  political  offences,  and 
tendering  an  asylum  in  Costa  Rica  to  all  persons,  of 
whatever  party,  suffering  persecution  in  the  other 
states.1'1  He  next  appointed  a committee  to  revise 
the  laws  enacted  by  Carrillo,  with  the  view  of  repeal- 
ing such  as  were  deemed  unwise  or  arbitrary,  and  a 
number  of  them  were  accordingly  annulled,  the  pre- 
posterous one  of  March  8,  1841,  not  being,  of  course, 
excepted.  The  state  constitution  of  January  21,  1825, 
was  revived,  and  the  people  were  called  upon  to  elect 
a constituent  assembly,  which  was  to  meet  at  San 
Jose  on  the  10th  of  July.13  This  body,  composed  of 
thirteen  members,  one  of  whom  was  the  distinguished 
ex-jefe  Juan  Mora,  was  installed  on  the  appointed 


10  Carrillo  was  to  leave  the  country  with  a full  pledge  of  safety  to  his  fam- 
ily and  property.  The  convention  was  signed  by  Morazan,  Villasenor,  gen- 
erals Saget,  Saravia,  and  Rascon,  5 colonels,  and  the  other  assenting  officers 
of  all  ranks,  including  5 Texiguas. 

11  Carrillo  left  the  state  from  Puntarenas.  Bonilla  was  also  guaranteed 
security.  M onto  far,  Resena  Hist.,  iii.  615-19;  Niles’  Reg.,  lxii.,  275.  Both 
Carrillo  and  Aguilar  died  out  of  Costa  R. ; the  former  was  killed,  and  his 
murderer  executed.  Funeral  honors  were  paid  in  Costa  R.  to  Aguilar,  Aug. 
25,  1S46.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  ix.  2S9-90.  The  remains  of  both  ex -chiefs  were 
brought  home  by  Presid.  Castro’s  decree  of  Nov.  5,  1848.  Id.,  x.  365-8;  EL 
Salvador  Rer/enerado,  June  4,  1842. 

w Dated  .April  14,  1842.  Id.,  vii.  250-1. 

13  A general  order  was  given  to  prevent  any  interference  with  the  elections 
on  the  part  of  the  troops.  Copies  of  Morazan ’s  decrees  to  undo  the  evils  of 
his  predecessor,  ami  to  prepare  for  the  reorganization  of  the  state  on  liberal 
principles,  are  furnished  in  Id.,  236-342,  passim;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iii. 
621-31. 


218 


REPUBLIC  OF  COSTA  RICA. 


day  under  the  presidency  of  Jose  F.  Peralta,  deputy 
for  Cartago,  and  on  the  15th  of  July  unanimously 
elected  Morazan  provisional  jefe  of  the  state.14 

The  great  political  change  thus  effected  in  Costa 
Pica  greatly  alarmed  the  reactionists;  and  specially 
those  of  Guatemala,  who  lost  no  time  in  adopting 
measures  to  destroy  Morazan.  This  chief,  on  the 
other  hand,  took  steps  toward  the  reorganization  of 
Central  America,  equipping  troops  therefor.  Some  of 
his  measures  were  deemed  too  severe,  giving  rise  to 
rebellion  in  some  localities.  There  were  intimate  rela- 
tions between  Carrera  of  Guatemala  and  General 
Antonio  Pinto  of  Costa  Rica,  as  well  as  between  the 
serviles  of  both  states,  who,  together  with  the  clergy, 
worked  to  promote  a revolt.  An  attempt  in  Guana- 
caste  by  Colonel  Manuel  A.  Molina  failed,  and  caused 
his  arrest,  trial,  and  execution  at  Puntarenas.15  Colo- 
nel Molina  was  a son  of  Pedro  Molina,  the  noted 
champion  of  free  principles,  and  however  legal  his 
execution  may  have  been,  it  was  certainly  impolitic. 
His  sentence  might  have  been  commuted,  thus  avert- 
ing the  disruption  which  at  once  broke  out  in  the 
liberal  ranks.16 

Sao-et  was  at  Puntarenas  attending  to  the  embarka- 

CD  O 

14  Again  on  the  30th  of  Aug.  it  authorized  the  continuation  of  his  govern- 
ment till  a new  constitution  should  be  framed.  The  same  day  it  reaffirmed 
Morazan  s extraordinary  powers,  and  on  the  2d  of  Sept,  adjourned  to  reassem- 
ble April  1,  1843.  Among  the  most  noted  acts  of  this  convention  were  the 
following:  A vote  of  thanks  and  other  honors  to  Morazan  and  Villasenor,  the 
latter  being  awarded  a gold  medal  with  an  honorable  inscription.  Morazan 
was  given  the  title  of  Libertador  de  Costa  Rica;  and  on  his  refusing  to  pub- 
lish the  decree,  the  assembly  specially  requested  him  to  do  so.  The  army 
that  brought  about  the  change  was  honored  with  the  name  of  Division  Liber- 
tadora  de  Costa  Rica.  The  assembly  also  made  a formal  declaration  on  the 
20th  of  July,  in  favor  of  a federal  republic.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  vii.  342-51, 
379  -82,  403. 

15  It  was  strictly  in  accordance  with  the  military  code.  His  brother  Fe- 
lipe, in  relating  the  occurrence,  says  that  a disappointment  in  love,  and  his 
removal  from  the  comandaucia  of  the  department,  preyed  upon  his  mind,  ‘ le 
sobrevino  una  fiebre,  perdio  la  razon,  y se  hizo  criminal.  ’ But  he  subsequently 
declared  his  loyalty  to  Morazan,  and  wliile  lying  on  a bed  of  sickness  was 
arrested.  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  104. 

16  Molina  did  not  hear  of  his  son’s  fate  till  after  the  15th  of  Sept.  Greatly 
agitated,  and  shedding  tears  for  Morazan ’s  end,  his  son-in-law,  Irungaray, 
told  him^not  to  bewail  the  fate  of  Morazan,  for  he  had  spilled  the  blood  of 
Manuel  Angel.  These  words  so  shocked  the  aged  patriot  that  he  fell  sense- 
less to  the  ground. 


WAR  AND  REBELLION. 


219 


tion  of  45  officers,  200  men,  2,000  or  3,000  muskets, 
and  about  1,300  pounds  of  powder  and  lead.  At  Ala- 
juela  were  300  recruits  of  that  department  and  100  of 
Cartago,  all  commanded  by  Florentin  Alfaro.  This 
officer  was  won  over  by  Morazan’s  enemies,  and  revolt- 
ing on  the  11th  of  September  marched  upon  San  Jose, 
where  the  people  followed  his  example.  The  revolu- 
tionists then  called  General  Pinto  to  the  command.17 
Morazan’s  body-guard  of  forty  Salvadorans  thrice  re- 
pulsed the  assailants,  but  finally  had  to  retreat  to  the 
chief  barracks.18  The  jefe,  together  with  Cordero,  Ca- 
banas, and  Saravia,  and  80  men  sustained  another  ter- 
rible onslaught  on  the  12th.  The  besiegers  were  con- 
stantly on  the  increase  till  they  numbered  5,000,  and 
the  besieged  on  the  decrease  by  death  and  desertion.19 
Chaplain  Jose  Antonio  Castro  came  to  propose  a 
capitulation  based  on  Morazan’s  abandonment  of  the 
country,  and  a pledge  of  security  to  his  supporters. 
Believing  that  his  loyalty  and  military  honor  were  at 
stake,  Morazan  declined  the  propositions.20  Pinto’s 
secretary,  A7icente  Herrera,  was  very  virulent,  de- 
manding Morazan’s  blood;  and  the  chaplain  reported 
that  the  jefe  wanted  war,  refusing  to  recognize  any 
authority  on  the  part  of  his  adversaries  to  give  pledges, 
which  enraged  their  commander  and  his  secretary  all 
the  more.21  The  fight  continued,  and  blood  flowed 

17  He  was  a Portuguese  who  came  to  Costa  Rica  while  still  young.  In  his 
early  years  he  had  been  in  the  naval  service,  and  acquired  some  skill  as  an 
artilleryman.  He  married  into  a respectable  family  of  Sam  Jose,  and  had 
numerous  descendants.  By  the  cultivation  of  coffee  he  made  himself  wealthy, 
and  this  together  with  his  connection  with  the  Carrillo  family  enabled  him  to 
attain  the  position  of  comandante  general,  and  to  link  his  name  with  some 
important  events.  At  his  house  the  worst  enemies  of  Morazan  had  always 
been  welcomed.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iii.  647-8. 

18  There  were  two  barracks  in  San  Jose;  one  his  guard  occupied;  in  the 
other  were  150  men  from  Cartago  who  had  no  ammunition.  El  Siglo,  Aug.  16, 
1852. 

13  Morazan  tried  to  save  his  wife;  but  in  traversing  the  street  to  reach  the 
house  of  the  Escalantes,  amidst  the  deadly  fire,  she  was  taken  by  the  enemy 
and  conveyed  to  the  house  of  Father  Blanco,  a brother  of  Lu2  Blanco,  one  of 
Morazan’s  mortal  foes. 

2®  He  would  have  met  with  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  security  for  Saravia, 
who  was  much  esteemed  by  all.  But  the  case  was  different  with  others, 
especially  Villasenor,  against  whom  much  animosity  was  felt. 

'A  Herrera  was  a student  when  he  gained  this  unenviable  notoriety.  Iio 


220 


REPUBLIC  OF  COSTA  RICA 


freely.22  Mayorga,  coraandante  at  Cartago,  rebelled, 
and  Morazan’s  situation  had  become  a desperate  one 
on  the  13th.  No  reenforcements  could  reach  him,  and 
provisions  were  exhausted.  Juan  Mora  and  Chaplain 
Castro  endeavored  to  bring  about  an  arrangement, 
but  the  terms  offered,  being  oppressive,  were  rejected. 
The  firing  was  resumed  between  one  and  two  o’clock 
in  the  morning  of  the  14th.  Morazan  and  his  hand- 
ful of  supporters,  worn  out  by  fatigue,  hunger,  and 
wounds,  made  their  way  through  the  besiegers  and 
reached  Cartago,23  Cabanas  covering  the  retreat  with 
30  men.  Mayorga’s  wife,  who  disapproved  her  hus- 
band’s disloyalty,  sent  them  word  of  their  danger. 
But  it  came  too  late.  Morazan  and  the  rest  were 
surrounded  and  captured.  Young  Francisco  Morazan 
and  Saravia,  arriving  a little  later,  were  also  secured. 
Deception  toward  Cabanas  was  used,24  and  treachery 
toward  Morazan,  who  was  promised  his  life. 

Early  the  next  morning,  an  officer  named  Dario 
Orozco  came  to  inform  Morazan  and  his  companions 
that  they  were  to  be  put  in  irons,  by  demand  of  the 
troops.  Saravia  rose  and  seized  a pistol  to  blow  his 
brains  out;  but  Morazan  prevented  the  suicide,  though 
only  for  a few  moments.  He  then  walked  a while 
smoking,  and  finally  submitted  to  have  the  shackles 
put  on  his  feet,  and  just  as  it  was  being  done  he  had 
a horrible  convulsion  which  ended  in  death.  It  is 


afterward  went  to  Guatemala  to  complete  his  studies,  and  was  well  treated 
and  much  aided  by  Juan  Jose  Aycinena  and  Manuel  F.  Pavon;  and  he  be- 
came their  most  humble  henchman.  Returning  to  Costa  Rica  as  a lawyer,  he 
was  appointed  after  a while  a justice  of  the  supreme  court.  On  many  occa- 
sions he  proved  himself  unprincipled,  treacherous,  and  contemptible. 

22  Over  100  killed  and  200  wounded. 

23  He  had  wanted  to  go  to  Tarcoles,  expecting  to  find  Saget  there,  but 
was  dissuaded  by  Villasenor  and  others. 

24  The  Spaniard  Espinach,  a reactionist  of  some  standing  who  acted  as  a 

commissioner  of  the  revolutionists,  fearing  that  Morazan’s  popularity  in  Car- 
tago might  bring  on  a counter-movement,  and  in  order  to  avert  it,  asked 
Morazan  to  instruct  Cabanas  to  lay  down  his  arms,  and  to  command  Saget  to 
deliver  those  he  had  in  Puntarenas.  He  assured  Morazan  his  life  was  in  no 
peril.  His  next  step  was  to  meet  Cabanas  at  Cliomogo,  telling  him  Morazan 
was  leaving  the  state  by  the  Matina  road  with  sufficient  money,  and  advising 
him  to  disband  his  men.  Cabanas  was  deceived,  and  went  alone  to  Matina, 
where  he  was  taken  prisoner.  . 


BLOODY  WORK. 


221 


said  that  he  had  swallowed  poison.  The  shackles 
were  riveted  on  a corpse ! 2j  Villasenor  stabbed  him- 
self with  a dag-ofer,  and  fell  to  the  ground  covered  with 
blood,  unfortunately  for  him,  not  dead.  Morazan  was 
shackled.  The  prisoners  were  at  once  taken  to  San 
Jose.  Morazan,  though  wounded,  rode  on  horseback, 
and  Villasenor  was  carried  in  a hammock;  but  on 
arriving  at  the  Cuesta  de  las  Moras,  Captain  Benavi- 
des, a Peruvian  who  commanded  their  guard,  made 
them  walk  to  the  court-house.  Morazan  on  the  way- 
conversed  with  Pardo  and  Vijil,  and  remembering 
that  it  was  the  15tli  of  September,  remarked  to  Vijil, 
“How  solemnly  we  are  keeping  the  anniversary  of  in- 
dependence!” The  other  prisoners  were  confined  in 
the  building  called  Los  Almacenes,  and  Morazan  was 
left  with  A illasenor  as  his  sole  companion. 

Moderate  men  strongly  urged  a strict  observance  of 
law,  a^ide  from  prejudice  or  passion;26  but  their  voice 
was  drowned  in  the  uproar  of  the  enemies  of  Mora- 
zan,27 clamoring  for  his  death  without  form  of  trial, 
regardless  of  the  requirements  of  the  constitution  of 
1825,  and  of  the  fact  that  he  was  the  legitimate  chief 


25  Marure,  Efem.,  56.  Saravia  was  a son  of  Miguel  Gonzalez  Saravia,  the 
governor  of  Nicaragua,  who  attached  that  province  to  Iturbide’s  empire,  and 
a grandson  of  General  Saravia,  president  and  captain-general  of  Guatemala, 
who  had  been  appointed  viceroy  of  Mexico,  and  was  shot  by  Morelos  in  Oajaca. 
Young  Saravia  s mother,  Concepcion  Najera  y Batres,  was  of  the  leaders  of 
Guatemalan  society,  for  which  reason  the  aristocratic  party  expected  much 
from  him.  But  after  completing  his  education,  with  evidences  of  extraordi- 
nary talents,  he  often  gave  expression  to  the  most  liberal  ideas.  Before  being 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  1834  he  had  served  in  the  office  of  the  secretary  of  the 
senate,  and  later  as  a chief  of  bureau  in  the  department  of  foreign  affairs. 
He  afterward  held  a judicial  appointment,  being  at  all  times  noted  for  ability 
and  eloquence,  as  well  as  for  his  writings  in  El  Sernanario,  which  attracted 
the  attention  of  Morazan,  who  made  him  auditor  de  guerra  of  the  federal 
army.  From  that  time  Saravia  followed  Morazan ’s  fortunes,  taking  part  in 
several  actions  of  war,  and  thus  attaining  the  rank  of  general.  He  was  also 
this  leader’s  aide-de-camp,  private  secretary,  and  minister-general,  both  in 
Salvador  and  Costa  Bica.  A portrait  of  the  young  general  gives  him  quite  a 
distinguished  air. 

26  Among  them  were  Mariano  Montealegre,  Juan  de  los  Santos  Madriz, 
and  Jose  M.  Castro. 

27  The  most  virulent  were  Luz  Blanco  and  Herrera.  They  even  worked 
upon  the  feelings  of  Pinto’s  family,  and  it  is  said  that  his  daughter  Petronila 
imagined  that  she  saw  her  father  sent  to  the  scaffold  by  Morazan,  and  fell  in 
a convulsion. 


222 


REPUBLIC  OF  COSTA  RICA. 


of  the  state.28  But  nothing  availed  to  save  his  life. 
Pinto,  like  his  prototype  Pontius  Pilate,  after  a slight 
hesitation,  signed  the  order  of  execution  of  both  Mora- 
zan  and  Villasenor,  to  be  carried  out  within  three 
hours.  Morazan  then  summoned  his  son  Francisco, 
and  dictated  to  him  his  last  will  and  testament;  some 
of  its  clauses  are  epitomized  below.29  After  placing 
in  charge  of  Montealegre  a handkerchief  and  a few 
other  objects  for  his  wife,  so  soon  to  become  a widow, 
he  walked  with  dignity  and  a firm  step  to  the  place 
of  execution.  Villasenor,  who  was  nearly  dead  from 
his  wound,  was  carried  in  a chair.  On  arriving  at 
the  fatal  spot  Morazan  embraced  Villasenor,  saying, 
“My  dear  friend,  posterity  will  do  us  justice.”  Bar- 
rundia  thus  describes  the  last  moments  of  the  ex- 
president:  He  gave  the  order  to  prepare  arms,  saw 
that  a good  aim  was  taken,  then  gave  the  command 
to  fire,  and  fell  to  the  ground.  Still  raising  his  bleed- 
ing head,  he  cried  out:  “I  am  yet  alive;”  when  a sec- 
ond volley  despatched  him.  Thus  on  the  15th  of 
September,  the  anniversary  of  Central  American  in- 
dependence, just  as  the  sun  was  sinking  in  the  west, 
the  soul  of  the  noble  patriot  returned  to  the  region 
whence  it  came.30 

28  Morazan  had  demanded  a trial.  He  also  desired  to  address  a circular 
to  the  governments  of  the  states,  but  it  was  not  permitted  him. 

29  He  declared  that  he  had  expended  the  whole  of  his  own  and  his  wife’s 
estate,  besides  SIS, 000  due  to  Gen.  Bermudez,  in  endowing  Costa  Rica  with 
a government  of  laws.  This  was  his  sole  offence,  for  which  he  had  been  con- 
demned to  lose  his  life,  which  was  further  aggravated  by  a broken  pledge, 
for  he  had  been  assured  by  Espinach  that  his  life  would  be  spared.  The 
forces  he  had  organized  were  originally  intended  to  defend  Guanacaste  against 
an  expected  attack  from  Nicaragua.  Subsequently  a number  of  volunteers 
were  detached  for  the  pacification  of  the  republic.  He  reiterated  his  love  for 
Central  America,  urging  upon  the  youth  of  the  land  to  imitate  his  example, 
and  fight  to  redeem  her.  He  finally  disclaimed  any  enmity  or  rancor  toward 
his  murderers,  forgiving  them  and  wishing  them  ever}'  possible  happiness. 
In  that  instrument,  says  Barrundia,  * se  ve  diafana  el  alma,  noble,  tranquila, 
y generosa  del  lieroe  que  descendia  a la  tumba.’ 

30  The  remains  lay  in  Costa  Rica  till,  under  a decree  of  Pres.  Castro,  Nov. 
C,  1848,  they  were  exhumed  on  the  27th,  and  after  paying  honors  on  the  4th 
of  Dec.,  were  surrendered,  according  to  Morazan ’s  wishes,  to  Salvador,  by 
whose  authorities  they  were  received  with  high  military  and  civic  honors. 
Costa  /?.,  Col.  Ley.,  x.  3C8-9.  Carrera  afterward  treated  them  with  indig- 
nity. Montufar,  Jleseila  Hist.,  iii.  656;  iv.  211-20,  250-3;  v.  650-2,  665-6; 
Testam,  in  Cent.  Am.  Pep.,  No.  2.  Further  particulars  on  Morazan ’s  rule  in 
Costa  Rica,  and  on  his  death  and  interment,  may  be  found  in  Nic.,  Con-eo  1st., 


MORAZAN’S  GREATNESS  RECOGNIZED. 


223 


Morazan’s  death  caused  much  satisfaction  to  the 
ruling  powers  of  Guatemala  and  Honduras.31  In 
Guatemala  it  was  an  occasion  for  rejoicing,  with  high 
mass  and  other  religious  ceremonies.3'2  The  time 
came,  however,  when  Morazan’s  greatness  was  recog- 
nized in  Guatemala  and  Honduras,  when  the  servile 
element  no  longer  had  a voice  in  public  affairs."3 
Relations  had  been  suspended  by  the  Guatemalan 
government  with  that  of  Costa  Rica,  while  the  latter 
recognized  Morazan  as  its  chief.34  Treaties  of  union 
and  mutual  defence  had  been  made  by  the  states  of 
Guatemala,  Salvador,  Nicaragua,  and  Honduras  against 
Costa  Rica  on  the  7th  and  16th  of  October.33  After 
Morazan’s  downfall  an  attempt  was  made  to  prevail  on 

May  ],  1849;  Niles’  Her/.,  lxiii.,  19,  170;  Nic.,  Registro  OJic.,  No.  2,  7;  Squier’s 
Trav.,  ii.  444-9;  Wappiius,  Mex.  und  Cent.  Arn.,  301;  Reichardt,  Cent.  Am., 
142;  El  Progreso,  Oct.  3,  1850;  Crowe’s  Gospel,  152-3;  Wagner,  Costa  R. , 
203-5;  Dunlop’s  Cent.  Am.,  217-22;  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  73-4;  Wells’  llond.,  484- 
93;  Salv.,  Diario  OJic.,  Feb.  14,  1S75;  Robert  Glascow  Dunlop,  Travels  in  Cen- 
tral America,  London,  1847,  8°,  358  pp.  and  map,  is  a work  purporting  to  be 
a journal  of  nearly  three  years’  residence  in  Central  America,  and  giving  a 
sketch  of  the  history  of  the  republic,  together  with  an  account  of  the  phys- 
ical peculiarities,  agriculture,  commerce,  and  state  of  society.  Much  of  the 
information  therein  is  correct;  but  on  historical  and  social  topics  the  author, 
who  was  a Scotchman,  displayed  narrow-mindedness,  and  a judgment  warped 
by  British  prejudices. 

31  In  the  latter — his  native  state — his  last  will  was  published  in  the  official 
journal  in  the  column  of  varieties  with  offensive  remarks.  These  notes,  and 
indeed  the  whole  conduct  of  the  authorities,  were  disgraceful.  El  Redactor, 
OJic.  de  Horn!.,  Sept.  15,  1843. 

32  The  priest  Juan  Josd  Aycinena,  who  was  the  minister  of  state,  hated 
Morazan  with  a deadly  hatred  from  the  day  that  his  brother  was  defeated  at 
San  Antonio.  This  animosity  became  more  intensified,  if  possible,  upon 
Morazan  contemptuously  rejecting  the  dictatorship  that  was  tendered  him. 
Morazan  said  in  his  last  will  that  his  death  was  an  assassination,  as  he  had 
not  been  allowed  any  form  of  trial.  But  the  worthy  padre  and  his  accomplice 
in  iniquity,  Carrera,  attributed  the  crime  to  heaven,  and  made  Rivera  Paz, 
chief  of  state,  accuse  providence  of  aiding  Vicente  Herrera  and  Luz  Blanco  in 
its  perpetration. 

33  Honors  were  paid  to  his  memory  in  the  city  of  Guatemala  in  1876;  a 
statue  was  erected  to  him  by  Honduras  in  1S83.  La  Regeneracion,  July  10, 
1876;  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Relaciones,  1884,  2-3,  and  doc.  1,  2. 

34  Every  abusive  epithet  was  applied  to  him  in  the  official  press;  tyrant, 
bandit,  monster,  were  among  the  mildest.  The  aim  was  to  make  him  appear 
in  the  eyes  of  the  ignorant  as  the  only  obstacle  to  peace  and  reorganization; 
and  the  masses  believed  that  he  was  the  author  of  all  the  evils  under  the  sun. 
Gac.  de  Guat.,  Oct.  28,  1842. 

35  The  subscribing  commissioners  were  Manuel  F.  Pavon,  for  Guatemala; 
Pedro  Nolasco  Arriaga,  for  Honduras;  and  Joaquin  Duran,  for  the  other  two 
states.  Inasmuch  as  Arriaga  and  Duran  were  Aycinena’s  and  Pavon’s  hum- 
ble satellites,  the  treaties  might  just  as  well  have  been  signed  Pavon,  Pavon, 
Pavon.  Montufar,  Resefia  Hist.,  iv.  129-33;  Guat.,  Recop.  Leg.,  i.  395—408 


£24 


REPUBLIC  OF  COSTA  RICA. 


the  new  government  to  subscribe  to  these  treaties,  but 
it  failed.36 

On  the  23d  of  September  the  civil  and  other  authori- 
ties at  San  Jose  passed  acts  setting  aside  the  su- 
preme powers  that  had  ruled  the  state  since  its  occupa- 
tion by  Morazan,  and  proclaiming  J.  M.  Alfaro  as  jefe 
provisorio,  with  Antonio  Pinto  as  comandante  gen- 
eral.3 These  acts  were  subsequently  confirmed  by  the 
people  of  the  state.3S  Among  Alfaro’s  first  measures 
were  to  forbid  the  return  of  political  exiles,  including 
Carrillo;  to  check  attempts  at  rebellion;  to  invite 
Morazan’ s soldiers  to  return  to  their  homes;39  to  re- 
store confiscated  property;  to  establish  an  official 
journal;  and  to  raise  a forced  loan.40  Disregarding 
the  remonstrances  of  Guatemala,  the  government,  of 
which  Jose  Marfa  Castro  was  now  minister-general, 
by  its  decree  of  the  5th  of  April,  1843,  called  upon  the 
people  to  send  deputies  to  a constituent  assembly. 
This  body  was  installed  on  the  1st  of  June,  and  soon 
after  adopted  the  groundwork  upon  which  was  to  be 
erected  the  fundamental  law  of  the  state.41  The  as- 

36  It  is  asserted  that  the  Guatemalan  government  said  that  Costa  Rica 
should  appoint  as  her  commissioner  a resident  of  Guatemala.  But  Jose  M. 
Castro,  the  young  Costa  Rican  minister,  thought  differently. 

37  They  had  led  the  revolt  on  the  11th  and  the  following  days.  Molina, 
Bosq.  Costa  11.,  105. 

38  So  says  Marure,  now  a confirmed  ‘ conservador,  ’ adding,  ‘y  celehrados 
con  entusiasmo  en  toda  la  republica.  ’ Efem.,  56. 

39  The  expeditionary  force  of  300  to  500  under  Saget,  on  hearing  of  the 
trouble  at  San  Jose,  went  on  hoard  their  ships  at  Puntarenas,  thence 
menacing  the  government.  Subsequently  arrangements  were  made  for  the 
surrender  of  the  arms  and  disbandment  of  the  men,  but  owing  to  misunder- 
standing were  not  carried  out,  and  the  expedition  departed  for  La  Libertad  in 
Salv.  on  the  Coquirnbo.  Costa  R.  afterward  claimed  the  armament  and  ship, 
but  Salv.  invariably  refused  to  return  them,  on  the  plea  that  they  belonged 
to  Morazan ’s  family,  ‘ como  ganadas  en  ley  de  guerra  por  aquel  caudillo.’ 
Much  indignation  was  felt  in  Guatemala  and  Honduras,  and  somewhat  less  in 
Nicaragua,  against  Salvador,  because  the  latter,  notwithstanding  the  treaties 
<>t‘  1840  and  1842,  and  the  protest  to  the  contrary,  had  allowed  Saget,  Cabanas, 
Barrios,  and  their  companions,  to  reside  in  the  state  under  the  protection  of 
i s laws.  The  first  two  named  governments  saw  that  for  all  they  had  ina- 
i ivuvred  to  make  of  the  executive  of  Salvador  a mere  submissive  agent  of  the 
aristocracy,  he  had  now  emancipated  himself  from  its  control.  Montufar, 
Besena  Hist.,  iv.  4-5,  115-33;  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  B. , 105-6. 

40  Costa  It.,  Col.  Ley.,  vii.  404-16. 

11  Art.  3 stated  that  the  idea  was  not  yet  entertained,  which  later  was 
formed,  of  declaring  the  state  to  be  a sovereign  and  independent  republic. 
Art.  5 resolved  the  question  of  boundaries  with  Colombia  and  Nicaragua  upon 


CONSTITUENT  ASSEMBLY. 


225 


sembly  likewise  enacted  a law  declaratory  of  the  rights 
of  man;  and  another  on  freedom  of  the  press  under 
certain  limitations.  Among  the  other  acts  worthy 
of  mention  passed  by  this  body  were  the  following: 
The  jefe,  Alfaro,  was  to  hold  his  office  till  the  promul- 
gation of  the  constitution  and  the  election  of  his  suc- 
cessor under  it.  All  his  acts  were  approved,  and  a 
vote  of  thanks  was  awarded  him.  A similar  vote 
was  criven  to  General  Pinto.  Francisco  M.  Orea- 

O 

muno  was  chosen  segundo  jefe,  and  a short  time 
afterward  he  was  called  to  fill  the  executive  chair, 
upon  leave  of  absence  being  given  to  Alfaro.42  The 
assembly  adjourned  on  the  22d  of  September,  to  meet 
a«rain  on  the  13th  of  November.  The  constitutional 

O 

bases,  nicknamed  by  the  conservatives  “de  los  tri- 
bunos,”  did  not  meet  the  approval  of  the  government. 
The  assembly  then  adopted  a constitution,  which 
made  provision  for  two  chambers,  the  executive  au- 
thority being  exercised  by  a jefe,  as  formerly,  and  all 
the  functionaries  constituting  the  supreme  powers 
being  chosen  by  the  wdiole  people.  The  promulga- 
tion of  the  new  fundamental  law  was  made  on  the 
11th  of  April,  1844, 43  and  all  officers  were  required 
to  take  an  oath  to  support  it.  Pinto,  the  comandantc 
general,  refused  to  do  so  without  first  consulting 
Alfaro  and  others.  He  tried  to  make  an  armed 
opposition,  but  did  not  succeed,  and  was  dismissed, 
Colonel  Josfi  Maria  Quiroz  superseding  him.44 

The  publication  of  the  new  fundamental  law  was 

the  principles  sustained  by  Costa  Rica.  Arts.  4 and  10  established  a fourth 
power  under  the  name  of  Conservador,  composed  of  no  less  than  three  coun- 
c.llors  chosen  by  the  people.  Art.  9 places  the  legislative  authority  in  an 
assembly  of  not  less  than  15  members.  It  does  not  establish  two  chambers. 
Art.  11  says  that  the  executive  office  is  to  be  exercised  by  a tribune,  out  of 
four  to  be  chosen  by  the  electors.  Art.  13  was  condemned  by  the  fanatics, 
though  it  merely  allows  religious  toleration.  The  Gaceta  de  Guat.  exclaimed, 
‘ Ya  volvemos  a las  andadas.’  Montvfar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  iv.  383,  391-3,  417-18; 
Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  106. 

42  All  these  acts,  dated  respectively  June  7-8,  Sept.  13,  19,  1843,  appear  in 
Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  viii.  45-50,  63-7. 

13 By  the  second  jefe,  Oreamuno,  then  in  charge  of  the  executive. 

44  The  govt  was  supported  by  the  people  and  troops.  Quiroz  was  promoted 
to  gen.  of  brigade.  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  10G;  El  Mentor  Costaricense  gave 
an  extensive  account  of  the  affair. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  15 


226 


REPUBLIC  OF  COSTA  RICA. 


celebrated  with  feasts  for  three  days.  But  the  fact  of 
Pinto’s  dismissal  from  the  command  of  the  forces 
caused  serious  divisions  in  families,45  which  has  been  felt 
ever  since  in  the  political  events  of  the  country.  The 
two  chambers  decreed  by  the  constituent  assembly 
complicated  the  political  machinery,  and  the  enemies 
of  the  new  constitution  exaggerated  its  defects.  The 
necessity  of  a senate  in  Costa  Rica  was  not  clear,  for 
the  composition  of  the  house  of  deputies  was  such 
that  it  required  impulsion  rather  than  checks.  There- 
fore, what  would  be  the  mission  of  the  senate?46 

Alfaro  reassumed  the  duties  of  the  executive  office 
on  the  28th  of  June,  on  which  date  Castro  resigned 
his  position  of  secretary -general, 47  to  take  a seat  in  the 
chamber  of  deputies,  which  was  installed  on  the  2d 
of  July.  The  first  duty  of  this  body  was  to  count  the 
votes  for  senators;  but  the  returns  were  coming 
in  very  slowly,  so  that  the  senate  did  not  assemble 
till  the  12th  of  November.48  Both  houses  then  on 
the  15th  declared  Francisco  Maria  Oreamuno  duly 
elected  jefe  of  the  state.  He  took  possession  of  the 
office  with  reluctance.43  The  spirit  of  localism  which 
caused  so  much  trouble  in  1835  was  still  rampant,  and 
Oreamuno  found  himself  confronted  by  it.  What- 
ever measure  was  proposed  in  favor  of  any  one  local- 
ity was  certain  to  displease  the  others.  Rather  than 
contend  with  such  difficulties,  he  tendered,  on  the 
26th  of  November,  his  resignation,  which  was  not 
accepted;  but  he  was  resolved  to  retire,  and  one  day, 
being  more  than  usually  disgusted,  he  abandoned  his 

45  Pinto  was  an  tincle-in-law  of  Castro,  secretary -general,  who  under  the 
circumstances  surrounding  the  govt  could  not  restore  him  to  his  office. 

46 To  give  an  idea  of  the  situation:  Cartago’s  deputies  were  three  clergy- 
men, Peralta,  Campo,  and  Carazo.  Heredia  also  sent  the  priest  Flores.  If 
the  senators  must  he  still  more  grave  and  circumspect,  where  could  they  be 
procured?  Montufar,  Resefia  Hist.,  v.  173. 

47  His  successor  was  Juan  Mora. 

48  Costa  /?.,  Col.  L.,  viii.  352-3,  384-5. 

49  He  was  a native  of  Cartago;  a man  of  elegant  manners,  cultured  without 
affectation,  well  informed  on  general  subjects,  and  a highly  respected  citizen. 
Though  not  a member  of  the  bar,  he  knew  enough  of  law  to  successfully  oppose 
the  lawyers  who  constantly  took  advantage  of  the  confusion  existing  in  the 
old  Spanish  laws. 


MOYA,  GALLEGOS,  AND  ALFARO. 


227 


post  and  went  off  to  his  home  in  Cartago.50  His  suc- 
cessor was  Rafael  Moya,  then  president  of  the  sen- 
ate,51 who  exerted  himself  to  do  away  with  localism,  and 
to  promote  harmony  between  the  several  sections ; but 
his  senatorial  term  expiring  on  the  30th  of  April, 

1845,  he  could  no  longer  continue  holding  the  execu- 
tive authority,  and  the  chamber  of  deputies  called  to 
assume  its  duties  Senator  Jose  Rafael  Gallegos,02  who 
was  made  chief  of  the  state  at  the  expiration  of  Juan 
Moran’s  second  term.  He  took  the  chair  on  the  1st 
of  May.  An  ominous  cloud  could  already  be  de- 
cried away  in  the  horizon.  The  new  constitution 
had  thus  early  become  an  object  of  abuse,  even  by 
the  men  who  had  enthusiastically  proclaimed  it,  and 
acrimoniously  censured  Pinto  for  refusing  it  recogni- 
tion.53 

During  the  elections  a bloodless  revolt  of  four  reg'i- 
ments  simultaneously  occurred,  on  the  7th  of  June, 

1846,  at  San  Jose,  Cartago,  Heredia,  and  Alajuela, 
to  overthrow  the  organic  law.  The  movement  was 
seconded  at  once  by  the  people,54  and  Jose  Maria 
Alfaro  was  summoned  to  assume  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment, Gallegos  returning  to  the  presidency  of  the  sen- 

50  The  chamber  of  deputies  censured  him,  hut  his  purpose  of  getting  rid 
of  the  executive  office  was  accomplished.  Costa  II.,  Col.  Ley.,  viii.  392-3;  ix. 
23-4. 

51  A wealthy  man  and  head  of  a large  family  which  gave  him  much  social 
importance.  During  his  short  administration  he  improved  the  public  roads. 
Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  107.  He  also  gave  impulse  to  education,  though 
under  the  old  ecclesiastical  system.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v.  175. 

52  Correspond,  on  the  subject  in  Id.,  184^6. 

53  Fault  was  found  with  the  clause  requiring  the  election  by  the  people  of 
all  public  functionaries,  including  the  ministers  of  state  and  judges.  It  was 
said  the  people  should  not  he  molested  with  so  many  elections. 

bi  The  manifesto  issued  by  the  leaders  comprised  the  abolition  of  the  con- 
stitution, and  the  framing  of  another  better  suited  to  the  needs  of  the  coun- 
try, the  immediate  election  of  a new  vice-jefe,  who  must  be  a native  of  Costa 
Rica,  not  under  25  years  of  age,  married,  or  a widower  with  children,  and 
possess  property  to  the  value  of  no  less  than  $10,000;  one  who  had  never 
been  criminally  punished,  except  by  a pecuniary  fine,  nor  attached  for  debts 
contracted  in  the  state;  he  must  have  served  in  other  public  offices  without 
taint,  and  must  be  in  favor  of  independence  and  a separate  government  for 
the  state.  A new  legislative  chamber  was  to  be  immediately  convoked,  and 
the  manner  of  election  fixed  by  the  chief;  meantime,  the  present  assembly 
was  to  continue  its  sittings.  The  chief  was  to  select  a good  port  on  the 
north  coast,  and  make  a road  from  it  to  the  capital  with  funds  of  the  treas- 
ury. Costa  R.,  Pap.  Sueltos,  nos.  1,  2;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  252-3. 


REPUBLIC  OF  COSTA  RICA. 


2*28 


ate.  Every  one  recognized  Gallegos  as  an  upright 
man,  against  whom  no  complaint  was  made.55  Alfaro 
accepted  the  role,  went  into  office  on  the  9th,  and  im- 
mediately proceeded  to  carry  out  the  purposes  of  the 
revolution.  Elections  took  place  under  the  existing 
constitution,  Alfaro  being  chosen  jefe,  and  Jose  M. 
Castro  vice-jefe  and  secretary -general.  The  latter 
being  the  intellectual  superior  of  Alfaro,  every  branch 
of  the  administration  finally  fell  under  his  control. 

The  constituent  assembly  met  on  the  15th  of  Sep- 
tember, and  completed,  on  the  21st  of  January,  1847, 
the  new  constitution,  which  was  promulgated  at  once, 
to  have  effect  from  and  after  the  7th  of  March.56 
Experience  having  shown  that  several  clauses  of  this 
instrument  were  practically  inexpedient,  and  that 
others  were  not  clearly  worded,  under  article  187  of 
the  same  congress  subsequently  adopted  a number  of 
amendments,  which  had  been  asked  for  by  a majority 
of  the  municipalities.57  The  elections  for  supreme 
authorities,  decreed  on  the  17th  of  February,  took 
place;  the  constitutional  congress  assembled  on  the 
1st  of  May,  and  after  counting  the  votes  for  president 
and  vice-president  on  the  5th,  declared  Castro  duly 
elected  for  the  first  position  and  Alfaro  for  the  second. 
They  were  inducted  into  office  on  the  8th.5s 

Castro’s  administration  had  to  overcome  serious 
obstacles  which  might  bring  on  political  convulsions 

55  His  removal  from  the  executive  seat  resulted  from  the  intrigues  of  a 
few  who  knew  that  he  could  not  be  made  a convenient  tool. 

66  It  was  divided  into  14  sections,  placed  the  executive  in  a president,  and 
created  a vice-president.  The  legislative  authority  was  vested  in  a congress 
of  a single  chamber,  presided  over  by  the  vice-president.  The  Roman  cath- 
olic religion  was  the  only  one  permitted,  and  it  remained  as  that  of  the  state 
and  under  its  protection.  Costa  R.,  Conslit. , 1847,  1-24;  Id.,  Constit.  Polit., 
1847,  1-118;  Id.,  Col.  Ley.,  x.  1-56;  Atstaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  46-9. 

51  Nov.  22,  1848,  and  promulgated  by  the  executive  on  the  30th.  A law 
regulating  the  election  of  the  supreme  authorities  was  passed  Dec.  20th. 

< osta  R.,  Constit.  Polit.  (ed.  of  1850,  8°),  1-38;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  x.  347- 
408,  422-52;  El  Universal,  June  8,  1849. 

58 El  Arco  Iris,  Oct.  14,  1847.  Alfaro  was  not  pleased  at  being  lowered  to 
the  second  place,  even  though  he  had  ex-officio  the  presidency  of  congress. 
He  resigned  on  the  1st  of  Oct.  of  the  same  year,  and  Juan  Rafael  Mora  be- 
came his  successor.  Costa  R.,  In/orme  Relaciones,  ap. ; Id.,  Col.  Ley.,  x.  86-7, 
160-1,  187-S. 


INDEPENDENCE  DECLARED. 


229 


in  the  near  future.’3  Indeed,  several  disturbances 
broke  out  at  Alajuela,  headed  by  Alfaro  and  his 
friends,  which  were,  however,  easily  quelled  by  Pres- 
ident C astro,  and  once  by  Vice-president  Mora,  when 
the  president  was  absent.60  The  last  of  these  troubles 
caused  some  bloodshed.61  Albeit  the  revolts  were  put 


Arms  ok  Costa  Rica. 


Castro  had  enemies  in  San  Jose.  He  was  accused  of  bringing  about  Ga- 
llego's  dismissal.  This  assertion  was  repeated  from  mouth  to  mouth,  and 
ca.me  to  be  believed  by  many.  Moreover,  some  men  that  he  looked  on  as  his 
friends  suggested  to  him  unwise  measures,  with  the  view  of  damaging  his  ad- 
ministration. Unfortunately,  congress  began  to  show  aristocratic  tendencies, 
restoring  the  abolished  compellations  without  opposition  on  Castro’s  part! 
The  title  of  Excellency  was  voted  to  itself,  the  president,  and  the  supreme 
court.  1 

<,u  Castro  and  Mora  differed  on  many  points.  The  president’s  circle  consid- 
ered Mora  a dangerous  competitor.  Congress  treated  Mora  with  marked  in- 
difference, though  he  had  restored  peace  in  Alajuela  with  only  200  men.  He 
resigned  the  vice-presidency.  An  election  being  ordered,  at  the  second 
attempt  Manuel  Jose  Carazo,  a friend  of  Castro,  was  chosen.  Carazo  was  an 
able  and  well-informed  man.  He  resigned  the  office  on  the  24th  of  Au« 
but  was  reelected  Sept.  22d.  Id.,  190,  306-7,  310-12,  327-9. 

til  Costa  R .,  Inf.  Rclacioncs , 10-12,  23—5.  In  Nov.  of  the  same  year  all 


230 


REPUBLIC  OF  COSTA  RICA. 


down,  the  state  continued  much  agitated.  Inflam- 
matory writings  against  the  president  were  secretly 
circulated,  which  the  government  gave  importance  to, 
and  the  official  press  tried  to  counteract  their  influ- 
ence. Castro  concluded  to  resign  his  office,  but  con- 
gress by  a unanimous  vote  refused  to  accept  the 
resignation.62  Costa  Rica  having  by  the  act  of  her 
congress,  on  the  30th  of  August,  1848,  declared  her- 
self a sovereign  and  independent  nation,  under  the 
title  of  Republica  de  Costa  Rica,  that  body,  on  the 
29th  of  the  following  September,  adopted  a flag,  coat 
of  arms,  and  seal.63 

Costa  Rica  was  the  first  state  of  Central  America 
to  be  recognized  as  an  independent  nation  by  Spain, 
which  was  done  in  the  treaty  of  May  10,  1850,  which 
was  ratified  by  Costa  Rica  March  6,  1851.  The  re- 
public made  a concordat  with  the  Roman  pontiff,  for 
the  understanding  of  ecclesiastical  affairs,  on  the  7th 
of  October,  1852.  She  has  endeavored  to  maintain 
cordial  relations  with  the  powers  of  Europe  and 
America.  To  that  end  she  concluded  treaties  with 
the  United  States  of  America,  the  Hanseatic  Towns, 
France,64  Great  Britian,  Belgium,  Holland,  Italy, 
Germany,  and  several  of  the  Spanish- American  re- 
publics. With  Guatemala  a treaty  was  entered  into 
in  February  1850,  and  the  government  awaited  the 
result  of  the  efforts  of  the  other  three  states  to  con- 
stitute themselves  under  one  nationality;  and  when 
they  failed,  and  the  states  assumed  the  role  of  inde- 


political offenders  were  pardoned,  and  a war  tax  which  had  been  levied  on 
Alajuola  was  ordered  refunded.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  x.  269-90,  374-6,410;  Id., 
Pap.  Sueltos,  nos.  3-5;  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  107-8. 

82  Congress  took  into  consideration  a number  of  petitions  from  influential 
sources  highly  commendatory  of  Castro’s  acts.  Castro  on  the  16th  of  Nov. 
had  been  made  a general  of  division.  Montufar,  Reseha  Hist.,  v.  525-6,  530- 
8,  543-51. 

63  The  flag  had  five  horizontal  stripes,  of  which  the  centre  one  occupied  one 
third  the  width  of  the  flag,  and  the  others  one  sixth  each.  The  centre  stripe 
was  red,  the  one  above  and  the  one  underneath  it  were  white,  and  the  other 
two  blue.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  x.  354-6. 

04  France  sent  in  April  1847  the  corvette  Le  Ginie.  to  make  demands  on 
behalf  of  her  subject  Thierriat,  which  Costa  Rica  settled  by  paying  $10,000. 


THE  BOUNDARY  QUESTION. 


231 


pendent  republics,  it  made  similar  diplomatic  arrange- 
ments with  them  as  foreign  nations.63 

The  boundaries  of  Costa  Rica  with  Nicaragua  on 
one  side,  and  with  Panama,  one  of  the  states  of  Co- 
lombia, on  the  other,  have  been  a source  of  constant 
anxiety,  repeatedly  occupying  the  minds  of  the  diplo- 
mates  of  the  three  countries.  Fortunately,  the  points 
in  dispute  have  been  peaceably  discussed  by  the  gov- 
ernments, though  the  press  and  politicians  have  not 
always  touched  upon  them  with  the  same  spirit.  The 
district  of  Nicoya  or  Guanacaste,  at  one  time  under 
the  government  of  Nicaragua,  became  annexed  to 
Costa  Rica  in  1824.  This  annexation  was  accepted 
by  the  Costa  Rican  assembly,  and  the  federal  congress 
allowed  it,  in  a decree  of  December  9,  1825,  as  a pro- 
visional arrangement,  to  be  in  force  till  an  opportunity 
was  had  to  run  the  boundary  between  the  two  states. 
This  congress  took  no  further  action  in  the  premises; 
and  since  the  dissolution  of  the  Central  American 
union,  the  district  remained  attached  to  Costa  Rica. 
Nicaragua  never  assented  to  the  segregation,  though 
she  made  no  attempt  to  recover  the  territory  by  force 
of  arms.  She  has,  however,  endeavored  to  sustain 
her  right  to  it  in  repeated  diplomatic  negotiations.68 
The  time  came  when  Nicaragua,  being  invaded  by 
William  Walker’s  filibusters,  and  the  independence  of 
all  Central  America  threatened,  the  citizens  of  the 

65  Full  particulars  on  the  foreign  relations  are  given  in  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa 
R.,  9-10,  61-2,  112-19;  Id.,  Coup  d’osil  Costa  R.,  3;  Costa  R. , Col.  Ley.,  x. 
339-47;  xii.  5-18,  94,  202-7;  xv.  225;  xvi.  195-6;  xviii.  95-6,  171-88;  xix. 
107-9;  xx.  24-8;  xxiii.  184-200;  xxiv.  171-97;  Id.,  de  1869,  216-22;  Id.,  de 
1879,  61-3;  Id.,  Oac.  de  Cob.,  Jan.  12,  26,  Feh.  23,  March  9,  1850;  Id.,  Bol. 
Ojie.,  Dec.  8,  22,  26-7,  29,  1853;  Jan.  5,  Apr.  20,  1854;  Id. , Informes  y Mem., 
Relaciones,  1850-80;  Salv.,  Diario,  Nov.  5,  1875;  Cong.  Globe,  1860-1;  Smith- 
sonian Rept,  1S63,  54;  Colombia,  Diario  Ojie.,  Feb.  14,  1874;  U.  S.  Govt  Doc., 
36th  cong.  2d  sess.,  sen.  i.,  19  vol.  i.;  Id.,  39th  cong.  2d  sess.,  For.  Aff.  (Mess, 
and  Doc.,  Dept  of  St.,  pt  ii. ),  430-45;  Id.,  40th  cong.  2d  sess.,  For.  Aff.  (Mess, 
and  Doc.,  Dept  of  St.,  pt  ii.),  277—80;  Id.,  42d  cong.  2d  sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  1 
For.  Rel.,  p.  7 (249-52);  Id.,  42d  cong.  3d  sess.,  For.  Rel.,  p.  xxxv.  (158-61); 
Pan.  Gac.,  Apr.  16,  1876,  and  numerous  other  works  in  various  languages. 

li(iNic.  argued  that  the  constitution  of  Costa  R.  of  1S25  declared  her 
boundary  to  be  at  El  Salto,  not  at  La  Flor;  to  which  Costa  R.  replied  that  the 
instrument  alluded  to  was  anterior  to  the  federal  decree,  and  therefore  could 
not  embrace  Nicoya  in  Costa  Rican  territory;  but  after  this  decree  the  funda- 
mental laws  of  Costa  R.  did  take  it  in. 


232 


REPUBLIC  OF  COSTA  RICA. 


five  republics  at  once  saw  the  necessity  of  having  the 
question  amicably  settled. 67  The  other  republics,  more 
particularly  Salvador,  brought  their  influence  to  bear, 
and  a treaty  was  concluded,  duly  ratified,  exchanged, 
and  published  as  the  law  to  govern  the  boundary  be- 
tween Nicaragua  and  Costa  Rica.6S  Under  its  second 
article,  both  contracting  parties  ceded  a portion  of 
their  claims,  Costa  Rican  territory  not  reaching  the 
lake,  nor  the  Flor  River,  but  merely  the  centre  of 
Salinas  Bay.  On  the  other  hand,  Nicaragua  no  longer 
claimed  territory  to  the  Salto  or  Alvarado  River,  but 
limited  it  to  the  aforesaid  bay,  and  to  the  line  pre- 
scribed in  the  treaty.69  The  acts  of  several  congresses 

67  Nic.  had  demanded  the  restoration  in  1S43,  which  led  to  the  making  of 
a voluminous  protocol,  without  any  definitive  result.  Montu/ar,  Resend  Hist., 
ii.  229-31;  iv.  3S2-3;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  viii.  3-4. 

68  The  treaty  was  made  at  San  Jose,  Costa  R.,  on  the  15th  of  Apr.,  185S, 
and  signed  by  Jose  M.  Cauas  and  Maximo  Jerez,  plenipotentiaries  respect- 
ively of  Costa  R.  and  Nic.,  and  by  Pedro  Rdmulo  Negrete,  mediator  on  the 
part  of  Salv.  The  signatures  of  the  secretaries  of  the  three  legations  also 
appear  to  the  instrument.  The  ratifications  were  made  in  due  form,  and  ex- 
changed by  the  two  govts  on  the  2Gth  of  April,  the  same  year.  The  treaty 
was  approved  by  the  Nicaraguan  constituent  congress  May  28  th,  and  published 
by  President  Tomas  Martinez  and  his  secretary  of  state,  June  4th.  Under 
its  2d  article  the  dividing  line  was  to  be  as  follows:  Starting  from  the  Atlantic 
Ocean,  the  line  to  begin  at  the  extreme  end  of  Punta  de  Castilla,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  River  San  Juan,  and  continue  on  the  right  bank  of  that  stream  to  a 
point  in  waters  below  the  Castillo  Viejo,  at  three  English  miles  from  the  outer 
fortifications.  Thence  a curve  was  to  commence,  whose  centre  should  be 
those  works,  and  distant  therefrom  in  all  its  course  three  English  miles,  and 
terminating  at  a point  distant  two  miles  from  the  bank  of  the  river  in  waters 
above  the  fort.  Thence  the  line  should  continue  in  the  direction  of  Sapoa 
River,  which  empties  into  Lake  Nicaragua,  following  a course  invariably  tw-o 
miles  distant  from  the  right  margin  of  the  San  Juan  River,  with  its  curves 
to  its  source  in  the  lake,  and  from  the  right  margin  of  the  same  lake  to  the 
said  Sapo£  River,  where  this  line,  parallel  to  said  margins,  ends.  From  the 
point  wdicre  it  may  coincide  with  the  Sapoa  River,  which  must  of  course  be 
two  miles  from  the  lake,  an  astronomical  line  should  be  drawn  to  the  central 
point  of  the  bay  of  Salinas  on  the  Pacific  Ocean,  where  the  delimitation  of 
the  two  contracting  powers  wall  terminate.  The  6th  art.  gives  Nic.  the  ex- 
clusive control  over  the  waters  of  the  San  Juan  River  from  its  source  in  Lake 
Nicaragua  to  the  point  where  it  empties  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean;  Costa  R, 
retaining  the  right  of  navigation  in  said  waters  for  trading  purposes  from  the 
mouth  of  the  river  to  a distance  of  three  English  miles  from  the  Castillo  Viejo. 
Rocha,  C6cl.  Nic.,  i.  137-41;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xv.  75-6,  1S2-8;  Id..  Infortne 
(•'ol>.,  1858,  12-13;  Id.,  Inf.  Rel.,  1860,  6;  Salv.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  June  7,  1877, 
513-14;  El  Nacional,  June  26,  1858,  10;  Peralta,  Rio  S.  Juan,  24-5;  Belly,  Le 
Nic.,  i.  359-62. 

6a  The  treaty,  after  being  completed  and  published  in  the  official  journal  of 
Nic.,  w'as  communicated  by  both  govts  to  the  foreign  diplomatic  corps  ac 
credited  near  them,  as  well  as  to  their  own  representatives  abroad.  All 
friendly  nations  came  to  look  on  it  as  an  accomplished  fact 


DIVERS  TREATIES. 


233 


of  Nicaragua  in  after  years  indicated  that  the  treaty 
was  recognized  beyond  cavil  or  dispute.  Not  a word 
was  officially  uttered  by  Nicaragua  in  seven  years 
against  its  validity.  After  such  a period  had  elapsed, 
Tonuls  Ayon,  her  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  in  a re- 
port to  the  national  congress,  disputed  its  validity, 
and  the  boundary  question  was  reopened,'0  giving  rise 
to  grave  diplomatic  discussions,  and  no  little  ill  feeling 
between  the  citizens  of  both  countries  from  1868  to 
1883.71  At  last,  early  in  1883,  a treaty  was  signed  in 
Granada  by  plenipotentiaries  of  both  countries  to 
bring  the  dispute  to  an  end.'2  President  Cardenas, 
in  laying  the  treaty  before  the  Nicaraguan  congress 
early  in  1885,  urged  its  favorable  consideration;  but 
no  action  was  taken. 

Under  the  Gual-Molina  treaty,  concluded  at  Bogota, 
March  15,  1825,  the  Provincias  Unidas  del  Centro 
de  America  and  the  Republic  of  Colombia  agreed  to 

70  Ayon  did  not  pretend  to  deny  that  the  treaty  had  been  concluded  by  his 
govt,  and  duly  ratified  by  the  legislative  authority  of  the  two  republics.  He 
alleged  that  the  fundamental  law  of  Nic.  established  the  limits  of  the  state, 
embracing  within  them  the  territory  of  Guanacaste;  and  that  the  treaty  in 
question  ignored  the  Nicaraguan  constitution,  which  prescribed  that  an  amend- 
ment of  it  by  one  legislature  must  be  submitted  to  the  next  for  ratification; 
and  this  not  having  been  done,  there  was  a radical  nullity.  Costa  R.  replied 
that  the  legislative  ratification  in  Nic.  had  been,  not  by  an  ordinary  legisla- 
ture, but  by  a constituent  assembly  fully  empowered  to  amend  the  constitu- 
tion or  frame  a new  oue.  It  had  been  called  to  make  a new  fundamental  law, 
and  therefore  had  a right  to  establish  new  boundaries.  Moreover,  that  even 
if  that  assembly  had  not  possessed  constituent  authority,  but  had  been  a 
merely  ordinary  congress,  the  fact  still  remained  that  a number  of  Nicaraguan 
legislatures  had  held  the  treaty  to  be  valid  and  unobjectionable.  Some  at- 
tempts have  been  made  in  administration  circles  of  Costa  R-,  much  against 
public  opinion,  to  annul  the  treaty,  in  order  to  have  for  a boundary  line  the 
whole  right  bank  of  the  San  Juan,  from  Greytown  or  San  Juan  del  Norte  to 
San  Carlos,  and  Lake  Nicaragua  to  La  Flor.  Were  this  supported,  and  the 
treaty  set  aside,  the  questions  between  Costa  R.  and  Nic.  would  assume  a 
serious  aspect.  Monin  far,  Reseila  Hist.,  ii.  231-4;  Ayon,  Question  de  Limites, 
1-2C;  Id.,  Consid.  sobre  Limites,  1-26. 

71  Details  may  be  found  in  Nic.,  Mem.  Relaam.es,  1871,  10-16,  29-39;  Id., 
Gaceta,  Oct.  3,  1868,  May  4,  11,  1872,  June  7,  1873;  Id.,  Seman.  Nic.,  June 
6,  1872;  Id.,  Correspond.,  1872,  1-24;  Id.,  Continuation  de  la  Correspond., 
1872,  1-16;  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  43d  cong.  1st  sess.,  pt  2,  732,  735, 
739,  743;  44th  cong.  1st  sess.,  pt  1,  157,  168;  Costa  R.,  Informe  Rel.,  1873, 
1-6;  Id.,  Pap.  Sueltos,  Doc.  no.  15;  Sa.lv.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  May  22,  1876;  Peralta, 
Rio  S.  Juan. 

72  Antonio  Zambrana  for  Costa  R.,  and  Francisco  Alvarez  for  Nic.  Pan. 
Star  and  Herald,  March  5,  1883;  Costa  It. , Gaceta,  Feb.  3,  1885;  U.  S.  Govt 
Doc.,  48th  cong.  1st  sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  pt  1,  59-61. 


234 


REPUBLIC  OF  COSTA  RICA 


respect  the  boundaries  then  existing  between  them, 
and  to  enter  at  an  early  convenient  opportunity  into  a 
special  convention  directed  to  fix  the  dividing  line.73 
The  antecedents  of  the  subject  will  be  found  in  a note 
at  foot.74  All  subsequent  royal  provisions,  down  to 
1803,  tend  to  confirm  the  limits  of  Costa  Rica  that 
were  fixed  for  Clierino  on  the  Atlantic  side.  But  on 
the  20tli  of  November,  1803,  a royal  order  placed  the 
island  of  San  Andres,  and  the  coast  of  Mosquito  from 
Caps  Gracias  & Dios  to  the  River  Chagres,  under  the 


Costa  Rica. 

73  An  extract  of  that  treaty  is  given  in  Montvfar,  Rescua  Hist.,  i.  289-90. 

74  The  royal  commission  of  Diego  de  Artieda  Cherino,  governor,  captain- 
general  of  Costa  R.,  issued  in  1573,  fixed  the  boundaries  of  the  province  from 
the  ‘ embocadura  del  Desaguadero  6 rio  San  Juan  de  Nicaragua  hasta  la 
frontera  de  Veraguas  en  el  Mar  Atlantico,  y desde  los  linderos  de  Nicoya 
hasta  los  valles  de  Chiriqui  en  el  Paclfico.’  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  14;  Id., 
Cos1  a R.  y Nueva  Granada,  9-10,  16-35.  Felipe  Molina  being  in  the  service 
of  Costa  R.,  and  intrusted  with  the  defence  of  her  interests,  his  assertions 
might  be  by  some  deemed  biassed;  but  the  testimony  of  Juarros,  the  historian 
of  Guatemala,  who  wrote  with  the  official  docs  before  him,  is  not  open  to  the 
same  objection.  He  says,  speaking  of  Costa  R.,  ‘ sus  terminos  por  el  mar  del 
norte,  son  desde  la  boca  del  rio  San  Juan  hasta  cl  Escudo  de  Veraguas;  y por 
el  sur,  desde  el  no  de  Alvarado,  raya  divisoria  de  la  provincia  de  Nicaragua, 
hasta  el  rio  de  Boruca,  termino  del  reino  de  Tierra  Firme.  ’ Montufar , Resefta 
Hist.,  ii.  230. 


DISPUTED  TERRITORY. 


235 


supervision  of  the  viceroy  at  Bogota.  Nueva  Granada, 
now  Republica  de  Colombia,  has  maintained  that  this 
royal  order  made  a new  territorial  division  between 
the  capitania  general  of  Guatemala  and  the  vireinato 
of  Nueva  Granada;  and  to  the  latter  belongs  all  the 
territory  alluded  to  in  the  royal  order,  and  that  said 
territory  was  recognized  as  hers  by  the  Gual-Molina 
treaty.  On  behalf  of  Costa  Rica,  it  has  been  al 
leged  that  the  Spanish  crown  never  made  a territorial 
division  with  a mere  royal  order.  The  division  of 
provinces,  vice-royalties,  and  eaptain-generalcies  was 
effected  under  a pragmatic  sanction,  a royal  decree, 
or  a royal  cedula.  The  royal  order  aforesaid  made 
no  division  of  territory,  but  merely  placed  San  Andres 
and  the  Mosquito  Coast  under  the  care  of  the  viceroy 
at  Bogota  because  Spain  at  that  time  had  military 
and  naval  resources  at  Cartagena.  Nevertheless  the 
order  had  no  effect;  it  became  a dead  letter,  the 
viceroy  never  having  protected  that  coast.  Sucli  was 
the  impression  of  the  Central  American  negotiator 
of  the  treaty  of  1825. ‘5  With  this  same  understanding 
the  federal  government  of  Central  America  made  a 
contract  in  1836  to  settle  an  Irish  colony  in  the  region 
of  Boca  del  Toro,76  which  was  not  carried  out  because 
the  New  Granadan  authorities  drove  away  the  settlers, 
and  have  ever  since  held  control  of  the  region,  disre- 
garding Costa  Rica’s  claims.77 

Several  diplomatic  efforts  were  fruitlessly  made  to 
fix  the  boundary.78  The  last  one  was  made  at  San 

73  The  territorial  division  recognized  by  him  was  that  made  in  1810,  at 
which  time  no  New  Granadan  authority  had  a footing  in  Cent.  Am.  territory. 
A representation  of  the  ayuntainiento  of  Cartago  to  the  Sp.  cortes  in  1813 
says:  ‘Costa  Rica  tiene  por  limites  de  su  territorio  el  rio  de  Chiriqui  que  la 
separa  de  la  provincia  de  Panama.’  Cdrtes,  Diario,  1813,  xix.  404. 

76  Contract  of  Col  Galindo,  as  agent  of  the  govt.  Molina , Bosq.  Costa  11. , 
100- 1. 

77  Copy  of  correspond,  between  the  gov.  of  Veraguas  and  that  of  Costa  R. 
Montv  far,  Itesefia  Hist.,  ii.  272-3;  Mosq.  Correspond.,  22-5;  Pan.,  Docs.  Ofic., 
in  Pan.  Col.  Docs.,  no.  31,  pp.  62,  66-70;  Id.,  Star  and  Herald,  Oct.  15.  16, 
1S80. 

78  During  the  Walker  war,  a treaty  was  made  at  San  Jose  between  P.  A. 
Herran  for  Colombia,  and  Joaquin  B.  Calvo  for  Costa  Rica,  which  does  not 
follow  the  line  on  Molina’s  map.  Modifications  were  made  to  it  at  Bogota, 
and  ratifications  were  never  exchanged.  Later  on  Jose  M.  Castro  went  to 


236 


REPUBLIC  OF  COSTA  RICA. 


Jose  on  the  25th  of  December,  1880,  in  the  form  of  a 
convention  to  refer  the  settlement  of  the  question  at 
issue  to  the  arbitration  of  a friendly  power,  namely, 
the  king  of  the  Belgians  or  the  king  of  Spain,  and  in 
the  event  that  neither  of  them  could  or  would  under- 
take it,  then  the  president  of  the  Argentine  confed- 
eration.,a  It  is  understood  that  the  matter  was 
finally  submitted  to  the  king  of  Spain,  and  that  the 
resolution  was  long  pending. 

Political  disturbances  continuing  in  1849,  Castro 
resigned  the  presidency  on  the  16tli  of  November,80 
before  congress,  which  had  met  in  extra  session  Octo- 
ber 2d;  his  resignation  was  accepted,81  and  the  same 
day  Juan  Rafael  Mora  was  chosen  vice-president,  and 
on  the  24th  president  of  the  republic,  being  inducted 
into  office  on  the  26th  of  November.82  One  of  his 
first  acts  was  to  grant  an  amnesty  for  political  offences. 


Bogota  and  negotiated  another  treaty,  which  did  not  stipulate  Molina’s  line. 
This  treaty  was  not  ratified  by  either  govt.  The  next  attempt  was  made  by 
B.  Correoso,  on  behalf  of  Colombia.  His  negotiations  were  mostly  verbal, 
disregarding  arguments  for  the  straight  line  between  Punta  de  Burica  and 
the  Escudo  de  Veraguas;  and  alleging  that  on  the  N.,  N.  E.,  W.,  and  N.  W. 
of  that  line  were  Colombian  settlements,  which,  under  the  constitution  of 
his  country  could  not  be  ceded.  A treaty  was  entered  into,  however,  which 
did  not  obtain  the  ratification  of  either  government.  In  Costa  R.  it  was  con- 
sidered a ruinous  one.  Correoso  was  charged  in  Colombia  with  having  made 
a damaging  arrangement.  Pan.,  Gaceta  Istmo,  Oct.  20,  1841;  Id.,  Cr6n.  Ofic., 
Feb.  6,  1853;  Id.,  Boldin  OJic.,  Dec.  25,  1870;  Pan.,  Gaceta,  June  15,  1871, 
June  19,  1872,  Aug.  22,  29,  Oct.  31,  1S74,  May  21,  1876,  July  25,  Aug.  4, 
22,  Sept.  26,  Oct.  13,  Nov.  10,  21,  1S78,  July  11,  Sept.  12,  Oct.  17,  28,  31, 
1889;  Pan.,  Mem.  Sec.  Gob.,  1879,  13-14,  35-42;  Colombia,  Diario  OJic.,  Feb. 
26,  1876;  Coda  R.,  Mem.  Pel.,  1851,  5;  Id.,  Col.  Ley.,  xiv.  54-5,  160-1;  Id., 
Informe  Gohn,,  1880,  2-4;  U.  S.  Govt  Docs.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  41,  p.  64-5,  vi.  35th 
cong.  2d  sess. 

,B  Ratified  by  the  executive,  and  sanctioned  by  the  gran  consejo  nacional, 
of  Costa  R.,  Dec.  27,  30,  1880.  Pan.,  Gaceta,  Jan.  16,  1881. 

89Carazo,  the  vice-president,  had  done  the  same  Oct.  26th.  Costa  R.,  Col. 
Ley.,  xi.  216. 

81  At  the  same  time  he  was  declared  a benemerito,  and  the  founder  of  the 
rep.  of  Costa  R.  Id.,  157-8,  224-5;  El  Costaricense,  Nov.  17,  1849.  The  op- 
position, however,  made  severe  comments  on  his  policy  as  reviewed  by  him- 
self. Anot.  d la  renuncia,  in  Cent.  Am.  Miscel.  Doc.,  no.  20. 

82  Mora  was  a Costa  Rican  of  rare  intellectual  powers,  quite  conversant 
with  her  affairs;  a wealthy  merchant,  who  had  travelled  abroad,  and  by  his 
frankness  and  liberality  won  a well-deserved  popularity.  El  Costaricense,  Nov. 
18,  Dec.  1,  1849;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xi.  225-6,  234-5.  Francisco  M.  Orea- 
muno  was  elected  vice-pres.  Jan.  30,  IS50.  Id.,  241-2;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  Feb. 
2,  1850. 


PRESIDENT  MORA. 


237 


The  bonds  of  discipline  and  subordination  having  be- 
come relaxed,  Mora  had  before  him  a difficult  task  to 
restore  peace  and  order.83  He  dealt  severely  with  the 
authors  of  revolutionary  movements.  Castro  became 
a fugitive,  and  the  others  were  exiled.  For  his  efforts 
to  restore  order,  congress,  on  the  25th  of  June,  1850, 
granted  him  the  title  of  benemerito  de  la  patria. 

The  president’s  policy  was  one  of  repression  by  all 
means;  but  finding  himself  opposed  in  the  chamber, 
he  resigned  the  executive  office,  and  his  resignation 
not  being  accepted,  took  upon  himself  to  dismiss  the 
congress,  calling  on  the  people  to  choose  new  repre- 
sentatives.84 

The  continued  revolutionary  attempts  placed  the 
government  in  a difficult  position,  and  prompted  the 
president  to  adopt  severe  measures;  hence  the  orders 
of  exile  issued  against  prominent  citizens.85 

Mora  and  Oreamuno  were  on  the  3d  of  May,  1853, 
elected  president  and  vice-president  respectively.86 
Peace  was  now  restored,  and  the  government  devoted 
its  attention  to  the  promotion  of  education,  and  of  the 
material  interests  of  the  country.87 

83  Nic. , Cor.  1st,  May  2,  1850.  In  an  address  Mora  depicts  the  situation, 
and  the  attempts  of  Quiroz  and  others  to  disturb  the  peace  in  San  Jose  and 
Heredia,  together  with  his  measures  to  balk  them.  El  presid.  de  la  rep.  d la 
Nation,  June  8,  1850. 

84  The  decree  was  issued  at  the  Hacienda  de  Frankfort  en  las  Pavas,  and 
countersigned  by  Joaquin  Bernardo  Calvo,  minister  of  govt.  He  based  his 
action  on  the  fact  that  congress  having  declined  to  accept  his  resignation,  he 
was  made  responsible  before  God  and  the  people  of  evils  that  might  result 
from  the  existing  order  of  things.  Costa  It.,  Gaceta,  no.  1G5;  El  Siglo,  March 
10,  1852;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xii.  96-7. 

85Jos6  M.  Castro,  Bernardo  Rivera,  and  Nazario  Toledo.  El  Siglo  (S. 
Salv.),  March  4,  1852. 

66  June  6,  1853,  the  president’s  salary  was  raised  to  $5,000  a year.  Costa 
R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xii.  236-7,  247-8;  Id.,  Gaceta,  July  23,  1853;  Hand.,  Gaceta 
Ofic.,  June  20,  1853;  Wagner,  Costa  R. , 171-2,  506-8,  296-7. 

87  Min.  Calvo’s  rept  to  con g.  May  16,  1854.  The  chamber  on  the  5th  of 
June  sanctioned  all  the  acts  of  the  govt,  and  passed  a vote  of  thanks  and 
congratulation  to  the  president,  ‘por  el  acierto  y prudencia  con  que  la  ha  re- 
gido.’  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Rel.,  15. 


CHAPTER  XII. 


REPUBLIC  OF  NICARAGUA. 

1838-1855. 

State  Government — Director  Buitrago’s  Conservatism — British  Ag- 
gression— Director  Sandoval’s  Rule — Internal  Troubles — Guer- 
rero’s Administration — The  Mosquito  Kingdom— Its  Origin  and 
History — Bubbles — British  Pretensions — Seizure  of  San  Juan  del 
Norte — Diplomatic  Complications — Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty — Nic- 
aragua Recovers  her  Own — Relations  with  Foreign  Powers— An 
American  War  Ship  Bombards  San  Juan  del  Norte — Pineda’s 
Government — Establishment  of  the  Republic — Party  Dissensions 
— Legitimists  versus  Democrats — Chamorro  and  Castellon — Civil 
War — Death  of  Chamorro— Estrada  Succeeds  Him. 


Little,  if  anything,  has  been  said  in  this  history  of 
the  internal  affairs  of  Nicaragua  since  1838.  Under 
her  first  constitution,  that  of  1826,  the  chief  executive 
officer  of  the  state  was  called  jefe  del  estado,  and  his 
term  of  office  was  for  four  years.  The  second  organic 
law,  promulgated  in  1838,  gave  that  functionary  the 
title  of  director  supremo,  limiting  his  tenure  of  office 
to  two  years.  Pablo  Buitrago  seems  to  have  been 
the  first  director  called  upon  to  enforce  the  constitu- 
tion of  1838.1  He  was  declared  by  the  chambers,  on 
the  4th  of  March,  1841,  to  have  been  constitutionally 
chosen.  His  first  step  was  to  remove  from  the  office 
of  ministro  general  Francisco  Castellon,  who  held  it 
ad  interim  under  appointment  by  Patricio  Rivas,2 

1 Tlie  following  persons  held  the  office  ad  int.  before  him:  namely,  Patri- 
cio Rivas,  June  1839;  Joaquin  Cosio,  July  1839;  Hilario  Ulloa,  senator  in 
charge,  Oct.  1839;  Tomas  Valladares,  senator,  Nov.  1839;  Patricio  Rivas, 
Sept.  1840.  Marure,  Efem.,  04;  Montufar,  Rcseiia  Hist.,  iv.  136;  Wells' 
JInnd. , 494. 

There  was  much  dissimilarity  of  views  on  political  matters  between  the 

l 238 ) 


BUITRAGO,  OROZCO,  PEREZ. 


239 


callinof  to  succeed  him  Simon  Orozco,  whom  he  could 

O 

more  easily  control. 

Buitrago  treated  a communication  from  Morazan, 
sent  him  from  San  Miguel,  with  contumely;  and  after- 
ward, when  the  ex-president,  as  jefe  of  Costa  Rica, 
accredited  near  him  two  commissioners,  he  declined 
to  receive  them.3  His  course  won  him  commendation 
from  the  rulers  of  Guatemala.4  His  term  of  office 
came  to  an  end  on  the  1st  of  April,  1843,  and  he  was 
temporarily  succeeded  by  Juan  de  Dios  Orozco.  The 
official  press  asserted  that  the  election  for  director  had 
been  made  with  perfect  freedom.  But  no  candidate 
having  received  the  requisite  number  of  votes,  the 
assembly  chose  Manuel  Perez  to  fill  the  position.5 
The  state  was  at  peace,6  but  was  not  to  enjoy  that 
benefit  long.  In  a previous  chapter  I have  spoken  of 
the  desolating  war  waged  within  her  borders  by  the 
tyrants  of  Salvador  and  Honduras.  She  was,  more- 
over, harassed  by  the  intemperate  demands  for  Brit- 
ish claimants  made  by  Chatfield,  the  ally  of  the 
aristocrats  of  Guatemala,  who  went  so  far  as  to  dic- 
tate to  Nicaragua  how  to  recognize  and  pay  these 
claims.'  The  assembly  then  authorized  the  executive 
to  arrange  the  matter  in  the  best  way  possible,  and 

two  men,  though  Castellon  had  contributed  to  Buitrago’s  election.  Many 
bitter  publications  appeared  subsequently  from  the  pens  of  the  two  adver- 
saries. Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Rev.  Hie.,  48,  146. 

3 They  were  not  even  allowed  to  enter  the  state,  because  of  the  treaty  of 
Oct.  1842,  signed  by  Pavon,  Arriaga,  and  Duran. 

4 The  Gaceta  eulogized  him,  and  Pavon  said  that  he  was  ‘ un  hombre  de 
orden  que  solo  aspiraba  a la  justicia  y al  decoro. ’ Buitrago’s  position  was  be- 
coming a difficult  one.  Morazan  ruled  in  Costa  Rica,  had  not  a few  friends 
in  Nicaragua,  and  public  opinion  in  the  latter  state  favored  a convention  of 
states.  On  the  other  hand,  he  was  anxious  not  to  forfeit  the  good  opinion  of 
the  nobles  and  nuns.  Upon  the  news  of  Morazan \s  execution  reaching  Leon, 
he  had  it  published  with  marks  of  satisfaction.  He  also  objected,  though  not 
strenuously,  to  the  landing  of  Saget  and  his  companions,  ycleped  Coquimbos, 
in  Salvador. 

5 One  of  his  first  acts  was  to  make  Francisco  Castellon  his  ministro  general. 

6 The  new  official  journal,  Eco  de  la  Ley,  in  its  first  number  declared  that 
an  Octavian  peace  reigned.  And  indeed,  had  Nicaragua  been  away  from  ob- 
noxious influences,  peace  might  have  been  maintained  under  republican  insti- 
tutions. But  she  was,  unhappily,  surrounded  by  states  where  for  a time  brutal 
force  held  sway. 

7 The  claimants  were  Bridge,  Glenton,  and  Manning.  Full  details  on  the 
claims  of  the  last  two  are  in  Hie.,  Rcyistro  OJic.,  109-10,  121-3,  132-5;  Dun- 
lop's Cent.  Am.,  55-6. 


240 


REPUBLIC  OF  NICARAGUA. 


Castellon,  the  ministro  general,  proposed  to  Chatfield 
to  submit  the  disputed  claims  to  arbitration,  naming 
Bishop  Viteri  as  the  Nicaraguan  arbitrator.  Finally, 
a legation  was  despatched  to  London,  Castellon  being 
the  minister  and  Maximo  Jerez  the  secretary.8  The 
British  authorities  resolved,  however,  to  use  coercion 
in  order  to  force  a settlement  of  the  claims,  the  cor- 
vette Daphne  blockading  the  port  of  Realejo  in  Au- 
gust 184G;  and  the  government,  being  without  funds 
to  meet  such  demands  at  once,  had  to  pledge  the  rev- 
enue from  the  tobacco  monopoly  during  the  next  four 
years. 

Leon,  after  its  terrible  conflict  with  the  forces  of 
Salvador  and  Honduras,  aided  by  Nicaraguan  allies, 
was  in  a shattered  condition,  and  most  of  the  families 
dwelling  therein  were  in  mourning,  and  reduced  to 
indigence.  Munoz,  who  so  efficiently  cooperated  to 
that  result,  had  secured  the  coveted  reward,  the  com- 
mand in  chief  of  the  western  department.  The  seat 
of  government  was  at  San  Fernando,  and  Bias  An- 
tonio Saenz  assumed  the  executive  duties  on  the  20th 
of  January,  1845.9  Under  the  sword  of  Munoz  the 
elections  for  director  supremo  were  effected,  and  Jose 
Leon  Sandoval  obtained  a plurality  vote.10  He  was 
declared  duly  elected  on  the  4th  of  April.  The  assem- 
bly passed  several  important  measures.11 

Peace  had  not  been  restored.  Disturbances  were 
breaking  out  in  several  parts.  There  were  revolu- 

8 They  embarked  at  San  Juan  del  Norte  on  the  11th  of  March,  1S44.  Both 
have  since  figured  prominently  in  political  circles. 

9 Selva  had  held  the  office  by  virtue  of  his  position  as  senior  senator  to  that 
date,  when  his  senatorial  term  expired. 

10  223  votes  were  cast  for  him,  the  next  highest  receivingonly  190.  The 
other  candidates  were  Juan  Jose  Ruiz,  Jose  Guerrero,  Pablo  Buitrago,  Laure- 
a:io  Pineda,  Jose  Rosa  Perez,  G.  Carcache,  Patricio  Rivas,  and  Rafael  Ma- 
chado. Nic.,  Registro  Ofcc.,  47-8;  Sandoval,  Re  vistas  Polit. , 19;  Dunlop’s  Cent. 
Am.,  250. 

11  To  raise  two  loans  of  810,000  and  $30,000,  respectively,  and  to  regulate 
the  financial  system.  Trial  by  jury  was  suspended.  An  amnesty  was  issued 
with  many  exceptions  against  the  defenders  of  Leon.  A Tic.,  Registro  Otic.,  69- 
70.  Two  portfolios  were  created;  namely,  that  of  war,  intrusted  to  Lino 
Cesar,  and  that  of  treasury,  placed  in  charge  of  Jesus  de  la  Rocha.  Jose 
Montenegro  was  ministro  general  and  of  foreign  relations.  The  administra- 
tive course  of  Fruto  Chamorro,  as  supremo  delegado  of  the  late  confederacy, 
was  approved  the  9th  of  May,  long  alter  Chamorro  had  vacated  his  office. 


REVOLUTION  UPON  REVOLUTION. 


241 


tionary  movements  in  Managua,  and  the  government 
sent  thither  Ponciano  Corral  to  make  an  investiga- 
tion, and  quell  the  sedition.  His  report  brought 
about  the  imprisonment  of  several  citizens.12  Mani- 
festations in  favor  of  Cabanas  at  Rivas  were  put  down 
with  an  iron  hand.  On  the  24th  of  June  there  was  a 
revolt  at  Leon,  which  Munoz  quelled,  and  the  govern- 
ment had  its  authors  confined  in  San  Juan  del  Norte.13 
The  executive  had  proclaimed  neutrality  in  the  con- 
test between  the  government  of  Salvador  and  Males- 
pin,  who  was  sustained  by  Honduras;  and  though  he 
concluded  with  Salvador  at  San  Fernando  a treaty  of 
peace,  friendship,  and  alliance,  he  also  entered  into  a 
similar  one  with  Honduras.14  The  latter  treaty  was 
intended  to  be  a reality,  and  it  is  undeniable  that  Nic- 
aragua was  a faithful  ally  and  cooperator  of  Honduras 
down  to  the  treaty  of  Sensenti.  The  treaty  with 
Salvador  was  not  made  in  good  faith  on  the  part  of 
N icaragua. 

The  town  of  Chinandega  was,  in  the  latter  part  of 
July,  captured  by  200  revolutionists  under  Jose  M. 
Valle,  alias  El  Chelon,15  who  had  come  with  sixty  or 
eighty  men  on  a schooner  from  La  Union,  and  landed 
at  Cosigiiina.16  On  the  26th  Munoz  was  attacked  in 
Leon,  but  defeated  his  assailants.1'  The  government 
abandoned  San  Fernando  and  went  to  Managua.18 

O 

12  Under  the  decree  of  June  23d,  the  prisoners  were  confined  respectively 
in  Granada,  Matagalpa,  Acoyapa,  San  Fernando,  and  Nandayme,  and  sub- 
jected to  prosecution  by  the  courts.  Many  persons,  specially  the  partisans  of 
Cabanas,  were  given  by  Corral  the  advice — which  was  tantamount  to  an 
order — to  quit  Managua  and  not  return.  A ic.,  1 teyistro  Ofic.,  90,  9C-8,  101, 

13  The  cause  was  the  indignation  at  the  sympathy  of  the  government’s 
agents  for  Malespin  and  Guardiola. 

“The  treaty  with  Salvador  bore  date  of  May  6,  1845,  and  was  ratified  by 
the  Salvadoran  chambers  June  3d. 

15  The  municipal  authorities  and  citizens  of  the  place,  by  an  acta  on  the 
29th  of  July,  authorized  Valle  to  take  such  action  as  be  deemed  best  to  upset 
the  existing  government  and  restore  constitutional  order.  Montufar,  Ileseita 
Hist.,  v.  139—40;  Ntc.,  Eegistro  Ojic.,  13S-9. 

“■Salvador  was  for  a time  suspected  of  connivance  with  Valle,  but  she 
proved  the  contrary. 

11  Director  Sandovai  called  them  assassins  and  robbers. 

18 1 he  western  department  and  Managua  were  mulcted  in  $12,000  as  pun- 
ishment. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  Ill  10 


242 


REPUBLIC  OF  NICARAGUA. 


Munoz,  victorious  again  at  Chichigalpa,  marched  on 
Chinandega,  which  he  occupied  without  opposition ; 
but  having  to  return  to  Leon,  the  insurgents  retook 
it.  He  came  back  with  a large  force  on  the  lGth  of 
August,  and  reoccupied  the  place.19  Sandoval  had, 
on  the  9th,  forbidden  the  men  who  accompanied  Mo- 
razan  to  Costa  Rica  from  entering  Nicaraguan  soil. 
A ministerial  crisis  occurred  at  this  time,  Rocha  and 
Cdsar  resigning  their  portfolios,  which  were  given  to 
Maximo  Jerez  and  Ruitrago.20  Their  tenure  was 
necessarily  short,  and  they  were  superseded  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  year  by  Fruto  Chamorro  and  Jost; 
Guerrero,  the  latter  being  almost  immediately  suc- 
ceeded by  Lino  Cesar.  This  new  arrangement  gave 
the  director  an  homogeneous  cabinet.  The  govern- 
ment  was  now  a decidedly  conservative  one. 

The  revolution  came  to  an  end  in  the  latter  part  of 
September  1845,  an  amnesty  being  issued  excepting 
only  the  chief  leaders,  and  persons  guilty  of  common 
crimes.21 

This  short  truce  enabled  Sandoval  to  pay  an  official 
visit  to  the  several  districts.  In  Chinandega  the  in- 
habitants having  abandoned  their  homes,  he  issued 
orders  to  bring  them  back.22  The  government  was 
levying  heavy  taxes.  The  citizens  of  Leon,  Chinan- 
dega, El  Viejo,  and  other  places,  who  were  the  victims 
of  the  self-styled  “ ejercito  protector  de  la  paz,”  were 
compelled  to  support  the  regime  which  had  its  being 
out  of  the  destruction  of  the  first-named  town.  It  is, 
therefore,  not  a matter  of  surprise  that  the  people  of 
many  towns  went  off  to  the  woods.  The  insurrection 


19  His  official  reports  of  July  8th  anil  17th  are  tcxtually  given  in  Montii/ar, 
Reseiln  Hist.,  v.  102-4;  Nie.,  Rajistro  Ojic.,  128-9,  133-4. 

“It  is  inexplicable  how  these  two  men  could  serve  in  the  same  cabinet, 
unless  under  some  one  of  very  superior  mind  and  character,  which  Sandoval 
certainly  did  not  possess.  Jerez  was  a democrat,  a friend  of  Central  Amer- 
ican union,  and  an  admirer  of  Morazan.  Buitrago  was  the  opposite — a con- 
servative, separatist,  and  opponent  of  Morazan. 

11  Leaders  surrendering  were  to  be  dealt  with  by  the  civil  courts;  other- 
wise, if  captured,  would  be  tried  under  military  laws. 

12  Every  one  refusing  to  return  was  heavily  fined.  Chief-of-bureau  E.  Cas- 
tillo's instructions  to  the  sub-prefect,  in  Montxifar , Resefia  Iiist.,  v.  293. 


SANDOVAL  AND  MORALES 


243 


broke  out  again,  Valle  appearing  in  Segovia,  and  re- 
entering Chinandega  on  the  26th  of  November.  The 
amnesty  decree  was  thereupon  revoked.23  The  state 
of  Honduras  took  part  in  the  war,  sending  an  army 
under  Guardiola  to  the  aid  of  Sandoval.  The  insur- 
gents were  defeated  first  by  Munoz,  and  soon  after  by 
Guardiola,  who  occupied  Chinandega.24  At  the  end 
of  the  campaign  Munoz  signified  a desire  to  leave  the 
state,  and  asked  for  a passport;  but  the  government 
replied  with  words  of  fulsome  praise  that  his  services 
could  not  be  spared.25  This  was  precisely  what  Munoz 
had  fished  for.26 

Efforts  were  made  by  Buitrago  and  others  to  pre- 
vail on  Sandoval  to  call  the  chambers  of  1846  to  sit 
in  Leon,  but  he  objected  to  the  proposition.  The 
assembly  met  first  in  San  Fernando  June  7,  1846,  and 
on  the  14th  of  August  sanctioned  every  past  act  of  the 
government.27  At  a later  date  it  removed  to  Mana- 
gua, and  adjourned  leaving  much  unfinished  business, 
for  which  it  was  summoned  to  an  extra  session,28  and 
after  doing  what  was  required  of  it,  retired  on  the  18th 
of  December. 

The  end  of  Sandoval’s  term  was  approaching,  and 
elections  for  supremo  director  took  place.  The  as- 
sembly met  again  on  the  12th  of  March,  1847,  and 
Senator  MLuel  R.  Morales  assumed  the  executive. 

o 

Minister  Salinas  in  his  annual  report  made  a number 
of  suggestions  to  the  chambers;  namely,  an  amend- 
ment of  the  constitution  in  the  direction  styled  by  the 

23  Decree  of  Oct.  30,  1842.  Nic.,  Regidro  Ofic.,  126,  128,  138,  143. 

24 Official  reports  of  Dec.  6th  and  8th  to  the  min.  of  war  of  Nic.  Id.,  157- 
8;  El  T tempo,  March  12,  1846. 

25  ‘ En  cuanto  al  pasaporte,  el  Gobierno  Supremo  ama  y desea  mucho  la 
felicidad  del  Estado,  y no  podria  privarlo  de  su  mas  fuerte  apoyo.  ’ Montufar, 
Resena  Hid.,  v.  284-5;  Nic.,  Reijid.ro  Ofic.,  290. 

28  He  followed  the  example  of  Carrera  in  Guat. 

27  Sandoval  surrendered  his  office  June  25th  to  the  legislature  in  order  that 
it  might  freely  adjudicate  upon  his  official  acts.  Once  approved,  he  resumed 
the  executive  duties  Sept.  2d. 

28  Dec.  12th  it  voted  an  amnesty  law  with  a number  of  limitations;  namely, 
against  persons  entering  the  state  with  arms  to  disturb  the  peace;  and  against 
the  guilty  of  murder  or  other  atrocious  crime.  The  govt  issued,  Jan.  9,  1847, 
r,  supplementary  decree  of  amnesty.  Sandoval,  Revista  Polit.,  57-9-  Nic..  Re- 
yistro  OJic.,  390,  401,  407-8;  Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  v.  298-9. 


•244 


REPUBLIC  OF  NICARAGUA. 


conservatives,  “moderado  y ae  orden;”  good  relations 
with  the  pope,  and  cordial  friendship  with  the  priests; 
public  instruction  based  upon  the  requirements  of  the 
council  of  Trent.  The  office  of  supremo  director 
passed,  on  the  6th  of  April,  into  the  hands  of  Jose 
Guerrero,  who  had  been  chosen  for  the  constitutional 
term.29  Acceding  to  the  repeated  petitions  of  the  peo- 
ple of  the  western  department,  Guerrero  decreed30  to 
make  Leon  the  residence  of  the  government,  and  the 
transfer  was  effected  July  20th,  the  people  of  that  city 
greeting  the  director  and  his  officials  with  joy  The 
assembly,  however1,  preferred  to  sit  at  Managua,  and 
did  so  on  the  3d  of  September.31 

The  country  stood  in  need  of  a new  constitution, 
but  this  could  not  be  framed  at  the  present  time,  be- 
cause the  whole  attention  of  the  government  and 
people  was  absorbed  by  the  questions  with  Great 
Britain,  which  were  a menace  to  Nicaraguan  terri- 
tory, and  even  to  the  independence  of  all  Central 
America.  These  difficulties  were  connected  with  the 
possession  of  the  territory  known  as  the  Mosquito 
Coast,  or  Mosquitia.  The  Spanish  authorities  to  the 
last  moment  of  their  rule  over  Central  America  acted 
in  a manner  indicative  of  Spain’s  claim  of  full  sover- 
eignty over  that  territory,  disallowing  the  pretended 
right  of  the  Zambo  chief  who  under  British  protection 
had  been  dubbed  King  of  Mosquitia.32 

A British  agent  claimed  some  years  afterward  that 
the  relations  of  the  Spanish  and  Mosquitian  authori- 
ties had  been  in  1807,  and  even  before,  such  as  arc 
held  between  independent  powers.33  The  so-called 

29  Sandoval  returned  to  Granada  and  was  received  with  great  honor. 

30  July  16,  1847.  This  measure  awakened  much  acrimony  outside  of  the 
benefited  department. 

31  El  Razonador,  Dec.  29,  1847. 

32  See  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii.  599-607,  this  series.  In  Nov.  1803,  the  whole 
north  coast,  including  the  island  of  San  Andres,  and  the  Mosquito  Coast  ex- 
tending from  Cape  Gracias  a Dios  to  the  Chagre  River,  was  placed  under  the 
viceroy  of  Nueva  Granada;  but  five  years  later  the  transfer  was  annulled,  and 
the  coast  of  Mosquitia  restored  to  Nicaragua,  to  which  it  had  been  annexed 
by  royal  order  of  March  31,  1803. 

33  He  based  his  pretension  on  the  following  incident:  The  Caribs  on  the 
Trujillo  line  rebelled  in  1S07  betaking  themselves  to  Mosq.  territory,  where 


THE  MOSQUITO  COAST. 


245 


king  of  Mosquitia  claimed  sovereignty  over  an  extent 
of  country  340  miles  long  from  north  to  south,  and 
about  235  miles  in  breadth.  He  also  claimed  the 
district  of  Talamanca  in  Costa  Rica,  and  that  of  Chi- 
riqui  in  Panamd.34  The  British  authorities  main- 
tained a sort  of  protectorate  over  these  Indians,  occa- 
sionally sending  presents  to  their  chiefs.35 

George  Frederick  and  his  half-brother  Robert,  like 
their  father  George,  who  was  killed  in  1800,  were  of 
mixed  negro  and  Indian  blood.  They  were  first  taken 
to  Belize  to  receive  some  education,36  and  next  to 
Jamaica,  where  they  were  the  objects  of  some  atten- 
tion on  the  part  of  Lord  Albemarle,  the  governor-gen- 
eral. George  Frederick’s  education  was  an  indifferent 
one.  In  1815  he  was  back  in  Belize  to  be  crowned 
there  at  his  own  request,  Chaplain  Armstrong  per- 
forming the  ceremony,  and  his  chiefs  taking  the  oath 
of  allegiance  in  regular  form.37  He  was  then  pro- 
claimed king  of  the  Mosquito  shore  and  nation,  and  a 

they  were  captured  by  Sp.  troops  and  brought  back,  together  with  some  Mos- 
quitians,  as  prisoners.  King  Stephen,  successor  to  George,  the  man  crowned 
by  the  British,  threatened  to  burn  Trujillo  and  to  wage  a border  warfare  if 
his  subjects  were  not  forthwith  returned.  The  president  of  Guatemala,  for 
prudential  reasons,  had  the  prisoners  sent  back.  Am.  Cent.,  Reclam,  de  In- 
terven.,  8. 

•“Altogether  about  70,000  square  miles.  Strangeways'  Mosq.,  4—5.  Lord 
Palmerston,  in  his  instructions  to  Brit,  represent,  in  Nueva  Granada  and 
Cent.  Am.,  spoke  of  a coast  line  of  about  720  statute  miles  as  belonging  to 
Mosq.  Squier,  Cent.  Am.,  029,  has  it  that  from  200  to  500  miles  in  length, 
and  undefined  breadth,  have  been  claimed. 

3i  Capt.  Geo.  Henderson  took  some  in  1807.  The  chiefs  expected  higher 
marks  of  regard,  but  had  to  be  contented  with  what  they  got.  Hendersons 
Brit.  Hond.,  108,  204. 

36  That  was  done,  it  is  presumed,  after  the  death  of  Stephen,  George’s  suc- 
cessor, who  was  ruling  in  1807.  The  govt,  at  the  time  of  their  going  to  Be- 
lize, was  in  charge  of  a sort  of  regency  formed  of  the  three  principal  chiefs, 
who  divided  the  country  into  three  separate  departments.  The  first,  extend- 
ing from  Roman  River,  near  Cape  Honduras,  to  Patook,  was  intrusted  to 
Gen.  Robinson.  The  secoud,  from  Caratasca,  or  Croata,  to  Sandy  Bay  and 
Duckwarra,  including  all  the  Mosquitians  proper,  was  in  charge  of  a brother 
of  tlie  late  king,  who  bore  the  title  of  admiral.  The  third,  from  Brancmans 
to  Rio  Grande,  including  various  tribes,  was  under  Don  Carlos,  called  the 
governor.  The  three  head  chiefs  had  sub-governors.  But  the  small  colonies 
of  Zambos,  at  Pearl  Cay  lagoon  and  Blewfields,  could  choose  their  own  gov- 
ernors Roberts’  Narr.  of  Voy.,  14G-7;  Stout's  Nic.,  108-71. 

3‘  A regalia  consisting  of  a silver-gilt  crown,  a sword,  and  sceptre  of  mod- 
erate value  had  been  provided  tor  the  farce.  The  emblems  of  royalty  were 
confided  to  the  custody  of  Jack,  an  old  negro,  ‘who,  with  wise  precaution, 
kept  them  carefully  concealed.'  Squier s Cent.  Am.,  040-1. 


KING  GEORGE  FREDERICK. 


247 


British  war  vessel  conveyed  him  and  his  chiefs  to 
Gracias  d Dios.38  It  seems  that  kingly  life  afforded 
him  little  or  no  satisfaction.  Aware  of  his  lack  of 
qualifications,  and  fully  sensible  that  he  could  not 
retrieve  himself  from  vicious  habits,  especially  from 
the  bottle,  which  soon  controlled  him,  his  heart  failed 
him,  and  his  life  became  embittered.39  The  British 
government  at  first  manifested  a friendly  interest, 
sending  him  presents,  and  Chaplain  Armstrong  his 
advice ; but  the  latter  was  disregarded  by  the  king 
and  his  chief  minister,  who  often  remarked  that  a 
present  of  rum  would  be  more  welcome.  The  instruc- 
tion on  government  was  beyond  his  understanding, 
and  looked  on  as  falsehood.  Such  was  the  effect  of 
his  West  India  education  in  civilization.  It  has  been 
asserted  that  lie  was  murdered  in  1824. 40  Robert, 

his  brother,  succeeded,  and  was  deposed,  his  successor 
beino-  James,  descended  from  an  older  branch  of  the 
family,41  who  took  the  name  of  George  Frederick. 

38  Col  Arthur,  the  superintendent,  gave  him  much  good  advice  to  guide 
him  in  his  government.  Arthurs  Letter,  in  Mosq.  Doc.,  122-3;  Disputes  with 
Am.,  in  Brit.  Quart.  Rev.,  xcix.  242-3.  But  the  good  advice  was  lost  upon 
his  swarthy  majesty.  It  is  understood  that  every  new  king  had  been  to 
Jamaica  to  receive  a commission  from  the  Brit,  govt,  his  subjects  refusing 
him  recognition  as  their  sovereign  till  he  had  done  so.  Bonnycastle's  Sp.  Am., 
i.  171-2. 

39  He  became  a confirmed  drunkard.  Roberts'  Narr.  of  Voy.,  148-9. 

40  Some  parties  accused  of  the  crime  are  said  to  have  suffered  death. 

41  Georye  Henderson’s  British  Honduras,  London,  1S11,  8°,  236  p.,  is  a diary 
of  the  author’s  trip  to  and  from  the  Mosquito  shore,  which  also  furnishes  an 
interesting  account  of  Belize  and  her  resources,  climate,  etc.,  together  with 
a map  of  Honduras,  and  ends  with  sketches  on  the  manners  and  customs  of 
the  Mosquito  Indians.  Thomas  Strangeways’  Sketch  of  the  Mosquito  Shore, 
Edinburgh,  1822,  8vo,  355  p.  The  author,  who  calls  himself  a K.  G.  C.,  cap- 
tain of  the  first  native  Boyer  regiment,  and  aide-de-camp  to  his  Highness,  the 
cacique  of  Payais,  gives  with  a portrait  of  that  cacique,  Sir  Gregor  MacGregor, 
a historical  preface,  and  a map  of  Mosquitia,  and  the  Poyais  territory.  The 
book  also  contains  a descriptive  sketch  of  that  country,  its  productions,  mode 
of  cultivation,  and  other  facts,  all  compiled  for  the  special  use  of  settlers. 
Peter  F.  Stout’s  Nicaragua,  Post,  Present,  and  Future,  Phila.,  1S59,  12°.  372 
p.  With  the  exception  of  a cursory  glance  at  affairs  in  Mosquito,  on  inter- 
oceanic  communication,  and  ancient  history  of  Mexico,  this  work  is  confined 
to  the  resources,  history,  and  general  features  of  Nicaragua,  the  chief  object 
being  to  furnish  a general  description  of  the  country  rather  than  its  history. 
The  author  was  U.  S.  vice-consul,  and  his  opinion  on  questions  between  his 
country  and  Great  Britain  might  be  deemed  by  a subject  of  the  latter  not 
wholly  impartial.  Orlando  W.  Roberts'  Narrative  of  Voyages  and  Excursions 
on  the  east  coast,  anil  in  the  interior  of  Central  America,  Edinburgh,  1827,  16°, 
302  p.,  preceded  by  a map  of  a part  of  Cent.  Am.  showing  the  route  from 


248 


REPUBLIC  OF  NICARAGUA. 


Mosquito  annals  do  not  record  what  became  of  him. 
The  next  king  was  Robert  Charles  Frederick,  who 
believing  himself  a real  monarch,  for  and  in  consider- 
ation of  abundant  contributions  of  rum,  to  which  he 
was  much  addicted,  began  to  make  large  grants  of 
land,  some  of  which  carried  with  them  the  rights  of 
absolute  sovereignty.  Most  of  these  grants  were 
afterward  cancelled,  and  the  king  was  taken  by  the 
British  authorities  to  Belize,  and  kept  under  control. 
He  died  there,  leaving,  in  a so-called  last  will,  dated 
in  February  1840,  to  Superintendent  Macdonald  the 
regency  of  his  dominions  during  the  minority  of  his 
heir,  the  princess  Inez  Ann  Frederick.42  Macdonald, 
whether  as  such  regent  or  as  an  officer  of  the  Brit- 
ish crown,  appointed  his  private  secretary,  Patrick 
Walker,  to  reside  at  Blewfields,  and  have  charge  of 
the  affairs  of  Mosquitia  ; since  which  time  the  shore  be- 
gan to  assume  much  importance,  at  least  in  a political 
sense.  Walker  established  a council  of  state,  and 
soon  opened  a dispute  about  boundaries  with  the 
Central  American  states,  giving  rise  to  grave  questions 
which  occupied  the  attention  of  other  governments, 
and  of  which  I will  treat  later. 

Several  attempts  were  made  since  the  early  days 
of  the  present  century  to  colonize  the  Mosquito  shore, 


the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  via  the  river  San  Juan  and  lakes  Nicaragua  and 
Leon,  with  an  index  and  a preface  hy  Edward  Irving,  is  a little  book  descrip- 
tive of  the  author’s  journey  up  the  San  Juan  River  to  Leon  through  Lake 
Nicaragua,  and  of  trading  voyages  in  which  he  was  many  years  engaged 
among  the  Indians  of  Hond.,  Nic.,  and  Costa  R.  His  opportunities  for  ob- 
servation seem  to  have  been  good,  and  his  manner  of  setting  forth  the  infor- 
mation thus  obtained  is  clear  and  apparently  reliable.  On  Mosquitia  and  her 
govt  and  people  he  gives  much  that  is  really  interesting  and  useful.  R.  H. 
Bo iiny castle’ s Spanish  A ///erica,  or  a descriptive,  historical,  and  geographical  ac- 
ciu  t of  the  dominions  of  Spain,  London,  1878,  8°,  2 vol.,  pp.  xxix.  336,  v.  359, 
map  and  engraving,  is  mostly  a compilation,  poor  in  style,  divided  into  two 
parts.  The  first  treats  of  the  iSpanish  dominions  in  North  America;  the 
second  of  those  in  South  America.  Everything  is  treated  in  a cursory  man- 
ner, and  the  part  relating  to  Cent.  Am.  anil  the  isthmus  of  Panama  is  meagre 
and  trifling. 

u More  details  in  Sguier’s  Cent.  Am.,  641-3;  Mosquitolnnd,  31-3,  38-40, 
47-50,  225-9;  N/c.  Nueva  Discusion,  6;  Crowe’s  Gospel,  208-10;  S.  Juan,  Ocup., 
33-5,  45-9;  Niles'  Reg.,  lxiv.  130;  Frisch,  Staalvn  von  Mex. , 94;  Reichardt, 
Cent.  Am.,  134,  140-1,  208-11. 


COLONIZATION  FAILURES. 


249 


for  which  large  tracts  of  land  were  granted.  Among 
the  most  important  was  one  made  to  the  Scotchman 
Sir  Gregor  MacGregor,43  wlio  soon  after  started  a 
wild  project,  which  later  was  known  as  the  Poyais 
bubble,  and  ended,  about  1823,  disastrously  for  the 
dupes  who  had  been  drawn  into  it.44  In  1839  the 
British  Central  America  Land  Company  of  London 
made  another  experiment  on  the  same  place  where 
MacGregor  bad  tried  his,  and  it  ended  in  failure.40  A 
German  colony  named  Carlsruhe,  near  Blewfields, 
which  was  started  about  1844,  had  to  be  abandoned 
in  1849  after  losing  about  two  thirds  of  the  emigrants. 

The  climate  of  the  coast  is  moist,  hotter  than  in 
the  interior,  and  not  as  healthy.  The  greater  part  of 
the  soil  is  fertile,  and  it  may  be  said  that  the  country 
possesses  many  natural  elements  of  wealth.46  Blew- 
fields, the  capital  of  Mosquitia,  is  on  the  river  and 
lagoon  of  the  same  name.  In  the  latter  part  of  1847 
Blewfields  and  its  dependencies  had  599  inhabitants, 
of  which  111  were  white  and  488  black,4'  in  two  vil- 
lages, the  larger,  Blewfields,  having  78  houses,  and 
the  lesser,  Carlsruhe,  1G.  Few  of  the  houses  were 
built  of  boards.  One  of  this  kind  was  then  occupied 
by  Walker,  the  British  agent  and  consul-general,  with 
whom  the  sovereign  resided.48 

On  the  12th  of  August,  1841,  Macdonald,  superin- 
tendent of  Belize,  came  to  San  Juan  del  Norte  on  the 

43  At  the  court  of  Gracias  d Dios,  Apr.  19,  1820.  The  grantee  called  himself 
‘his  Highness  the  cacique  of  Poyais,’  and  claimed  absolute  dominion  over  the 
Poyer  district  on  the  extreme  west  of  Mosquitia,  including  the  Rio  Tiuto. 

44  The  plan  comprised  well-equipped  regiments  of  infantry  and  cavalry,  a 
theatre  and  theatrical  company,  a band,  and  paper  currency.  Cro'oe’s  Gospel, 
207-8;  Mosq.-Kiiste  uml  Texas,  28;  Mosquitoland,  34— S;  Quart.  Rev.,  xxviii. 
160-1;  Eco,  Hisp.-Am.,  July  31,  1860. 

40  This  settlement  was  called  Fort  Wellington,  and  was  brought  to  ruin  by 
a succession  of  calamities,  including  shipwrecks.  Mosq.-Kiiste  und  Texas,  29- 
33;  Young's  Mosq.  Shore,  53-9,  65-71. 

40 It  has  an  abundance  of  mahogany,  rosewood,  caoutchouc,  and  other  val- 
uable trees,  and  is  capable  of  producing  cotton,  sugar,  rice,  indigo,  and  most 
of  the  tropical  staples. 

47  Slavery  was  abolished  in  1841.  Kir. , Gaceta,  Feb.  10,  1866. 

48'ihere  was  neither  church  nor  pastor  in  the  place.  S.  Juan,  Ocup.,  13-15; 
Squiers  Cent.  Am.,  661-2. 


250 


REPUBLIC  OF  NICARAGUA. 


frigate  Tweed,  bringing  with  him  the  so-called  king 
of  the  Mosquitos  or  Moscos.  At  the  same  time  an 
armed  sloop,  under  the  Mosquito  flag  and  commanded 
by  Peter  Shepherd,  entered  the  port.  The  coman- 
dante  and  revenue  officer,  Lieutenant-colonel  Quijano, 
went  to  see  the  commanding  officers  at  Shepherd’s 
house,  but  was  not  received,  on  the  plea  that  both 
the  king  and  superintendent  were  unwell.  An  offi- 
cial letter  from  him  was  left  unanswered.  At  last, 
the  superintendent’s  secretary,  together  with  the  cap- 
tain of  the  frigate  and  the  king’s  secretary,  called  on 
Quijano  and  told  him  that  on  the  following  day  his 
letter  would  be  answered,  requiring  his  recognition  of 
the  Mosquito  king  as  the  ally  of  her  Britannic  Ma- 
jesty. Quijano  refused,  and  his  visitors  retired.  He 
reiterated  his  refusal  in  a letter  to  the  superintend- 
ent, and  in  the  name  of  his  government  solemnly  pro- 
tested against  his  pretension,  as  wrell  as  against  the 
insults  inflicted  on  his  country.43  He  was  finally  notified 
that  if  he  interfered  with  any  British  or  Mosquito 
subject,  both  he  and  his  government  would  be  held 
responsible.00 

The  demands  and  insults  of  the  British  officers  con- 
tinued until  the  loth,  when  they  seized  Quijano  and 
carried  him  on  board  the  frigate,  intending  to  take 
him  to  Belize.51  The  Nicaraguan  government,  in  a 
note  to  British  ATce-consul  Foster,  denounced  the  acts 

49  Macdonald  answered  Aug.  13th  that  the  object  of  his  visit  to  the  coast 
had  been  to  convey  a message  of  H.  B.  M.  to  her  ally  the  sovereign  of  the 
Mosquito  nation,  and  to  ascertain  by  his  own  observation  the  true  boundaries 
of  the  Mosquito  dominions,  upon  which  point  he  wished  to  be  enlightened  by 
Quijano.  He  made  further  demands  for  a recognition  of  his  demand,  but  the 
Nicaraguan  official  invariably  returned  a refusal.  Mosquitoland,  29,  223-5; 
Niles'  Reg.,  lxi.  98;  lxii.  (54,  275;  lxiii.  19,  194;  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc. 
75,  vol.  x.,  31st  eong.  1st  sess. ; Young’s  Mosq.  Shore,  3:5-4. 

An  English  writer  says:  ‘ This  farce  hardly  seemed  consistent  with  the 
dignity  of  a British  officer,  gov.  of  a settlement.’  Dunlop’s  Trav.,  215-16. 
Crowe,  also  an  Englishman,  declares  it  to  have  been  an  infamous  act.  Gospel, 
212.  It  was  not  disavowed  by  the  Brit.  govt.  Squier’s  Travels,  ii.  449;  Nouv. 
Annales  Voy.,  xciv.  251-2. 

61  He  was  left  on  a desert  island  on  the  coast.  Marure,  Ijfem.,  54;  Montu - 
far,  Reseila  Hist.,  iii.  612.  Macdonald  himself  on  the  15th  made  his  acts 
known  to  the  govt  of  Nic.,  alleging  that  he  had  been  specially  requested  by 
many  persons  of  San  Juan  to  remove  Quijano.  The  latter  was  undoubtedly 
a bad  man,  but  no  foreign  authority  had  any  right  to  interfere  with  him. 


BRITISH  INTERFERENCE. 


251 


of  the  British  officials  at  Sail  Juan  as  high-handed, 
accusing  Macdonald  of  usurping  the  name  of  her 
Britannic  Majesty  in  supposing  her  to  be  an  ally  of 
the  so-called  Mosquito  king.52  The  whole  American 
continent  became  indignant  at  the  British  proceedings 
in  San  Juan.  There  was  one  exception,  however, 
which  must  be  classified  as  vile.  Ferrera,  jefe  of 
Honduras,  under  the  influence  of  the  servile  element 
of  Guatemala,  allied  with  Chatfield,  recognized  the 
Mosquito  nation.53 

Chatfield  informed  Nicaragua  that  the  whole  Cen- 
tral American  territory  lying  between  Cape  Gracias 
a Bios  and  the  mouth  of  the  San  Juan  River  belonged 
to  the  Mosquito  king,  without  prejudice  to  other 
rights  the  king  might  have  south  of  the  San  Juan.'4 
In  January  1848  two  British  war  vessels  occupied 
the  port  of  San  Juan  without  resistance,  replacing 
the  Nicaraguan  officials  by  Englishmen  as  servants 


62  Consul  Chatfield  claimed  that  Quijano  was  removed  from  Mosq.  and  not 
Nic.  territory;  that  he  had  himself  notified  the  govt  of  Cent.  Am.  of  tho 
existence  of  the  Mosq.  nation,  and  that  Great  Britain  would  not  look  with 
indifference  upon  any  usurpation  of  the  territory  of  a monarch  with  whom 
she  had  close  relations;  that  Spain  had  recognized  the  Mosq.  nation  when 
Prince  Stephen  visited  San  Salvador  and  Guatemala.  His  letter  was  dated 
Oct.  24,  1842.  Further  correspondence  followed  between  Nic.  and  Chatfield 
without  the  former  giving  way  to  his  pretensions.  The  whole  correspond, 
may  be  seen  in  Mosq.  Doc.,  5-23;  ATc.,  Cor.  1st,  Sept.  26,  1S50;  Montufar , 
liesena  Hist.,  iv.  98-111. 

52  In  a treaty  with  Thomas  Lowry  Robinson,  signed  in  Comayagua  Dee. 
16,  1843.  Montufar,  liesena  Hist.,  iv.  112-14.  The  aristocrats  of  Guat. 
wanted  a protectorate  of  Great  Britain  over  Cent.  Am.,  and  it  was  believed 
in  Nic.  for  a while  that  Costa  R.  had  given  way  to  the  influence  of  Pavon, 
Chatfield,  and  J.  J.  Flores  of  Ecuador,  and  had  accepted  the  scheme.  Chat- 
iield  having  concluded,  on  the  26th  of  Nov.,  1849,  a treaty  with  Costa  R., 
attempted  on  the  strength  of  it,  on  the  1st  of  Dec.,  to  dictate  to  Nic.  He 
said  that  differences  between  Nic.  and  Costa  R.  must  be  amicably  arranged  in 
the  understanding,  that  other  means  would  not  be  looked  on  with  indiffer- 
ence by  Great  Britain. 

64  That  was  pursuant  to  orders  from  Lord  Palmerston,  in  which  for  the 
first  time  a protectorate  over  the  Mosquito  shore  was  asserted  by  Great  Brit- 
ain. Chatfield  and  Walker  had  claimed  rights  over  the  entire  eastern  coast, 
from  Cape  Honduras  to  Chiriqui  Logoon,  an  extent  of  700  miles,  but  Palmers- 
ton set  the  limits  ‘from  Cape  Honduras  down  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  San 
Juan.’  Meantime  the  Nicaraguan  authorities  had  obtained,  Oct.  28,  P'47, 
from  the  Princess  Inez,  believing  her  the  heir  of  Robert  Charles  Frederick,  a 
full  recognition  of  the  authority  of  Nic.  over  the  shore  of  Mosq.,  and  her  com- 
mand to  all  interloping  foreigners  to  leave  the  country.  The  British  officials 
of  course  paid  no  heed  to  this  arrangement.  Squier's  Cent.  Am.,  644-6;  Sato., 
Gaceta,  March  15,  1850. 


252 


REPUBLIC  OF  NICARAGUA. 


of  the  Mosquito  king,  after  doing  which  they  sailed 
away;  but  no  sooner  had  the  intelligence  reached  the 
interior  than  a force  was  despatched  to  San  Juan, 
which  reoccupied  the  place  and  sent  to  the  capital  as 
prisoners  the  intruders.55  Whereupon  the  British 
returned  in  force  in  March  1848,  and  defeated  the 
Nicaraguan  detachment.  Hostilities  being  further 
prosecuted,  the  Nicaraguans  had  to  succumb  before 
the  superior  power  of  their  foe,  and  consented  to  an 
armistice,  providing  that  they  would  not  disturb  San 
Juan,  or  attempt  to  reoccupy  the  port,  pending  the 
negotiations  which  must  follow  on  these  events. M 

Nicaragua,  by  her  ablest  diplomates,  defended  her 
rights  to  the  disputed  territory  both  in  Europe  and 
America,  without  obtaining  a satisfactory”  result,  until 
the  fears  of  Central  Americans  for  the  independence  of 
their  country  were  brought  to  an  end  by  the  Clayton- 
Bulwer  treaty,  otherwise  called  the  Ship  Canal  con- 
vention, concluded  at  Washington  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain  on  the  19th  of  April,  1850, 
by  the  first  article  of  which  neither  power  could 
occupy,  fortify,  colonize,  nor  exercise  dominion  over 
Nicaragua,  Costa  Rica,  the  Mosquito  Coast,  or  any 
other  portion  of  Central  American  territory,  nor  make 
use  of  a protectorate  in  any  form/7  Thus  was  this 
vexed  question  terminated,  England  resigning  all  her 
claims  to  the  Mosquito  Coast,  and  by  a subsequent 

50  Squier’s  Travels,  i.  7S-S0;  Morelet , Voy.,  ii.  304;  E ''mb.  /'ey.,  no.  211, 
144;  Niles'  He/.,  lxxiii.  273;  Tucker’s  Monroe  Doctrine,  40-7,  52-4. 

50  But  the  N icaraguans  never  relinquished  their  claim  of  sovereignty  over 
the  port,  nor  even  by  implication  recognized  the  king  of  Mosquito.  Nic., 
Manif.  sol  re  Trot.,  1-13;  Castcllon,  Doc.  lid.,  27-8;  Nic.,  Doc.  Dipl,  32-9; 
Guerrero,  Manif.,  1-7;  Stout’s  Nic.,  27S;  El  Sijlo,  Nov.  22,  1852;  Nic.,  Gaceta 
Gob.  Supr.,  Oct.  14,  Nov.  4,  25,  Dec.  2,  1S4S;  Niles’  Beg.,  lxxiv.  100;  Squier’s 
Cent.  Am.,  G47 ; Id.,  Trav.,  i.  101-2. 

5'  The  other  articles  refer  to  the  construction  of  an  interoceanic  communi- 
cation, either  in  the  form  of  a canal  or  of  railroads,  securing  the  neutrality  of 
interoceanic  ways.  A n rials  Brit.  Lefts.,  97-110,  239-41;  Nic. , Nueva  Discov., 
1-44;  Montufar,  Besetia  Hist.,  iv.  87-91;  Costa  B.,  Gaceta,  March  4,  1854; 
Abbott's  Mex.  and  U.  S.,  340-2;  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  B.,  Ill;  Polynesian,  vi. 
155-15;  vii.  46;  Nic.  y Hand.,  Doc.,  122-5;  Am.  Quart.  Beg.,  iii.  310-13;  Brit. 
Quart.  Bcv.,  xeix.  237-70;  El  Nacional,  July  31,  1S58;  Nic.,  Seman  Nic., 
Feb.  14,  1374;  Hunt’s  Mercian's’  Mag.,  xxiii.  109-11;  Wells’  Walker’s  Exped., 
125-33;  Caicedo,  Lot.  Am.,  73-5. 


TREATIES. 


253 


treaty  concluded  at  Managua  on  the  28tli  of  January, 
18G0,  known  as  the  Zeledon-Wyke  treaty,  ceded  to 
Nicaragua  the  protectorate  absolutely.08  Since  then 
Nicaragua  has  subjected  the  Mosquito  Coast  to  a pre- 
fecto.50  Nevertheless,  it  is  understood  that  the  In- 
dian reserve  is  still  ruled  by  a chief  chosen  by  the 
natives,  assisted  by  a council,  which  assembles  at 
Blewfields;  but  subject  to  the  supreme  authority  of 
the  Nicaraguan  government. 

Nicaragua,  as  soon  as  she  assumed  the  position  of 
an  independent  nation,  hastened  to  open  friendly 
relations  with  other  powers.60  Spain  made  with  the 
republic  July  25,  1850,  a treaty  of  friendship,  com- 
merce, and  navigation,  the  first  and  second  articles 
of  which  fully  recognize  Nicaragua’s  independence.61 
Early  efforts  were  made  to  arrange  ecclesiastical  affairs 
with  the  papal  see,  a concordat  being  finally  concluded 
at  Rome  November  2,  1861. 62 

With  the  other  Central  American  states  Nicaragua 
made  treaties,  which  underwent  from  time  to  time 
alterations,  as  circumstances  seemed  to  demand  for 
her  own  or  the  general  defence.  Several  of  these 
will  be  made  apparent  in  the  course  of  my  narrative. 
Nicaragua  has  endeavored  to  maintain  cordial  rela- 

68 The  local  chief  was  prevailed  on  to  accept  this  arrangement  with  a pen- 
sion of  $5,000  a year,  during  ten  years,  that  is  to  say,  till  1870,  payable  by  the 
suzerain,  but  the  last  chief  died  in  1804  or  1865,  and  Nic.  lias  never  recog- 
nized his  successor.  Nic. , Oaceta,  Dec.  23,  1865;  Encyclop.  Brit.,  xvii.  493; 
Nic.,  La  Union,  June  15,  1861;  Hand.  Gaceta,  Feb.  20,  1861;  Roclva,  C6d. 
Nic.,  i.  118-27,  132;  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  297-301;  Nic.,  Conv.  Mosq. , 1-8;  Pima 
Cate  of  (he  Pac.,  409-12.  Further  details  on  the  Mosq.  question,  giving  dip- 
lomatic correspondence  and  parliamentary  discussions,  in  Hansard's  Pari. 
Deb.,  cxlv.  1003-7;  Annals  Brit.  Leqis.,  x.  129-41;  also  in  U.  S.  Govt  Doc., 
Ex.,  Sen.  and  House,  which  are  too  numerous  to  quote  here;  and  likewise  in 
U.  S.  Cony.  Globe,  1855-6,  1857-8,  1859-60;  Diario  de  Avisos,  Apr.  24,  1857; 
Nic. , Boletin  Ofic.,  Jan.  23,  March  4,  1857. 

09  Rocha,  Cdd.  Nic.,  ii.  21-2;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Mar.  26,  1884;  Nic. , 
Mem.  Bel.,  1867,  3-12. 

60  Autograph  letters  were  exchanged  in  1848,  between  Pres.  Herrera  of 
Mex.  and  Director  Guerrero.  Nic.,  Gaceta  Gob.  Supr.,  Sept.  16,  1848. 

61  Ratified  by  Nic.  March  21,  1851;  Rocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  99,  103;  Nic., 
Tract,  de  Paz,  etc.,  1-13. 

02  By  Cardinal  Antonelli,  for  the  pope,  and  Fernando  de  Lorenzana  for 
Nic.  The  treaty  was  published  in  the  latter  country  as  a law  Aug  28, 
1832.  Nic.,  Gaceta  Gob.  Supr.,  Oct.  7,  1848;  Rocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  79,  132-7. 


254 


REPUBLIC  OF  NICARAGUA. 


tions  with  her  neighbors.63  The  republic  entered  into 
friendly  diplomatic  relations  with  the  powers  of 
Europe  and  America,  most  of  them  having  treaties 
of  amity,  commerce,  and  extradition  of  criminals.  Its 
relations  with  the  United  States  have  generally  been 
intimate,  made  so  by  considerations  of  neighborhood, 
business  interests,  and  similarity  of  institutions,  as 
well  as  by  a mutual  desire  to  forward  the  construction 
of  a ship  canal  across  Nicaraguan  territory.  They 
have  been  disturbed  at  times,  however,  while  Nica- 
ragua was  a transit  route  between  the  eastern  states 
of  the  American  union,  and  during  the  execution  of 
schemes  of  American  filibusters,  such  as  those  of 
Kinney  and  Walker. 

While  the  Mosquito  question  was  pending  between 
Nicaragua  and  Great  Britain,  circumstances  were 
hastening  a practical  solution  of  it.  An  American 
company,  acting  under  a Nicaraguan  charter,  opened  a 
transit  route  for  passengers  through  the  state,  begin- 
ning at  San  Juan  del  Norte,  which  place  rapidly  filled 
up  with  emigrants  from  the  United  States,  who  be- 
coming numerically  predominant,  met  in  a primary 
capacity  and  organized  an  independent  government.64 
After  an  indiscreet  attempt  on  the  part  of  a British 
commander  to  levy  duties  on  an  American  steamer, 
which  was  disavowed  by  his  government,  the  British 
protectorate  over  San  Juan  at  last  virtually  ceased. 
The  town  and  port  remained  under  the  direct  control 
of  the  inhabitants,  most  of  whom  were  Americans,  as 
a free  city.6j  The  prosperity  of  the  place  was  retarded 
by  a dispute  with  the  persons  into  whose  hands  the 

63  Full  particulars  will  be  found  in  Id.,  137-43;  Nic.  Trat.  etc.  entre  Nic. 
y Ilond.,  1-8;  Id.,  Gaceta,  1853-74,  passim;  Id.,  Col.  Doc.  y Acuerdm,  1850- 
1872,  passim;  Id.,  Trat.  con  Costa  if.,  1-7;  Costa  if..  Inf.  Del,  1876,  5-11; 
IS 78,  1;  1880,  3-4;  Sail-.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  12,  1853,  Oct.  26,  1S76,  March  21  to 
April  20,  1879,  passim;  Hie.,  Mens,  del  Presul.,  1879,  i.-v.  1-25;  and  nu- 
merous other  authorities. 

64  They  first  endeavored  to  regard  the  alleged  Mosquito  authority,  but 
finally  treated  it  as  a mere  fiction.  Squiers  Cent.  Am.,  652. 

*'•’ Municipal  ordinances  for  the  place  which  had  now  taken  the  name  of 
Greytown.  Ileichardt,  Cent.  Am.,  241-6,  251;  Munic.  Ordinances,  in  Cent.  Am. 
Affairs,  no.  4,  1-10. 


ARBITRARY  ACTS. 


£55 


transit  had  fallen,  which  produced  bitter  feeling,  and 
resulted  in  alleged  insults  to  Solon  Borland,  United 
States  minister  to  Nicaragua,  whose  belligerent  in- 
stincts carried  him  away  to  interfere  in  matters  which 
were  foreign  to  his  office.  The  sloop  of  war  Cyane, 
Commander  Hollins,  was  despatched  by  the  American 
government  to  look  into  the  case.  Hollins  assumed 

O 

a hostile  attitude,66  made  arrogant  demands,  and  the 
latter  not  being  complied  with,  he  bombarded  the 
town  on  the  13th  of  July,  1854,  and  landing  a party 
of  marines,  burned  it  to  the  ground.6'  This  act  has 
been  generally  condemned.  The  American  govern- 
ment hardly  contemplated  it;  but  not  having  pun- 
ished Commander  Hollins,  it  must  bear  the  odium. 
Notwithstanding  these  difficulties,  peaceable  relations 
were  not  disturbed.68  Nicaragua  also  has  treaties  with 
Belgium,  Italy,  France,  England,  Peru,  and  other 
nations.63 

66  He  is  said  to  have  been  acting  under  improper  influences.  Squier's  Cent. 
Am.,  C53. 

67  The  town  authorities  had  refused  to  pay  an  indemnity.  This  was  the 
first  direct  aggression  by  the  U.  S.  in  Cent.  America.  Nic.,  Doc.  Dip  lorn. , 
7-12;  Costa  II.,  Gaceta,  June  17,  22,  29,  1S54;  Salv.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  12,  1854; 
Tribune  Aim.,  1857,  31;  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  33d  cong.  sess.  1,  Sen.  Doc.  8,  vol. 
iv.;  Doc.  85,  vol.  xii. ; 12C,  xvi.  31  pp.;  Id.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  1,  vol.  i.,  pt  ii., 
385-6. 

65  Leva,  Nic.,  335.  Pablo  Livy,  Notas  Geogrdjicas  y Econdmicas  sobre  la  Re - 
puhlica  de  Nicaragua,  Paris,  1873,  Roy.  8°,  627  pp.  and  map,  is  a treatise  on 
Nicaragua  and  its  inhabitants.  Beginning  with  an  historical  resume  of  ancient 
and  modern  Nicaragua,  it  gives  a review  of  the  topography,  climate,  natural 
productions,  government,  people,  and  their  institutions.  The  writer’s  infor- 
mation on  the  country’s  physical  peculiarities  may  he  set  down  as  useful, 
though  some  deficiency  is  noted;  but  that  on  the  political  and  administrative 
branches  is  unreliable,  showing  him  to  have  had  but  little  knowledge  of  Cen- 
tral American  politics.  He  evidently  had  not  the  documents  upon  which  to 
form  a correct  judgment.  The  question  of  a canal  across  the  isthmus  of  Nic- 
aragua is  also  reviewed,  and  a resume  of  its  history  given.  The  last  general 
treaty  with  the  U.  S.  wras  negotiated  in  1837.  There  was  also  a convention 
for  the  extradition  of  criminals  in  1871.  Nic.  has  made  arrangements  to  pay 
Am.  claims  against  her,  and  on  her  part  asked  compensation  for  the  damages 
caused  by  the  bombardment  of  San  Juan,  which  the  Am.  govt  refused.  Pe- 
rez, Mem.  Camp.  Nac.,  18-19;  Rocha,  Cod.  Nic.,  i.  93;  Nic.,  Trot,  de  Amis- 
tad,  etc.,  entre  Nic.  y los  EE.  U U .,  1-16;  Son  Juan  del  Norte,  Las  Cenizas, 
1874,  1-12;  Livy,  Nic.,  235-9;  Salv.,  Diario  Ojic.,  Nov.  10,  Dec.  22,  1878;  Ber- 
ruel,  Freres  et  Cie,  Petition,  1-20;  and  a multitude  of  U.  S.  govt  docs.,  and 
other  papers. 

69  Treaty  with  Belgium,  May  18,  1858;  with  France,  Apr.  11,  1859;  with 
Gr.  Britain,  Feb.  11,  1860;  with  Italy,  March  6,  1868;  and  a consular  conven- 
tion made  in  1872;  with  Peru,  1879.  7' rat.  de  AmUtad  entre  Nic.  y la  Belyica, 
1-15;  Id.,  entre  Nic.  y la  Francia,  1-26;  Nic.,  Ley.  Emit.,  11-30;  Rocha,  Cod. 


256 


REPUBLIC  OF  NICARAGUA. 


A squabble  occurred  in  187G  at  Leon,  in  which  the 
German  consul  and  a Nicaraguan  citizen  were  con- 
cerned, giving  rise  to  a conflict  between  the  German 
and  Nicaraguan  governments,  the  former  making  of  it 
a casus  belli,  and  demanding,  backed  by  a naval  force, 
a considerable  sum  of  money.'0 

The  political  situation  in  the  interior  of  Nicaragua, 
during  the  winter  of  1848-9,  was  anything  but  sat- 
isfactory to  the  lovers  of  peace.  Parties  were  again 
venting  their  animosities.  The  leader  Bernabe  So- 
moza  captured  Rivas,  and  afterward  became  notorious 
for  deeds  of  cruelty  and  robbery.  Director  Norberto 
Ramirez1  despatched  there  a strong  force  under  J.  T. 
Munoz.  Somoza  was  defeated  and  captured  at  San 
Jorge  on  the  14th  of  June.  “ Ramirez  was  succeeded 
by  Jose  Laureano  Pineda  in  1 85 1 ,‘3  against  whom  a 
revolt  broke  out  August  4,  1851,  having  J.  Trinidad 
Munoz  for  its  leader.  Pineda  and  his  ministers  Fran- 
cisco Castellon  and  F.  Diaz  Zapata  were  arrested. 
The  plan  failed,  however.  Leon,  Munoz’  headquar- 
ters, was  taken  by  government  forces  assisted  by 
troops  from  Honduras,  and  Munoz  surrendered.74  On 
the  expiration  of  Pineda’s  term  in  1853,  Chamorro 
became  chief  of  the  state,  having  been  elected  by  the 
suffrages  of  the  moderados.  The  new  director  was  a 

O 

Nic.,  106 — 18;  Rouhmid,  Ileyions  Nouv.,  365-86;  Trot,  de  Armstead,  etc.,  entre 
Nic.  y S.  J/.  B. , 1-15;  Annals  Brit.  Ley  is.,  ix.  378-81;  Trat.  de  Amistad, 
etc.,  entre  Nic.  y el  reino  de  Italia,  1-17;  Convencion  Consular  entre  Nic.  y el 
reino  de  Italia,  1-19;  Nic. , Gaceta,  Sept.  7,  14,  Oct.  26,  Nov.  2,  1S72;  Sale., 
Diario  Ojic.,  Oct.  29,  1879. 

‘“Damages  for  the  injured  Germans  §30,000,  and  a fine  of  88,000,  besides 
the  punishment  of  the  official  accused  of  insulting  German  dignity.  Thus 
the  superior  force  dictates  unjust  terms  to  the  inferior. 

71  His  term  began  Apr.  1,  1849. 

71  He  was  tried  by  court-martial,  sentenced,  and  shot  June  17th.  Nic.,  Bo- 
ldin Ojic.,  June  15-28,  July  4,  5,  12,  1849;  Squier's  Trav.,  i.  121,  166-72, 
295-9;  Cent.  Am.  Miscel.  Doc.,  no.  7.  Munoz  was  rewarded  with  a gold 
medal,  and  the  friends  of  the  soldiers  who  perished  received  pensions.  Rocha, 
C6d.  Nic.,  i.  216-17. 

13  Recognized  by  the  assembly  March  14th  as  duly  elected.  Nic.,  Cor.  1st., 
March  20,  1851;  ElSiylo,  March  28,  1851. 

74  Nov.  10,  1851.  Munoz  had  been  declared  a traitor  and  deprived  of  his 
military  rank.  He  was  allowed  to  leave  Nic.,  and  went  to  reside  in  Salv. 
Chamorro  was  made  commander  of  the  forces.  Nic.  Dec.  y Acuerdos,  1851-3, 
92-6,  116-18;  Hond.,  Gaceta  Ojic.,  Jan.  15,  1852. 


CONSTITUENT  ASSEMBLY 


257 


well  meaning  man,  and  hoped  by  pursuing  a moderate 
course  to  allay  party  bickerings.  But  his  political 
opponents,  together  with  a portion  of  the  military 
element,  did  not  permit  him  to  develop  his  policy  in 
peace. 

The  legislative  assembly  rejected,  April  30,  1853,  a 
provisional  constitution  which  had  been  framed  and 
published  by  the  national  constituent  assembly  on  the 
1 3th  of  October,  1852, 75 and  at  the  same  time  declared 
the  state  to  be  independent  and  sovereign.  This  was 
followed  on  the  28th  of  February,  1854,  by  another 
decree  of  the  state  constituent  assembly  assuming  for 
the  state  the  title  of  Republica  de  Nicaragua,  and  giv- 
ing its  executive  the  name  of  president.76  The  coat 
of  arms  and  flag  of  the  new  republic  were  decreed 
April  21,  18 54. 77 

A constituent  assembly,  called  on  the  11th  of  De- 
cember, 1853,  to  meet  on  the  8th  of  January,  1854, 
for  the  purpose  of  framing  a constitution  for  the 
republic,  was  installed  on  the  22d  of  that  month.78 
It  continued  its  session  without  interruption,  and  on 
the  7th  of  April  assumed,  for  urgent  cases,  the  powers 
of  an  ordinary  legislature,  enacting  that,  in  the  event 
of  a temporary  vacancy  in  the  office  of  president,  his 

15  A new  constituent  assembly  was  convoked  May  13,  1853.  Nic.,  Gaceta 
Ojic.,  May  28,  1853. 

76  ‘ Se  denoininara  Repfiblica  de  Nicaragua.’  Rocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  94-7; 
Costa  , Gaceta,  March  4.  Apr.  1,  1854;  Guat.,  Gaceta,  Apr.  7,  21,  1854;  El 
Eco  Hisp.  -Am.,  May  15,  1854. 

77  In  a circle  bordered  on  the  inside  with  two  sprigs  of  laurel,  was  a volcano 
with  its  base  laved  by  the  two  oceans.  In  the  upper  part  of  the  volcano  was 
a civic  crown  with  the  words  Libertad,  Orden,  Trabajo.  Around  the  circle, 
Republica  de  Nicaragua.  The  national  flag  was  given  three  horizontal  stripes, 
the  centre  one  white,  with  the  coat  of  arms  in  the  middle;  the  upper  one  yel- 
low, and  the  lower,  ‘nacar,’  or  light  blue.  Merchant  vessels  were  to  use  the 
same  flag,  without  the  coat  of  arms,  and  had  on  the  centre  stripe  Republica 
(l  ■ Nicaragua,  in  golden  letters.  Rocha,  Cod.  Nic.,  i.  1G3.  During  the  Walker 
regime,  1S5G-7,  his  flag  had  two  blue  stripes  divided  by  a white  one  double  the 
wi  Itli  of  the  blue,  anil  in  the  centre  of  the  white  a lone  red  star.  Stewart's 
Filibusters,  12-13. 

78  Among  the  members  elected  were  Castellon,  Jerez,  Guerrero,  diputados 
propietarios,  and  F.  Diaz  Zapata,  supleute,  from  the  western  department. 
The  govt  reported  them  out  of  the  state,  having  been  expelled  fot'  their  revo- 
lutionary attempts.  The  assembly  on  the  1 st  of  March  declared  them  dis- 
qualified to  take  their  seats.  Nic. , Gaceta  Ojic.,  March  4,  1854;  Perez,  Mem. 
IJUt.  Rev.  Nic.,  12. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Yol.  III.  17 


REPUBLIC  OF  NICARAGUA 


25S 

duties  should  devolve  on  the  member  of  the  constitu- 
ent assembly  called  by  him  to  assume  them.  Cha- 
morro was  then  chosen  provisional  president,  to  hold 
the  office  till  the  1st  of  March,  1855.  The  new  char- 
ter of  the  republic  was  sanctioned  on  the  30th  of 
April,79  which  was  in  force  only  in  Granada  and  other 
towns  acknowledging  Chamorro’s  government. 

The  opposition  of  the  liberals  culminated  in  an  at- 


|C3s§Ws 


iMO.b.QUjlfe 


eBrackmunl 


yffa'tjMisUi’a.Ji- 


‘^Matagafpa 


V-J 


fLEON 


/Masaya 


RIVAS  OR  N I CARAT 


AfurcWofl- 


Nicaragua. 


79It  had  104  articles,  and  somewhat  restricted  the  right  of  citizenship, 
created  a single  chamber,  composed  of  an  equal  number  of  senators  and  rep- 
resentatives; priests  were  excluded  from  these  positions.  The  terms  of  the 
president,  senators,  and  representatives  were  to  begin  March  1,  1S55,  and 
last  four  years.  After  the  expulsion  of  the  filibusters,  a junta  de  gobierno, 
composed  of  the  leading  men  of  the  two  opposing  parties,  was  established, 
which  declared  the  constitution  of  1838  in  force,  and  a constituent  assembly 
was  convoked,  its  members  being  from  among  the  best  and  most  talented 
men  of  the  republic.  Id.,  23-4;  Me.,  Semannl Me.,  Apr.  17,  1873.  The  powers 
granted  the  executive,  which  were  included  in  the  fundamental  law  of  1854, 
though  with  the  additional  clause  that  when  using  them  he  should  report  the 
fact  to  the  next  legislature,  greatly  alarmed  the  opposition.  Perez,  Mem.  Ilist. 
Rev.  Me.,  24. 


LONG  AND  BLOODY  WAR. 


259 


tempt  at  revolution  in  Leon,  promoted  by  Castellon,' 
Jerez,  and  Mariano  Salazar.  The  government  then 
residing  at  Managua  defeated  their  plan  for  the  time, 
and  banished  the  leaders  and  a few  of  their  influential 
followers.80  The  exiles  sought  refuse  in  Salvador  and 
Honduras,  and  with  the  favor  of  Cabanas,  who 
was  then  on  bad  terms  with  Chamorro,81  obtained  re- 
sources for  a second  attempt  against  the  government 
of  the  latter.  With  a few  men  and  a quantity  of 
arms  and  ammunition,  they  went  from  Tigre  Island 
to  Realejo.  The  invaders  were  enthusiastically  re- 
ceived, Leon,  Chinandega,  and  immediate  towns  pro- 
claiming Castellon  provisional  director,  which  office 
he  assumed  June  11,  1854. 82  This  was  the  beginning 
of  a long  and  bloody  war,  which  Salvador  and  Guate- 
mala vainly  tried  to  avert.83  Chamorro  approached 
Leon,  but  finding  it  had  declared  for  Castellon,  retired 
to  Granada  and  fortified  the  place,  sustaining  afterward 
an  irregular  siege  of  several  months  from  thrice  the 
number  of  his  force,  under  Jerez,  till  the  early  part  of 
1855.  Castellon,  meantime,  gained  possession  of  the 
republic,  Granada  excepted  ; but  the  long  siege  of  this 
town  wrought  a change  in  the  feelings  of  the  unstable 
people,  and  in  a short  time  Chamorro  or  his  party  re- 
covered Managua,  Masa.ya,  and  Rivas,  after  a series 
of  bloody  encounters.  The  siege  of  Granada  was  con- 
sequently raised.84  Even  Chamorros  death,  which 


80  In  Nov.  1853.  Id.,  9-12;  Guat.,  Gaceta,  Dec.  16,  1853;  Jan.  6,  1854; 
Snlv.,  Gaceta,  Dec.  30,  1853;  Hond.,  Bahtin  Ofic.,  Dec.  5,  1853;  Costa  It.,  Bo- 
ldin Ofic.,  Dec.  15,  1853;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Dec.  12,  19,  24,  1853;  Jan.  15,  30,  1854. 

81  He  thought  Chamorro  was  evading  the  obligation  of  Nicaragua  to  aid 
Honduras  with  troops  for  the  war  with  Guatemala. 

82  His  manifesto  of  June  12th  was  moderate  in  tone  hut  significant  in  its 
substance.  It  promised  a liberal  policy,  and  to  reconstruct,  if  possible,  the 
federal  republic.  Wells’  Ilond.,  508-9;  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  268-70;  El  Rol,  Oct.  6, 
1854. 

63  They  tendered  their  mediation.  Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Rev.  Nic.,  67-75. 

84  Early  in  Jan.  1855,  J.  Trinidad  Munoz  was  made  general-in-chief,  Jerez 
having  been  disabled  by  a severe  wound.  El  Rol,  Feb.  9,  28,  1855;  Costa  R., 
Boldin  Ofic.,  Feb.  28,  1855.  The  successes  of  the  legitimist  party — so  called 
because  of  the  motto  on  its  colors,  Legitimidad  6 muerte — were  obtained  by- 
Gen.  Ponciano  Corral  and  his  subordinates,  Chamorro  being  too  ill  for  service 
in  the  field.  Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Rev.  Nic.,  30,  42-3,  108-20;  Eco  Hisp.-Am ., 
Apr.  30,  1855. 


REPUBLIC  OF  NICARAGUA. 


260 

occurred  at  this  time,80  did  not  favor  the  democrats. 
He  was  succeeded  by  Jose  Maria  Estrada.  Corral 
was  the  general-in-cliief  of  the  legitimist  forces,  and 
was  organizing  at  Masaya  an  army  to  capture  Leon. 
The  government  had  called  the  constituent  assembly, 
which  met  on  the  8th  of  April  with  only  fourteen 
members,  and  on  the  10th  resolved  that  Estrada 
should  retain  the  executive  until  a president  should 
be  chosen  under  the  constitution.  This  greatly  dis- 
pleased Corral,  who  had  expected  to  be  called  to  that 
position.  He  had  his  headquarters  in  Managua,  and 
threatened  to  be  revenged  of  the  men  who  had  slighted 
him.86 

Meanwhile  Munoz  had  gone  to  Honduras  and  re- 
turned with  a small  division  of  troops,  the  chief  com- 
mand of  both  the  democratic  and  Honduran  forces 
being  vested  in  him.  By  his  advice  Castellon  ap- 
pointed Rosalie*  Cortes  and  P.  Aleman  commissioners 
to  ascertain  the  views  of  the  legitimist  chiefs  with 
reference  to  peace  negotiations.  Estrada  consented 
to  receive  Cortes,  but  not  Aleman,  and  the  former  had 
interviews  with  him  and  his  supporters,  prevailing  on 
them  to  enter  into  negotiations  either  in  their  official 
or  private  capacity.  Munoz  had  authorized  Cortes 
to  tell  Corral  he  wished  to  have  a direct  understand- 
ing with  him.87  Cortes  first  saw  Corral,  and  by  his 
advice  next  had  interviews  with  Estrada,  Vega,  and 
others,  all  of  whom  showed  a willingness  to  treat  for 
peace,  and  asked  him  to  return  to  Leon,  which  he 
did,  touching  at  Managua,  where  Corral  assured  him 
of  his  disposition  to  come  to  an  understanding  with 
Munoz. 

85  In  the  hacienda  of  Quismapa,  south  of  Granada,  March  12,  1855.  Cha- 
morro was  a wealthy  citizen,  born  in  Granada.  A brave,  resolute  man,  firm 
iu  sustaining  his  political  principles,  but  lacking  discrimination,  and  easily 
duped.  Perez,  Mem.  Hint.  Rev.  Nic.,  126;  A stal/uniaya,  Cent.  Am.,  67. 

86  Perez,  Mem.  Hitt.  Rev.  Nic.,  128,  considered  the  act  of  the  assembly  as 
a serious  blunder. 

e!  His  propositions  were:  Corral  and  himself  were  to  constitute  themselves 
a junta  de  gobierno,  and  direct  public  affairs  until  a constitutional  president 
could  be  elected.  If  Corral  objected  to  this  arrangement,  he,  Mufioz,  would 
recognize  the  legitimate  government,  provided  Corral  became  the  head  of  it. 


DEMOCRATS  AND  LEGITIMISTS. 


2C1 


The  situation  of  the  democrats  was  improved  since 
the  return  of  Munoz.  That  of  the  legitimists  was 
not  so  good,  but  the  rulers  felt  confident.  By  its 
moderate  course  the  legitimist  government  was  gain- 
ing favor  in  democratic  towns.  Estrada’s  confidence 
was  increased  with  the  arrival  of  two  foreign  minis- 
ters accredited  to  his  government.88  By  this  time 
Corral  had  an  efficient  division  at  Managua.  His 
subordinate,  Colonel  Tomds  Martinez,  who  in  late 
years  became  president  of  the  republic,  not  only 
cleared  Nueva  Segovia  of  Hondurans,  but  also  occu- 
pied the  town  of  San  Mdrcos  in  Honduras.  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Andres  Murillo  obtained  a victory  over 
the  democrats  at  Tecuaname  on  the  17th  of  May. 
A few  days  after — May  31st — Estrada’s  government 
decreed  an  amnesty  to  all  soldiers,  from  private 
to  sergeant  inclusive,  presenting  themselves  within 
twenty  days.89  On  the  13th  of  June  came  two  men 
who  afterward  were  fatal  to  the  legitimists,  Santos 
Guardiola,  and  the  clergyman  Manuel  Alcaine.  The 
latter  was  a commissioner  from  Salvador  to  both  bel- 
ligerents, and  his  efforts  on  behalf  of  peace  had  been 
favorably  entertained  by  Castellon.  Estrada  listened 
to  him,  but  did  not  accept  his  proposals.90  Alcaine 
went  back  to  Leon,  and  reported  that  the  legitimists 
were  bent  upon  exterminating  the  democrats,  and  his 
statements  were  fully  believed.  All  hope  of  bring- 
ing the  war  to  an  end  by  peaceful  negotiations  was 
now  abandoned.91 

88  Facundo  Gofii  from  Spain,  and  John  H.  Wheeler  from  the  U.  S. 
Wheeler  was  cordially  received  in  Granada,  hut  afterward  was  abhorred 
by  the  Nicaraguans. 

89  Being  too  limited  in  its  scope,  the  measure  produced  no  good  effect. 

90  He  had  gone  direct  to  Granada,  saying  nothing  to  Corral  from  Munoz, 
which  made  the  former  suspect  that  Munoz  was  deceiving  him. 

91  Ephraim  George  Squier,  whose  works  I have  often  quoted,  was  born  in 
Bethlehem,  in  the  state  of  New  York,  June  17,  1821,  and  devoted  most  of 
his  life  to  civil  engineering,  journalism,  and  the  pursuit  of  science,  winning 
for  himself  a distinguished  name  as  an  archaeologist  and  author.  His  first 
distinction  was  awarded  him  for  his  labors  on  the  archaeology  of  the  Missis- 
sippi Valley  and  the  state  of  New  York.  Having  been  appointed  in  1849 
charge  d'affaires  to  the  states  of  Central  America,  he  employed  much  of  his 
time  in  gathering  data  upon  those  countries,  which  he  afterward  embodied  in 
several  books.  In  1S53  he  was  engaged  in  the  survey  of  a route  across  Hon- 


REPUBLIC  OF  NICARAGUA. 


duras,  and  organized  a company  for  the  construction  of  an  interoceanic  rail- 
way. In  1SG3  and  the  following  year  he  was  employed  by  the  U.  S.  govt  as 
a commissioner  in  Peru  for  the  adjustment  of  claims  against  that  republic,  and 
then  devoted  several  months  to  the  exploration  of  ancient  monuments  in  that 
country.  In  1808  he  was  for  a time  U.  S.  consul-gen.  to  Hond.  He  visited 
Europe  several  times  both  for  pleasure  and  business.  In  addition  to  the  works 
that  will  be  herein  enumerated,  he  contributed  many  papers  on  antiquities  and 
other  subjects  to  American  and  European  scientific  periodicals.  The  following 
list  comprises  his  principal  works,  most  of  which  have  been  translated  into 
several  languages:  Monuments  of  the  Mississippi  Valley , being  vol.  i.  of  the 
Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knowledge;  Aboriginal  Monuments  of  the  state  of 
New  Tori',  in  vol.  ii.  of  the  Smithsonian  Contributions;  Antiquities  of  the  state 
of  New  York,  with  a supplement  on  the  antiquities  of  the  west;  The  Seipent 
Symbol,  or  Worship  of  the  Reciprocal  Principles  of  Nature  in  America; 
Waikna,  or  Adventures  on  the  Mosquito  Shore,  under  the  pseudonym  of  Sam- 
uel A.  Bard;  Question  A nglo-A rneiicaine;  Report  of  the  survey  of  the  Honduras 
interoceanic  railway;  Monograph  on  authors  who  have  written  on  the  aborigi- 
nal languages  of  Central  America;  Tropical  fibre#  and  their  economic  extrac- 
tion; Is  cotton  king?  Sources  of  cotton  supply;  Incidents  of  Travel  and  Explo- 
rations in  the  land  of  the  Incas.  Other  works  of  this  author  quoted  in  my 
volumes  on  Central  America  are:  Notes  on  tire  states  of  Honduras  and  Salva- 
dor, with  maps  and  illustrations,  which  gives  valuable  data  on  those  coun- 
tries. In  treating  of  diplomatic  relations  he  expatiates  on  manifest  destiny 
and  British  intrigues,  his  conclusions  not  being  probably  palatable  to  the  sub- 
jects of  the  British  crown,  and  others  disposed  to  oppose  the  absorption  of 
more  territory,  or  the  exercise  of  exclusive  influence  by  the  U.  S.  The  maps 
drawn  by  Hitchcock  under  Squier’s  directions  are  the  best  that  to  that  time 
had  been  published.  Travels  in  Centred  America,  particularly  in  Nicaragua, 
N.  Y.,  1853,  8vo,  2 vol.,  pp.  424  and  452,  maps  and  cuts,  contains  a descrip- 
tion of  aboriginal  movements  and  scenery,  together  with  a concise  account  of 
the  history,  agricultural  and  other  resources,  of  Nicaragua,  the  language, 
manners,  and  customs  of  the  people,  with  illustrations  of  the  principal  build- 
i igs,  towns,  ports,  etc.  The  work  also  describes  at  length  the  proposed  canal 
route,  setting  forth  its  advantages.  The  author  had  every  facility  as  U.  S. 
charge  d'affaires  to  obtain  the  most  exact  data,  and  used  them  conscientiously 
and  with  marked  ability.  Nicaragua,  its  people,  scenery,  monuments,  and  the 
proposed  interoceanic  canal,  Lond.,  1852,  N.  Y.,  1850,  2 vol.  This  work  is 
similar  in  all  respects  to — in  fact  a reprint  of — Travels  in  Cent.  Am.  Another 
edition  under  the  aforesaid  title  appeared  in  New  York,  1800,  1 vol.  of  pp. 
001,  which  with  the  exception  of  about  18  pp.  in  the  append.,  and  a few  more 
illustrations,  was  similar  to  Trav.  in  Cent.  Am.  The  States  of  Central  America, 
N.  Y.,  1858,  8vo,  p.  782,  maps  and  illust.  The  author  issued  in  1S55,  with 
the  title  of  Notes  on  Central  America,  an  8vo  vol.  of  307  pages,  with  maps  ami 
cuts,  intended  to  serve  as  a basis  for  this  more  extensive  oue,  which  treats  of 
the  physical  peculiarities,  population,  productions,  commerce,  and  other 
resources,  political  organization,  aborigines,  etc.,  of  the  country  in  general, 
and  of  the  states  separately,  and  also  of  Belize,  the  Bay  islands,  and 
-Mosquito  shore.  Squier  was  evidently  conversant  with  his  subject.  The 
style  is  vivid  and  interesting,  as  well  as  instructive,  and  the  statements,  as  a 
rule,  worthy  of  acceptance.  In  his  treatment  of  diplomatic  affairs  between 
Great  Britain  and  Cent.  Am.,  in  which  his  own  country  was  interested  on 
the  side  of  the  latter,  he  espouses  the  Central  American  side  with  so  much 
warmth  as  to  awaken  a suspicion  that  his  judgment  may  have  been  warped 
by  his  patriotism.  The  question  of  an  interoceanic  railroad  having  engrossed 
public  attention  since  the  publication  of  this  work  the  author  felt  justified  in 
reproducing,  under  the  title  of  Honduras,  Lond.,  1870,  12°,  278  pp.,  with  a 
map,  in  a more  compact  and  accessible  form,  a description  of  this  country. 
'With  the  exception  of  a fuller  information  on  the  route,  and  its  alleged  ad- 
vantages over  all  others,  and  an  appendix  relating  to  immigration,  the  con- 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 


2G3 


tents  of  tlie  hook  have  been  fully  treated  in  the  bibliographical  notice  on  the 
Stales  of  Cent.  Am. 

Report  to  the  Directors  of  the  Honduras  Interoceanic  Railway,  Lond.,  185S, 
fob,  102  pp.  and  map.  Fours  years  previously  a preliminary  report  was  pub- 
lished on  this  subject,  and  in  1857  another  containing  no  additional  informa- 
tion, but  in  the  appendix  were  given  further  correspondence  and  the  charter 
in  full.  The  present  work  gives  a complete  report  with  all  details,  present- 
ing valuable  statistics,  and  evidences  of  the  feasibility  of  the  proposed  railway. 
Compendia  de  la  Historia  Politica  de  Centro- A inerica,  Paris,  1856,  12°,  pp.  7- 
114,  as  the  title  implies,  is  an  outline  of  the  political  history  of  Central 
America  from  1821  to  1851,  that  is  to  say,  a sketch  of  the  revolution  and 
struggle  between  republicans  on  one  side  and  monarchists  on  the  other,  by 
which  Central  America  was  annexed  to  Mexico,  and  of  the  subsequent  wars 
between  the  federalists  and  the  oligarchs,  which  culminated  in  the  destruction 
of  the  federation,  and  the  ultimate  rise  to  unrestricted  power  of  the  latter 
with  Carrera  as  their  chief  as  well  as  tool.  Translation  with  notes  of  the  letter 
of  Don  Dici/o  de  Palacio  (1570)  to  the  crown  of  Spain  on  the  provinces  of  Guate- 
mala, San  Salvador,  etc.,  N.  Y.,  1860,  sq.,80,  pp.  132,  is  a report  which  in  Span- 
ish bears  the  title  of  Carta  diriyida  al  rcy  de  Espaha,  and  was  addressed  by 
Palacio,  a member  of  the  royal  audiencia  of  Guatemala,  to  the  king,  giving  an 
account  of  the  ancient  provinces  of  Guazacapan,  Izalco,  Cuzcatlan,  and  Chi- 
quimula,  together  with  their  languages,  customs,  and  religion  of  their  aborigi- 
nal inhabitants,  and  a description  of  the  ruins  of  Copan.  Palacio  evidently 
collected  this  information  by  order  of  his  sovereign,  and  showed  himself  an 
intelligent  as  well  as  a kindly,  well-meaning  man;  somewhat  superstitious, 
hut  less  so  than  most  men  of  bis  time.  His  narrative  is  both  readable  and 
instructive,  and  his  description  of  the  ruins  of  Copan  extremely  interesting, 
its  correctness  being  established  in  after  years  by  the  accounts  of  Fuentes 
and  Stephens.  Squier  added  numerous  and  interesting  notes,  but  his  trans- 
lation is  in  places  open  to  criticism,  partly  for  erroneous  meanings  given  to 
words,  and  partly  for  a not  strict  adherence  to  the  spirit  of  the  original.  The 
book,  though  a beautiful  specimen  of  typography,  is  disfigured  with  many 
misprints.  Besides  these  I have  in  my  library  numerous  valuable  documents 
in  manuscript  relating  to  Central  American  history,  from  the  earliest  days 
after  the  Spanish  conquest,  which  Mr  Squier  gathered  from  various  sources 
and  never  published. 

A 1' ravers  L’Amerique  Centrale.  Le  Nicaragua  ct  le  Canid  Interocianiqne, 
Paris,  1867,  8°,  2 vol.,  maps,  427  and  480  pp.,  by  Felix  Belly,  who  was  the 
director-general  of  a French  canal  company  for  opening  a Nicaragua  route. 
He  was  also  a chevalier  and  a well-known  writer.  To  him  had  been  intrusted 
the  task  of  obtaining  a charter  from  Nicaragua  for  this  canal,  and  with  this 
object  he  visited  Central  America  in  1858,  obtained  the  charter,  and  made 
the  necessary  explorations  for  routes  and  resources.  The  delays  and  uncer- 
tainty of  the  undertaking  caused  Belly  to  visit  the  country  more  than  once, 
and  be  thus  became  well  acquainted  with  its  resources,  people,  government, 
and  institutions  generally.  This  information  he  imparts  in  connection  with 
the  narrative  of  his  journey  and  in  articles,  under  the  respective  states,  given 
in  the  first  volume.  The  second  volume  is  wholly  devoted  to  the  interoceanic 
projects,  and  particularly  to  a detailed  history  of  his  own  canal  scheme.  The 
style  is  attractive,  the  observations  clever,  and  the  information  excellent.  A 
second  edition,  a reprint,  appeared  in  1870.  Belly,  Carte  d’ eludes,  etc.,  Paris, 
1858,  contains  notes  on  the  project  of  building  a canal  through  Nicaragua,  and 
the  survey  made  for  that  purpose.  Felix  Belly,  Durchhrucli  der  Americanis- 
chen  Landenye.  Kanal  von  Nicaragua.  Ubersetzt.  von  Karl  Schohel.  Paris,  1859, 
8°,  103  pp.,  one  map,  is  the  same  as  Carte  d’ etudes. ...  by  Felix  Belly,  but 
enlarged  with  a few  sketches  of  the  country  and  people  of  Nicaragua  and 
Costa  Rica. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


REPUBLIC  OF  GUATEMALA 

1 840-1 8G5. 

President  Rivera  Paz — Carrera’s  Course — Pretended  Sedition — Disso- 
lution of  the  Assembly — A Consejo  Constituyente  Created — Car- 
rera Becomes  President — Attempt  against  his  Life — Revolt  of 
Monterrosa— Carrera’s  Despotism — The  Republic  Established — 
Relations  with  Other  Powers — Revolution  of  the  Mountain — Con- 
stituent Assembly  Convened — Carrera’s  Forced  Resignation  and 
Exile — Liberals  Triumphant — Their  Squabbles  and  Disintegration 
— The  Moderado  Party — Revolution  of  Los  Altos — Intrigues  of 
the  Serviles — Presidencies  of  Martinez  and  Escobar — Causes  of 
their  Resignations— Paredes — Recall  of  Carrera — Deeds  of  Ven- 
geance— Carrera  again  President — Partial  Restoration  of  Peace. 

Carrera  had  become  so  inflated  by  flattery  that  he 
actually  believed  himself  able  to  govern  upon  instinct 
Guatemala,  and  even  all  Central  America.1  He  tried 
to  shake  oft*  aristocratic  control,  and  showed  pugna- 
ciousness toward  the  assembly  and  the  administrator 
of  the  diocese.  Obedience  not  being  in  every  instance 
given  to  his  whims,  he  threatened,  in  August  1840,  to 
resign  the  command  of  the  troops,  which  he  held  with 
the  rank  of  lieutenant-general."  The  aristocrats  were 
much  alarmed,  and  the  assembly,  in  flattering  terms, 
declined  accepting  the  resignation.  He  now  appeared 
in  the  roles  of  financier,  political  economist,  and  enemy 
of  the  nobles,  presuming  to  dictate  a policy  for  the 
protection  of  manufactures,  agriculture,  and  other 

1 At  this  time,  in  1840,  he  could  neither  read  nor  write,  and  used,  for  ap- 
pending his  signature,  a stamp.  Later  he  learned  to  sign  his  name. 

2 He  sent  his  resignation  to  the  assembly,  implying  that  it  was  conde- 
scension on  his  part  to  lay  it  before  that  body,  as  he  owed  his  position  directly 
to  the  votes  of  the  people 


(264- 


REIGN  OF  DESPOTISM. 


265 


Interests.  His  displeasure  with  the  nobles  was  be- 
cause he  believed  them  hostile  to  the  masses.3  They 
managed  to  mollify  him,  and  he  then  contented  him- 
self with  issuing  a long  address,  on  the  9th  of  October, 
reiterating  his  anxiety  for  the  general  welfare,  and 
remonstrating  against  the  intrigues  of  his  personal 
enemies.4 

A reign  of  despotism  was  now  established,  which 
continued  upwards  of  thirty  years.  Liberal  laws  were 
abrogated  one  after  another,  and  retrogressive  ones 
substituted,  including  a complete  restoration  to  the 
clergy  of  the  fueros  they  had  been  deprived  of  by  the 
liberal  cortes  of  Spain  in  1820.  Carrera’s  enmity  to 
the  assembly  became  more  apparent  from  day  to  day. 
He  showed  it  by  word,  and  by  the  press.5  He  could 
not  write  a line,  but  others  wrote  for  him,  and  printed 
articles  appeared  over  his  name.6 7  Jose  Francisco 
Barrundia  had  returned  from  his  exile,  and  had  been 
chosen  a deputy,  but  he  resigned  on  the  11th  of  March, 
1842,  giving  powerful  reasons  for  his  course.'  Indeed, 
Barrundia  would  have  been  out  of  place  in  a body 
mostly  made  up  of  ultramontane  priests,  self-styled 
nobles,  and  reactionists. 


3 He  was  wrathful  at  the  thought  that  they  had  tendered  a dictatorship  to 
Morazan,  and  enlisted  the  Quezaltecs  against  himself.  He  did  not  forget  Ri- 
vera Paz’  proclamations  calling  him  a bandit  and  an  antropdfayo.  He  asked 
for  the  meaning  of  this  last  word,  and  on  being  told  it,  tiew  into  a rage  which 
threatened  a repetition  of  the  horrid  scenes  of  Quezaltenango.  Montufar,  Be- 
sefia  Hist.,  iii.  512. 

4 He  referred  to  Pavon,  Batrcs,  and  Aycinena.  It  was  evident  that  he 
then  knew  of  Juan  Fermin  Aycinena ’s  bargain  in  Madrid  which  made  him 
marques  de  Aycinena. 

5 His  press  was  called  Iinprenta  del  Ejercito.  He  had  brought  it  from 
Quezaltenango. 

6 Several  deputies,  under  one  pretext  or  another,  tried  to  resign,  but  only 
the  clergyman  Lorenzana  was  permitted  to  do  so.  Tempsky’s  Journey,  341-50. 
A man  named  Andrade  slightly  wounded  Carrera  in  the  evening  of  Aug.  8, 
1841.  He  was  murdered  by  the  troops,  and  Carrera,  with  the  assent  of  the 
govt,  had  the  body  quartered  in  the  presence  of  hundreds  of  persons,  and  the 
pieces  placed  on  exhibition  at  the  city  gates.  The  order  for  so  doing  was 
signed  by  Rivera  Paz,  and  his  minister  Viteri,  afterward  bishop  of  Salvador. 
LI.,  541-8;  Gucit.,  Gac.  Ofic.,  no.  22,  86-7;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  24S;  Nouv. 
Annnks  Voy.,  xcii.  375;  Niles'  Bey.,  lxi.  177. 

7 He  had  promised,  he  said,  to  remain  in  private  life.  His  voice  would 
be  unheeded.  Without  freedom  or  influence,  he  could  no  longer  do  the  coun- 
try any  good.  ‘ Ningun  pensamiento  hay  aeeptable  en  la  critica  complicacion 
de  sus  negocios,  y en  el  movimiento  retrogrado  que  se  le  ha  dado.’  Montufar, 
Besefia  Hist.,  iii.  528-9;  Gac.  de  tialv.,  Oct.  12,  1854. 


266 


REPUBLIC  OF  GUATEMALA. 


The  treasury  was  so  exhausted  that  the  assembly 
had  no  means  to  pay  its  clerks.  But  the  ecclesiastical 
coffers  had  an  abundance  of  money  from  the  tithes 
tax,  and  Carrera’s  troops  had  to  be  paid,  or  he  would 
resent  the  neglect.  This  was  made  evident  in  Sep- 
tember 1844.  Rivera  Paz,  the  president,  with  the 
utmost  difficulties,  managed  to  procure  money  for  the 
pay  of  the  soldiers  from  day  to  day;  but  for  some 
reason  unexplained,  it  did  not  reach  them.  Carrera 
found  a way  to  secure  his  ends.  He  had  a conference 
with  some  of  his  officers,  and  the  result  was  that  the 
battalion  of  regular  troops  revolted  on  the  20th,  and 
sacked  a number  of  shops,  and  the  stalls  in  the  market- 
place, getting  an  abundant  supply  and  ruining  several 
traders.8  Carrera  then  gathered  his  soldiers  in  the 
barracks,  and  in  order  to  keep  up  appearances,  the 
next  day  without  much  ado  or  any  form  of  trial,  had 
six  men  shot.9 

Rivera  Paz,  finding  his  position  unbearable,  resigned 
it.  The  assembly  accepted  his  resignation,  to  take 
effect  after  his  successor  should  be  appointed,  and 
qualify.  Carrera  was  chosen,  but  declined  the  office. 
Venancio  Lopez  and  Bernardino  Lemus,  appointed  in 
the  order  named,  followed  his  example.  Rivera  Paz 
had  to  remain  as  nominal  head  of  the  government, 
Carrera  being  the  actual  ruler,  whose  demands  clashed 
with  the  fiery-tempered  Viteri,  minister  of  state. 
They  had  a serious  quarrel,  which  culminated  in  the 
arrest  by  Carrera,  on  the  7th  of  December,  1841,  of 
Rivera  Paz,  together  with  Viteri  and  his  subordinates.10 

8 Rivera  Paz  did  not  escape  insult;  but  not  more  than  Carrera  deemed 
needful  to  keep  him  humble. 

9 The  Gaceta,  no.  173,  mentioned  that  number.  Others  made  it  larger. 
The  Indian  chief  Ricardo  Catzum  and  others  on  their  way  to  the  place  of  exe- 
cution, in  loud  tones  declared  that  they  had  only  obeyed  their  general’s  orders. 

10 Carrera  had  threatened  Viteri  with  ‘la  fuerza,’  and  the  latter  answered 
that  he  had  on  his  side  ‘la  fuerza  de  la  razon.’  Carrera  understood  this  to 
mean  cannons  and  muskets,  and  rushing  out  to  the  plaza  came  back  soon 
after  with  troops  and  artillery,  surrounded  the  government  house — then  oppo- 
site the  Santa  Rosa  church — and  furiously  entered  the  building,  demanding  of 
Rivera  Paz  to  show  him  his  forces.  Viteri  then  explained  the  meaning  of 
fuerza  de  la  razon.  Montufar,  lieseiln  Hint. , iii.  536-7.  Squier,  Travels,  ii. 
443  describes  something  similar  as  done  by  Carrera  to  the  assembly. 


SANGUINARY  POLITICS. 


267 


But  after  explanations  lie  retired  liis  force,  and  calm 
was  restored.  On  the  refusal  of  Carrera  to  accept 
the  presidency  resigned  by  Rivera  Paz,  December  14, 
1841,  the  councillor  Venancio  Lopez  was  called  upon 
to  assume  the  office.11  The  lieutenant-general  asked 
for  a passport  to  leave  Guatemala,  his  object  being 
only  to  obtain  more  honors  and  money.  His  plan 
seems  to  have  succeeded.12  Lopez  gave  up  the  pres- 
idency, and  Rivera  Paz  for  the  third  time,  on  the  14th 
of  May,  1842,  was  appointed  to  fill  it. 

The  assembly  adjourned  on  the  4th  of  November, 
1843,  to  meet  again  on  the  1st  of  April,  1844.  But 
Carrera  had  resolved  to  suppress  it,  and  pretending 
an  intended  seditious  movement  at  Pinula,  he  had 
the  supposed  rebels  fired  upon,  and  the  criminal  farce 
ended  with  a simulated  capitulation  at  Guadalupe  on 
the  11th  of  March,  1844,  by  which  the  assembly  was 
set  aside,  and  a council  of  government  was  to  take  its 
place.13  The  assembly  was  convoked,  ratified  its  own 
dishonor,  gave  the  government  full  power  to  regulate 
administrative  affairs,  and  decreed  its  own  dissolu- 
tion.14 The  decree  convoking  members  for  the  new 
council1'1  was  issued  on  the  2Gth  of  April,  and  it  was 
formally  installed  on  the  8th  of  December,  having 
among  its  members  a number  of  liberals.  Rivera  Paz 
resigned  the  presidency,16  and  Carrera  was  chosen  his 
successor,  assuming  on  the  11th  of  December  an  office 
that  he  had  virtually  controlled  since  the  13th  of 
April,  1839.  At  the  election  of  justices  of  the  supreme 
court,  the  nobles  were  defeated.1'  The  consejo,  or 

11  Lopez  was  a Nicaraguan  educated  in  Guat.,  an  honorable  man  and  an  ac- 
complished jurist;  but  owing  to  bad  health,  personal  habits,  and  other  causes, 
was  unfit  for  the  executive  office. 

12  The  assembly  considered  a bill  granting  him  large  tracts  of  land. 

13  The  constitution  to  be  framed  was  to  be  ratified  by  the  first  subsequent 
council  of  double  the  no.  of  representatives.  The  doc.  had  12  articles.  Guat., 
Inf.  Pavon,  2-5;  Niles’  Reg.,  lxvi.  242. 

11  On  the  14th  of  March,  1844.  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  114-16. 

15 ‘Consejo  constituyente  ’ it  was  first  called;  afterward  it  adopted  the 
name  of  ‘congreso  constituyente.’ 

'“Being  appointed  early  in  1849  corregidor  of  Jutiapa;  wdiile  on  his  way 
there  he  was  murdered  with  others. 

IT  They  had  counted  on  Carrera’s  aid,  and  he  failed  them,  for  which  they 
again  at  their  secret  conferences  reapplied  to  him  the  name  untropo/ago. 


208 


REPUBLIC  OF  GUATEMALA. 


eongreso,  as  it  had  begun  to  call  itself,  became  an  ob- 
ject of  bitter  enmity  on  the  part  of  the  aristocrats  and 
serviles;  and  Carreras  overthrow  was  also  contem- 
plated by  them,  pretending  cooperation  with  the  lib- 
erals for  its  accomplishment.  The  plan  fell  through 
before  maturity,  owing  to  distrust  between  the  leaders 
of  the  two  parties.  Carrera  was  informed  of  his 
danger  by  the  confession  of  a dying  man,  but  never 
penetrated  to  the  sources  of  the  plot.18  During  Car- 
rera’s absence  from  the  capital  on  furlough  in  Feb- 
ruary 1845,  Joaquin  Duran  occupying  the  executive 
chair,  a revolt  took  place,  headed  by  Monterrosa  and 
an  officer  named  Mendez,  but  not  being  seconded  by 
the  people,  they  entered  into  a capitulation  with  Duran 
to  leave  the  city,  on  his  solemnly  pledging  them  that 
they  would  not  be  molested.  They  accordingly  went 
out  on  the  5th  as  promised,  and  on  the  next  day 
Sotero  Carrera,  A.  Solares,  and  Vicente  Cruz  entered 
at  the  head  of  their  respective  forces.  Carrera  ar- 
rived afterward,  and  was  received  in  triumph.19 

At  the  expiration  of  his  furlough  Carrera  reassumed 
the  reigns  of  government.  Joaquin  Duran  resigned 
the  portfolio  of  treasury  and  war,  being  succeeded  by 
Brigadier  Geronimo  Paiz.  The  state  w as  now  virtually 
under  the  control  of  a triumvirate  composed  of  Rafael 
and  Sotero  Carrera,  and  Paiz.20  The  subsequent  res- 
ignation of  Minister  Najera  and  appointment  of  Jose 
Antonio  Azmitia  inspired  a little  confidence.21  The 

18  A number  of  persons  were  blindly  persecuted,  particularly  Brigadier 
Monterrosa  and  his  family.  Barrundia,  Rev.  de  los  PaHklos,  in  Montufar,  Re- 
seda Hist.,  iv.  6C2. 

19  Duran’s  pledges  went  for  nothing.  Blood  and  extermination  ended  the 
drama  of  Feb.  1845.  Id.,  G03-9;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  244-7. 

20  The  most  despotic  captain-generals  of  the  colonial  period,  without  excep- 
ting the  tyrant  Bustamante,  are  not  to  be  compared  with  these  men.  Bar- 
rundia, in  trying  to  console  the  young  men  who  bewailed  the  condition  of  the 
country,  assured  them  that  it  was  transitory,  ‘un  regimen  salvaje  en  pleno 
tiiglo  XIX.  no  puede  ser  perpetuo  en  la  America  independiente.  La  luz  nos 
viene  por  el  Norte  y por  el  Sur;  solo  el  centro  esta  en  tinieblas,  y esa  noche 
lugubre  no  puede  ser  eterna.’  Montufar,  Reseda  Hist.,  v.  9. 

21  Azmitia  was  an  enlightened  man,  and  thirsted  for  no  one’s  blood;  but 
bis  influence,  outside  of  the  foreign  department,  was  small,  and  men,  unheard 
and  untried,  were  shot  before  his  eyes,  without  his  being  able  to  prevent  it. 
Ilia  friends  claimed,  however,  that  through  him  Guat.  was  spared  many  more 
acta  ol  barbarity. 


CONSTITUTION  AND  CONGRESS  20S) 

constituent  congress  passed  liberal  laws,  and  issued  a 
new  constitution  on  the  16th  of  September,  1845,  that 
did  not  suit  the  aristocrats,  and  they  made  it  an  ob- 
ject of  ridicule  and  contempt.22  The  congress  closed 
its  session  on  the  21st  of  the  same  month.  Carrera 
had  obtained  another  leave  of  absence,  and  Brigadier 
Vicente  Cruz,  the  vice-president  chosen  by  congress, 
assumed  the  executive  office.23  The  aristocrats  kept 
a strict  watch  on  Cruz,  and  breathed  more  freely  when 
Carrera  with  his  ministers  Paiz  and  Azmitia  were 
again  at  the  head  of  the  government.  The  succeed- 
ing congress  on  the  1st  of  February,  1846,  rejected 
the  constitution  framed  the  previous  year,  and  author- 
ized the  government  to  call  another  constituent  con- 
gress. This  was  the  result,  not  only  of  aristocratic 
intrigue,  but  of  violent  threats  on  the  part  of  Car- 
rera and  his  minions  against  all  attempting  to  sanction 
the  act  of  the  ‘desorganizadores’  to  undermine  his 

94. 

power. 

Carrera  and  Paiz,  aided  by  Sotero  Carrera,  corre- 
gidor  of  La  Antigua,  now  ruled  supreme.  Citizens 
had  no  protection  unless  they  approved  of  every  act. 
During  the  funeral  services  of  Archbishop  Casaus  a 
plot  was  made  to  assassinate  Carrera,  which  failed, 
and  the  conspirators  were  seized  and  tried.  Those  who 
had  powerful  friends  were  sent  into  exile ; the  rest  had 
to  perish  in  the  damp  dungeons  of  the  fort.25 

Guatemala,  in  view  of  the  political  change  resulting 
from  the  dissolution  of  the  federal  compact,  decreed 
by  her  assembly,  on  the  14th  of  November,  1843,  a 


22  It  consisted  of  222  articles,  and  was  drawn  up  at  Quezaltenango;  it  came 
to  nothing.  Pineda  de  Mont.,  in  Gnat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  8G. 

23  Cruz  had  risen  with  Carrera,  hut  had  a mild  disposition,  and  was  liberal- 
minded.  He  learned  erelong  that  the  people  had  nothing  to  expect  from  the 
aristocrats. 

21  Barrundia  left  an  account  of  all  the  proceedings.  One  man  only,  Jose 
Gandara,  had  the  courage  to  back  his  convictions  and  vote  for  the  constitu- 
tion. 

23  The  plan  liau.  been  to  shoot  him  as  he  came  out  of  the  cathedral.  Dun- 
lop's Cent.  Am.,  248;  Iris’  Espafl.,  Dec.  12,  1846. 


270 


REPUBLIC  OF  GUATEMALA. 


new  coat  of  arms  for  the  state.  ’6  On  the  6th  of  April, 

1857,  the  government  was  empowered  to  make  in  the 

coat  of  arms  such  changes  as  it  might  deem  judicious, 

but  preserving  the  inscription,  Guatimaloe  Respublica 

sub  Dei  Optimi  Maximi  protectione.  The  change 

was  .decreed  on  the  31st  of  May,  1858. 27  A law  of 

March  14,  1851,  confirmed  in  that  of  May  31,  1858, 

establishes  the  national  flag1.28 

© 

The  national  independence  of  Guatemala  was  ere- 
long recognized  by  foreign  powers,  with  which  she 
opened  diplomatic  relations  and  made  treaties.29  The 
formal  recognition  by  Spain  took  place  in  the  treaty 
of  May  29,  1863,  subsequently  ratified  by  both  gov- 
ernments. Guatemala  has  endeavored  to  maintain 
friendly  relations  with  all.  With  the  United  States 
they  have  been  quite  cordial.  During  Carrera’s  rule 
his  government  gave  recognition  to  the  imperial  re- 
gime of  Maximilian  in  Mexico.30  During  the  South 
American  struggle  between  Chile  on  one  side,  and 
Peru  and  Bolivia  on  the  other,  Guatemala  maintained 
herself  neutral.  She  accepted  in  1881  the  invitation 
of  the  United  States  government  to  be  represented 

26  The  arms  to  he  those  Cent.  Am.  used  on  the  obverse  side  of  her  coin, 
but  so  arranged  that  the  sun  and  volcanoes  should  be  in  the  centre  of  a shield, 
with  the  inscription,  Guatemala  en  Centro  America,  15  de  Setiembre  de  1821, 
having  in  the  quiver  an  olive  crown. 

27  A shield  divided  transversely  into  two  quarters;  the  upper  one  on  an 
open  field  azure  with  vertical  bars  argent;  and  the  lower  with  three  volcanoes 
on  a light  sky-blue  field.  Over  the  shield  was  a sun,  and  on  each  side  of  it 
two  flags  with  the  national  colors  displayed,  and  the  extremities  gathered 
downward,  and  knotted  on  the  poles.  On  the  right  side  of  the  shield  is  an 
oak  bough,  and  on  the  left,  one  of  laurel.  On  a white  waving  ribbon  is  the 
legend  in  golden  letters,  Guatimalse  Respublica  sub  D.  O.  M.  protectione. 

28  The  man-of-war  flag  has  the  coat  of  arms  on  the  yellow  stripe.  The 
mercantile  flag  does  not  show  the  coat  of  arms.  The  flag  consists  of  seven 
stripes;  the  uppermost  and  lowermost,  or  be  it  the  1st  and  7th,  blue;  the  2d 
and  6th  white;  the  3d  and  5th  red;  and  the  4th,  wdiicli  is  the  centre  one, 
yellow.  Gunt.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  55-8;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Ijey.  Mcx. , vi.  119- 
20;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  Orel. , 1850-1;  i.  388-9;  Mcx. , Ley.,  1851,  307-9.  New 
national  flag  decreed  Aug.  17,  1871.  Guat.,  Recop.  L,eyes,  Gob.  Democ.,  i.  9. 

29  With  France,  March  8,  1S48,  and  one  for  the  settlement  of  French 
claims,  Aug.  18,  1854;  Costa  R.,  March  10,  1848;  G.  Britain,  Feb.  20,  1849; 
U.  S.,  March  20,  1849;  Belgium,  Apr.  1849;  Mex.,  Nov.  1S50;  the  pope,  Oct.  7, 
1852;  Peru,  1857;  and  others  in  later  times. 

33  Crosby's  Eventi  in  Cal.,  MS.,  103.  It  tried  to  avoid  entanglements  in 
the  questions  then  pending  between  Spain  and  Peru.  The  time  came,  how- 
ever, in  1875,  when  the  govt  was  not  afraid  to  make  recognition  of  Cuba 
then  in  the  throes  of  revolution  for  independence  from  Spain  as  a nation. 


REVOLUTION  AND  ROBBERY. 


271 


at  a proposed  American  congress  to  be  held  in  Wash- 
ington, but  which  did  not  take  place.  In  that  same 
year,  owing  to  the  maltreatment  of  a French  citizen, 
a difficulty  arose  with  France,  but  it  was  amicably 
settled,  the  French  flag  being  saluted,  and  a pecuniary 
compensation  allowed  by  Guatemala.31 

On  the  8th  of  April  the  official  journal  gave  to  the 
public  a decree  appointing  Pedro  Molina,  Alejandro 
Marure,  and  J.  M.  Urruela  a committee  to  frame  a 
constitution  for  the  new  republic,82  a project  of  which 
they  presented  in  due  time;  but,  though  conservative, 
the  government  would  not  adopt  it.33  The  self-styled 
nobles  were  delighted  with  their  republic,  and  made 
it  appear  in  the  official  paper  that  the  people  in  the 
departments  were  equally  so.  But  a scarcity  of  bread- 
stuffs,  attributed  by  many  to  the  contrivances  of 
monopolists,  created  disturbances  in  some  districts, 
alarming  the  government.  Certain  taxes  were  tem- 
porarily removed,  and  other  measures  wrnre  adopted 
to  alleviate  tire  distress.34 

In  May  there  was  a revolutionary  movement  in 
Sacatepequez.35  Robbery  and  murder  became  of  fre- 
quent occurrence  in  several  departments.  The  gov- 

31  Full  particulars  on  the  foreign  relations  may  he  found  in  Guat.,  Becop. 
Ley.,  i.  303-SI,  423-30;  Id.,  Gob.  Bern.,  i.  209-10;  Sqiders  Trav.,  ii.  451-2; 
Annals  Bril.  Legis.,  18(56,  333;  Guat.,  Gac.,  Feb.  21,  March  7,  May  3,  1850; 
July  29,  1853;  Jan.  27,  Apr.  7,  1854;  Comm.  Bel.  Flagg’s  Bept.,  i.  792;  Bet-e- 
cho Intern.  Mex. , 2d  pt,  325-8;  Mex.,  Mem.  Bel.,  1851,  10-1 1 ; Dublin  and  Lozano, 
Leg.  Mex.,  v.  755-7;  Nic.  Corr.  1st.,  May  1,  June  1,  Aug.  1,  1849;  Id.,  Gac. 
OJic.,  Feb.  25,  1854;  Aug.  4,  1866;  Costa  B.,  Gac.,  Feb.  13,  March  13,  June  10, 
1854;  Salv.,  Gac.,  Jan.  13,  1854;  Crosby's  Events  in  Cal.,  MS.,  90-5,  102-4; 
Bocka,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  141-5;  Salv.,  Diario  OJic.,  Apr.  20,  Sept.  9,  1875;  Gnat., 
Mem..  Bel.,  18S2,  26-7,  and  annex  8;  An  Estrella  dc  Occid.,  Dec.  2,  1864. 

32  Molina  accepted  this  trust  believing  Minister  Azmitia,  with  whom  the 
committee  would  have  to  treat  directly,  was  a liberal;  but  Azmitia  was  not 
such,  nor  would  the  aristocrats  have  permitted  him  to  control  the  situation. 

33  Molina  accepted,  under  the  pressure  of  circumstances,  a number  of 
clauses  opposed  to  his  own  opinions,  thinking  that  a conservative  constitution 
would  be  better  than  an  unbridled  dictatorship. 

34  Some  of  the  measures  being  imprudently  executed  only  increased  the 
trouble.  To  make  matters  worse,  the  monopoly  of  aguardiente  in  the  depart- 
ments of  Guat.,  Sacatepequez,  Escuintla,  and  Amatitlan,  was  given  to  a single 
company,  in  consideration  of  money  advances  to  the  treasury.  Carrera  was 
supposed  to  share  in  the  profits. 

3 ’ The  Indians  rose  against  the  ladinos,  who  deprived  them  of  their  lands, 
an  l forced  them  to  work  at  raising  grain. 


REPUBLIC  OF  GUATEMALA. 


272 

ernment  saw  a serious  revolution  at  hand,  and  made 
efforts  to  meet  it.  It  tried,  however,  to  show  that 
the  public  peace  was  not  disturbed.36  All  measures 
to  check  the  revolution  were  unavailing,  and  the  pol- 
icy of  the  rulers  of  Salvador  made  the  condition  of 
affairs  more  alarming  to  Carrera  and  his  supporters. 
Their  political  opponents  now  thought  the  overthrow 
of  the  tyrant  was  not  far  distant.  His  counsellors 
advised  him  to  call  a constituent  congress,  and  pro- 
visionally place  the  executive  office  in  the  hands  of 
Vice-  president  Cruz,  to  which  he  acceded.  The  de- 
cree for  summoning  the  congress  was  issued,  and  Cruz 
assumed  the  presidency  on  the  25th  of  January.37 
N ajcra  and  Azmitia  retired,  which  indicated  a change 
of  policy.  This  greatly  exercised  the  reactionists, 
and  the  ayuntamiento  of  Guatemala,  on  the  4tli  of 
February,  urgently  begged  Carrera  to  resume  his 
office,  whereupon  Cruz  threw  it  up,  and  the  former 
took  the  chair  at  once.  He  organized  a new  cab- 
inet,38 the  personnel  of  which  was  a challenge  to  the 
whole  liberal  party,  which  thereby  was  roused  to 
action.  The  first  act  of  the  government  was  to  revoke 
the  decree  calling  the  constituent  assembly.  All  hope 
of  reform  was  now  given  up. 

The  revolution  went  on,  and  notwithstanding  occa- 
sional reverses  made  much  headway,  Serapio  Cruz,  a 
brother  of  the  vice-president,  and  an  estimable  man  and 
experienced  soldier,  taking  sides  with  the  mountaineers. 
The  government  was  sinking  under  the  weight  of  its 
depravity;  and  yet  in  those  moments  of  despair,  it 
struck  a blow  at  its  opponents.  Molina  was  arrested 
on  the  10th  of  May.  A similar  order  was  issued 

36  ‘ La  tranquilidad  contimia  inalterable.  ’ Gual.,  Gac.  Ofic.,  Aug.  14,  1S47. 
The  archbishop  was  asked  to  instruct  his  priests  to  preacli  obedience  to  the 
authorities  and  laws;  and  with  the  view  of  winning  the  good-will  of  the  Do- 
minicans the  govt  restored  them  the  large  hacienda  of  Palencia,  which  had 
been  theirs  prior  to  1829.  The  property  had  fallen  into  Carrera’s  hands  by 
donation  from  the  government,  and  now,  in  order  to  restore  it  to  the  friars,  it 
was  bought  from  him  at  his  own  price. 

37  Carrera’s  decrees  of  Jan.  12  and  22,  1848. 

38  Foreign  relations,  Jose  Mariano  Rodriguez;  government,  Luis  Batres; 
treasury  and  war,  Jose  Najera. 


POLITICAL  UNREST. 


273 


against  Barrundia,  but  he  escaped  the  clutches  of  the 
sbirri,  first  giving  the  government  his  mind  in  the 
Album,  which  publication  was  of  course  suppressed. 3:) 
Together  with  Molina  were  conveyed  to  the  fort  Jose 
Marino  Vidaurre  and  the  printer  Luciano  Luna.  An 
order  of  the  court  of  first  instance,  issued  at  the  peti- 
tion of  Molina’s  wife,  was  treated  with  contempt  by 
Palomo  Valdez,  acting  comandante  of  the  depart- 
ment, who  merely  said  that  Molina  had  been  imprisoned 
upon  a verbal  order  of  the  president.  The  prisoners 
were  released  after  some  time  of  suffering  in  the  dun- 
geons  of  the  fort.  The  Gaceta  repeatedly  contained 
abusive  remarks  against  the  republicans  of  France. 
The  French  consul  demanded  a retraction,  and  not 
being  heeded,  struck  his  flag  and  discontinued  rela- 
tions with  the  government.40 

The  position  of  the  government  was  daily  becoming 
more  untenable,  when  it  concluded  to  call  a constit- 
uent assembly,  to  begin  its  labors  on  the  15th  of 
August.41  A scandalous  occurrence  took  place  a few 
days  before  the  installation  of  the  assembly,  when  the 
comandante,  Palomo  Valdez,  violently  arrested  the 
deputy  M.  Pineda  de  Mont,  who  was  released  at 
the  demand  of  that  body,  but  the  perpetrator  of  the 
act  went  unpunished. 

Carrera  made  known  his  intention  to  resign 42  on 
the  installation  of  the  assembly,  and  the  insurgent 
chief  Francisco  Carrillo  tendered  his  submission  to 
that  body.  The  liberals  could  not  expect  to  elect  any 

39  His  last  words  on  that  occasion  were:  ‘Queda  al  publico  el  sempiterno 
duo  de  la  Revista  y Gaceta,  que  daran  solos  la  ley  y seran  la  esclusiva  ilustra- 
cion  de  Guatemala.’  MontuJ'ar , Resena  Hist.,  v.  444;  Salv.,  Oac.,  Oct.  12, 
1854.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  those  two  organs  were  edited  by  Pavon 
and  Milla  for  the  express  purpose  of  upholding  the  ideas  of  the  middle  ages. 

40  This  affair  was  later  settled,  the  assembly  passing  resolutions  highly 
complimentary  to  France  and  her  people,  embodying  also  a desire  to  see  the 
French  flag  again  waving  over  the  French  consulate.  A copy  of  the  resolu- 
tions was  transmitted  to  the  consul.  The  flag  waved  again  and  was  saluted 
with  21  guns.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v.  577;  Niks'  Reg.,  lxxiv.  142-3,  415- 
16;  Nic.,  Gac.  Gob.  Suprem.,  Dec.  9,  1848;  El  Heraldo,  Jan.  15,  1849. 

41  The  members  were  to  be  at  the  capital  on  the  1st  of  the  month.  Decree 
of  May  24,  1848.  Gnat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  121-36. 

42  This  was  done  by  the  advice  of  Batres,  who  told  him  the  liberal  party 
would  soon  commit  suicide,  and  he  might  then  return  in  triumph. 

IIist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  18 


274 


REPUBLIC  OF  GUATEMALA. 


candidate  of  their  own,  and  the  reactionists,  though 
having  a working  majority  in  the  assembly,  from 
motives  of  policy  abstained  from  presenting  one  of 
their  party;  but  they  finally  fixed  upon  a political 
nonentity,  who  was  known  to  be  in  accord  with  Nufio 
and  the  revolutionists  of  Chiquimula,  named  Juan 
Antonio  Martinez,43  believing  that  though  a liberal 
he  would  not  be  antagonistic  to  their  interests.  The 
assembly  was  installed  on  the  15th  of  August  with 
Pedro  Molina  presiding,  when  Carrera  sent  in  three 
documents,  one  of  which  was  his  resignation,44  which 
was  accepted,  no  attempt  being  made  to  detain  him, 
as  it  was  the  general  desire  that  he  should  leave  the 
country.45  Martinez  was  appointed  his  successor.4" 
The  new  president  kept  Carrera’s  officers  in  their 
commands.47  His  appointment  did  not  satisfy  the 
chiefs  of  the  revolution,48  and  through  commissioners 
they  made  known  their  demands,  dated  August  27th, 
in  18  articles.49  The  government  rejected  them,  but 
in  a decree  requiring  their  submission  offered  certain 
terms,  which  in  their  turn  were  not  accepted,  and  the 
war  went  on. 

Colonel  Nufio  had  made  an  arrangement  with  com- 
missioners Duenas  and  Angulo  of  Salvador  for  the 

O 

organization  of  Los  Altos  as  a separate  state.  This 


43  A merchant  or  agent;  he  was  sickly,  and  totally  unfit  for  the  position. 

44  The  other  two  were  his  message  on  gen.  affairs,  and  his  greeting  to  the 
chamber  on  its  installation.  A Tic.,  One.  Gob.  Suprem.,  Sept.  16,  1848;  Salv., 
Gac.  Ofic.,  Sept.  9,  1876;  Montvfar,  Reseila  Hist.,  v.  470,  494-508. 

45  His  proscription  was  decreed  on  the  13th  of  Oct.,  1848.  I teg.  Cent.  Am., 
Jan.  29,  1850.  He  went  to  Chiapa,  and  the  Mexican  govt  was  requested  not 
to  let  him  cross  the  frontier.  El  Siglo,  Jan.  10,  1851. 

46  This  was  an  unmerited  slight  to  Vice-president  Cruz,  which  he  resented 
afterward. 

47  His  ministers  were  Manuel  J.  Dardon  of  the  govt;  Jose  M.  Vidaurre  of 
treasury  and  war,  and  Luis  Molina  of  foreign  relations. 

48  Francisco  Carrillo,  Serapio  Cruz,  Roberto  Reyes,  J.  D.  Nufio,  and  A. 
Perez. 

49  The  chief  being  the  convocation  of  a new  constituent  assembly;  the 
recognition  of  Los  Altos  as  independent,  efforts  to  restore  the  Central  Am. 
republic,  and  meantime  Guat.,  Salv.,  and  Los  Altos,  to  be  under  one  govt; 
the  revolutionary  army  to  hold  the  capital  and  other  important  points;  Rafael 
and  Sotero  Carrera  and  their  agents  to  make  good  with  their  property  all 
damages  caused  by  them  to  private  persons;  objectionable  persons  to  be  ban- 
ished, and  the  Brit,  govt  to  be  asked  to  recall  Consul  Chatfaeld. 


POLITICAL  PARTIES. 


275 


roused  the  aristocrats,  and  their  spokesman,  Andre u, 
made  such  broad  statements  in  the  chamber  that  the 
president  accused  him  of  falsehood,  and  closed  the 
discussion.  The  affair  widened  the  breach  among 
the  liberals.  Luis  Molina  now  organized  a third  party, 
that  took  the  name  of  moderado,  most  of  whose  mem- 
bers were  from  the  liberal  party  and  the  latter  was 
left  an  almost  insignificant  minority.  The  aristocratic 
party,  albeit  divided  in  appearance,  was  really  united.50 


" 'a«=3>  o ^ 





\ l Q&j 


’Wiusfuri' 


yv>  H 


yor\'xm,,(:iilly 


affix’ 

.Solomai 


gSfer  U -^fg< 

r>S' 

S3S, 


‘'Salami 


£r 


j ®Gt)'ATEMALA  *' 


Los  Altos. 


They  were  aisquieted,  however,  by  the  attitute  of 
Salvador  in  upholding  the  independence  of  Los  Altos, 
which  had  been  organized  as  a state;51  but  did  not 
despair  of  breaking  up  the  friendship  between  the 
liberals  and  the  government  of  Salvador.52  The  aris- 

60  Their  only  division  was  in  open  and  covert  serviles. 

51  A provisional  govt  was  established  at  Quezaltenango  on  the  5th  of  Sept., 
1848,  consisting  of  a triumvirate;  namely,  Presbyter  Fernando  Antonio  Davila, 
Rafael  de  la  Torre,  and  Jose  Velazco,  with  Manuel  J.  Fuentes  as  secretary- 
gen.  Id.,  588-9;  Guat.,  Gac.,  Sept.  22,  1848. 

52  The  nobles,  aided  by  the  clergy,  surrounded  the  brothers  Cruz,  and  Luis 
Molina  undertook  to  dissuade  Nuho,  who  was  a very  ignorant  man. 


276 


REPUBLIC  OF  GUATEMALA. 


tocrats  set  themselves  to  work  to  have  a motion  made 
by  a liberal  in  the  assembly  for  the  confirmation  of 
Carrera’s  decree  of  March  21,  1847,  to  create  the  re- 
public of  Guatemala.  Such  an  act  on  the  part  of  the 
liberals  would  alienate  from  them  the  support  of  the 
Salvadorans,  and  reduce  them  to  a nullity.  And  yet 
Barrundia  made  the  motion,53  and  it  was  received  with 
a shout  of  applause,  and  passed  on  the  14th  of  Sep- 
tember, with  only  two  negative  votes.54  This  ratifi- 
cation was  hailed  with  ringing  of  bells  and  salvos  of 
artillery. 

The  revolutionists  of  Los  Altos  being  defeated  at 
San  Andres,55  were  obliged  to  submit,  but  the  situa- 
tion of  the  government  was  made  precarious  by  the 
defeat  of  Nufio  by  the  brothers  Cruz,  who  approached 
the  capital.56  Unable  to  negotiate  peace,  Martinez  re- 
signed the  executive  office,  and  Jose  Bernardo  Escobar 
succeeded  him  on  the  28th  of  November.5'  The  new 
president  found  all  his  plans  antagonized  by  the  aris- 
tocrats and  moderados,  and  the  clergy  especially  mis- 
trusted him  and  his  ministers.53  He  might  easily 
have  dissolved  the  assembly,  but  the  act  would  have 
been  repugnant  to  his  principles.  He  concluded  to 
retire,  but  his  resignation  was  not  accepted.59  Vicente 
Cruz  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  capital,  offering 
security  for  life  and  property,  a few  persons  only  ex- 

53  The  necessity  of  procuring  money  for  the  war,  which  could  not  be  had 
except  from  partisans  of  the  oligarchs,  prompted  it,  as  they  made  that  act  of 
ratification  a sine  qua  non  before  loosening  their  purse-strings. 

51  Gitat.,  Col.  Ley.,  i.  77-9;  Monlufar,  Resefia  Hist.,  v.  584-5.  Gdndara 
and  Pineda  da  Mont,  the  other  liberals  trying  to  persuade  themselves  that  the 
separation  would  be  only  temporary. 

55  By  Col  M.  Paredes.  Guat.,  Gac.,  Sept.  22,  1848;  Id.,  Col.  Ley.,  50-3; 
Kic.,  Gac.  Gob.  Suprern.,  Nov.  18,  25,  Dec.  9,  1848;  Montufar,  Resefia  Hist., 
v.  606-8,  634-9. 

“''The  attempt  to  gain  over  Nufio  to  the  side  of  the  govt  proving  success- 
ful, he  had  been  appointed  eomandante  general.  On  the  other  hand,  Vice- 
president  Vicente  Cruz,  smarting  under  the  slight  put  upon  him  by  the 
selection  of  Martinez  for  pres.,  joined  his  brother  Serapio  in  his  armed  contest 
against  the  govt.  Id.,  v.  555,  570-1,  588,  591. 

57  Escobar  was  an  orator,  a true  republican,  and  well  disposed  to  deal 
fairly  by  all  men,  regardless  of  political  affiliations. 

His  ministers  were  Revd  Narciso  Monterey,  of  govt;  Basilio  Porras,  of 
relations;  Mariano  Galvez  Irungaray,  of  treasury;  and  Manuel  Jonama,  an 
old  retired  officer  of  Morazan,  of  war. 

49  The  two  opposing  parties  had  not  yet  lixed  upon  his  successor. 


DEATH  OF  VICENTE  CRUZ. 


277 


cepted.60  The  negotiations  for  peace  having  failed, 
Escobar  a second  time  sent  in  his  resignation,  and  it 
was  accepted,  with  marked  disrespect  oil  the  part  of 
the  serviles  and  moderados.61  Manuel  Tejada  was 
chosen  president  on  the  30tli  of  December,  and  de- 
clined the  honor.  Mariano  Paredes  was  then  ap- 
pointed, on  the  1st  of  January,  1849,  and  took  the 
oath  which  had  been  prepared  by  Paredes,  but  he  soon 
perjured  himself,  following  explicitly  the  advice  of 
Luis  Batres,  and  thus  becoming  a tool  of  the  aristo- 
crats to  bring  back  Carrera  to  power.62  Arrangements 
were  made  with  the  mountaineers,  under  which  Brig- 
adier Vicente  Cruz,  having  recognized  the  govern- 
ment, entered  Guatemala  on  the  9th  of  February ,63 
It  was  noticed,  however,  that  Serapio  Cruz  and  other 
chiefs  remained  outside.  The  men  of  Agustin  Perez 
afterward  committed  several  murders,  and  Vicente 
Cruz  went  against  and  defeated  them  on  the  20th  of 
March,  but  while  engaged  in  the  pursuit  was  struck 
by  a bullet  in  the  chest  and  fell  dead.64 

Carrera  was  known  to  be  on  the  frontier,  and 
Batres  undertook  to  obtain  the  assent  of  the  chiefs 
of  the  mountain  for  his  return.  Not  all  of  them 
assented,  however,  Serapio  Cruz  issuing  a very  sig- 
nificant manifesto.  General  Agustin  Guzman,  the 
loyal  liberal  leader,  well  understood  Batres’  aims,  and 
having  a force  at  Huehuetenango  made  a move  on 
Quezaltenango,  defeating  a large  party  of  Indians,  on 

60  The  Molinas  and  Arrivillagas,  Vidaurre,  Dardon,  Barrundia,  and  Mar- 
tinez, who  were  held  responsible  for  the  blood  already  spilled. 

61  A large  number  of  official  docs,  connected  with  the  last  two  administra- 
tion are  given  in  Montufar,  Rescna  Hist.,  v.  593-601,  611,  622-44,  695-715. 

62In  forming  his  cabinet  he  slighted  Luis  Molina  and  his  party.  His 
ministers  were  Jose  Mariano  Rodriguez,  Raymundo  Arroyo,  Jose  M.  Urruela, 
and  Manuel  Tejada.  Arroyo  was  succeeded  in  Aug.  by  Pedro  N.  Arriaga, 
and  Cerezo  became  min.  of  war. 

“The  principal  clauses  were:  the  revolutionary  forces  to  be  incorporated 
with  the  army  of  the  republic;  Vicente  Cerna  to  become  general-in-chief  of 
the  army;  elections  of  deputies  to  be  made  in  unrepresented  districts;  dam- 
ages caused  private  parties  by  the  army  to  be  paid  by  the  government. 

64  The  aristocrats  made  a great  display  of  regret  at  his  death,  but  it  was 
well  known  that  they  did  not  love  him.  In  eliminating  him  from  the  revo- 
lution, they  had  in  view  to  weaken  the  latter,  but  still  wanted  it  to  continue 
as  a means  for  Carrera’s  return. 


278 


REPUBLIC  OF  GUATEMALA. 


the  way,  at  San  Bartolomc.  This  move  further  com- 
plicated affairs,  and  Batres  resolved  to  get  rid  of  him 
by  subterfuge.63  There  were  constant  skirmishes  on 
the  frontier,  Carrera  having  under  him  a considerable 
number  of  Indians.60  He  finally  reached  Quezalte- 
nango,  and  the  assembly  empowered  the  government 
to  institute  measures  for  an  active  campaign.67  On 
the  13th  of  April,  just  ten  years  after  the  occupation  of 
Guatemala  by  Carrera,  his  second  entry  had  been  an- 
nounced. Paredes  swore  to  defend  the  city  against 
Carrera,63  which  oath  he  never  intended  to  keep. 
Major  Victor  Zavala,  corregidor  and  comandante  of 
Suchitepequez,  made  common  cause  with  Carrera.69 
Paredes,  by  the  advice  of  Luis  Batres  and  against  the 
wishes  of  the  liberal  and  moderado  leader's,  opened 
negotiations  with  Carrera,  which  resulted  in  the  sub- 
mission of  the  latter  and  his  forces  at  Quezaltenango, 
whereupon  it  was  decreed  that  all  hostilities  against 
him  were  to  cease;  the  order  forbidding  his  return 
was  revoked,  his  rank  of  lieutenant-general  was  re- 
stored, and  finally  he  was  given  the  command-in-chief 
of  the  army.  The  compact  between  the  oligarchy  and 

65 1’aredes  made  him  believe  the  govt  really  intended  to  oppose  Carrera. 
He  also  pledged  the  govt  to  protect  Los  Altos,  and  provide  for  the  advance- 
ment of  education  and  commerce  in  that  region.  Under  such  pledges  Guz- 
man placed  himself  and  his  Quezaltecs  at  the  service  of  the  govt  and  pro- 
ceeded to  the  capital.  Montufar,  Reseila  Hint.,  v.  709-71. 

60  Jan.  24th  he  wrote  the  govt  from  Ayuto  that  he  was  on  his  march  to 
the  capital,  not  to  avenge,  he  said,  the  insults  heaped  upon  him  by  Martinez’ 
administration,  or  rake  up  by-gones,  but  to  restore  peace  and  justice.  The 
assembly,  before  which  his  letter  was  laid,  adopted  no  resolution. 

67  To  raise  a foreign  loan  of  one  million  dollars;  to  procure  troops  from 
other  friendly  states;  and  if  necessary  to  remove  the  capital.  After  granting 
such  power  the  assembly  adjourned,  leaving  in  the  city  a ‘ comision  perina- 
nente.’ 

68  His  govt  said  that  aid  afforded  to  Carrera  was  treason  under  the  decree 
of  Oct.  18,  1848.  Ministers  Arroyo  and  Tejada  in  a manifesto  assured  the 
people  of  the  government’s  best  efforts  to  defeat  his  projects.  Hie.,  Gac., 
March  17,  1849.  It  is  astonishing  that  an  ignorant  man  like  Paredes  couhl 
so  easily  hoodwink  Luis  Molina  and  the  rest.  They  soon  opened  their  eyes 
to  see  the  falseness  of  the  man  they  had  elevated  from  the  command  of  a bat- 
talion to  the  chief  magistracy,  and  who  was  on  the  point  of  consummating  his 
treachery.  Guzman  saw  through  his  plan,  and  escaped  out  of  the  city  with  a 
number  of  his  Quezaltec  officers  and  men,  and  succeeded  in  reaching  Salva- 
dor. He  first  joined  the  mountaineers,  and  aided  them  to  take  Jutiapa,  but 
on  seeing  the  outrages  of  Leon  Raymundo,  he  left  them  in  disgust. 

M Zavala  was  connected  by  blood  and  marriage  with  supporters  of  Car- 
rera in  the  aristocratic  clique. 


THE  WAR  OF  1850. 


279 


barbarism  was  consummated.'0  He  assumed  the  com- 
mand on  the  8th  of  August,  and  on  that  date  and  the 
18th  he  issued  proclamations  conveying  his  purpose  of 
restoring  peace  and  order,  and  assuring  the  people 
that  he  was  free  from  hatred.71  But  the  work  of 
vengeance  soon  began.  Efforts  were  made  to  convene 
the  assembly  with  the  object  in  view  of  arresting  the 
liberal  deputies  who  voted  for  Carrera’s  proscription 
in  1848, 72  but  many  of  them  had  fled,  and  only  those 
remaining  were  confined  in  the  fort  by  Carrera’s  order 
without  remonstrance  on  the  part  of  the  president. 
It  is  also  said  that  some  persons  were  shot.  Such  of 
the  prisoners  as  did  not  crave  Carrera’s  pardon  were 
forced  to  leave  the  country.73 

The  difference  in  the  principles  underlying  the  policy 
of  the  rulers  of  Guatemala  and  Salvador,  and  the  bit- 
ter animosity  existing  between  them,  brought  about  a 
war  in  1850,  in  which  Salvador,  Honduras,  and  the 
democrats  of  Nicaragua  were  allied  against  Guate- 
mala.'4 President  Vasconcelos  invaded  Guatemala,7" 

70  The  first  two  decrees  were  of  June  4th  and  5th.  His  appointment  to 
the  chief  command  was  on  the  3d  of  Aug.  A ric.,  Corr.  1st.,  July  1,  Sept.  1. 
1849;  Montufar,  Ttesena  Hist.,  v.  779-80,  784-5. 

71  He  had  come  disposed  to  do  his  duty,  he  said.  The  ayuntamiento  of 
Guat.  on  the  10th  of  Aug.  gave  a banquet  in  honor  of  Carrera.  The  corregi- 
dor  presided,  having  on  his  right  Paredes,  and  on  the  left  Carrera.  Guat., 
Gac.,  Aug.  23,  1849. 

72  The  comision  permaneute  had  represented  the  danger  to  the  govt  before 
Carrera  entered  the  city,  and  its  representations  remaining  unheeded;  it  again 
on  the  27th  of  July  called  the  attention  of  the  minister  of  government  de- 
manding requisite  protection  for  the  representatives.  See  Andres  Dardon’s 
letter  in  Montufar,  Reseha  Hist.,  v.  811-12. 

Barrundia  had  gone  to  Salv.  Luis  Molina  was  now  defeated,  and  had 
to  go  away.  He  wished  to  visit  San  Salvador,  but  could  not  face  Vasconce- 
los, and  went  to  Ahuachapan.  Ex-president  Escobar,  who,  as  president  of 
the  assembly,  signed  the  proscription  act  of  Oct.  13,  1848,  died  in  exile,  poor 
and  miserable;  the  two  subscribing  secretaries  were  Manuel  Irungaray,  whom 
( 'arrera  caused  to  be  shot  some  time  afterward,  and  Lorenzo  Montufar,  the 
author  and  statesman. 

74  Vasconcelos,  president  of  Salv.,  Dec.  4,  1850,  announced  to  his  people 
that  forces  of  Gautemala  were  about  to  invade  the  department  of  Sonsonate, 
with  the  view  of  inciting  the  inhabitants  to  rebel  against  their  government. 
Again,  Jan.  10,  1851,  he  sets  forth  the  motives  actuating  the  oligarchs,  who 
had  Carrera  for  their  tool,  and  British  Consul  Chatfield  for  their  ally,  which 
were  to  destroy  Central  American  liberties,  and  to  domineer  over  the  other 
sections.  Cent.  Am.  Pamph.,  vi.  nos.  2 and  3. 

73 The  objective  point  was  the  city  of  Guat.,  which  the  allies  felt  sure  of 
capturing,  to  judge  from  the  context  of  a letter  from  Duefias  to  Vasconcelos 
of  Jan.  20,  1851.  Cent.  Am.  Pamph.,  iv.  no.  17 


280 


REPUBLIC  OF  GUATEMALA. 


at  the  head  of  an  allied  force  of  Salvadorans,  Hondu- 
rans, and  Nicaraguans,  but  seems  to  have  met  with  a 
signal  defeat  at  the  hands  of  an  inferior  force  under 
Carrera,  near  Arada,  in  Chiquimula,  on  the  2d  of 
February,  which  compelled  a precipitate  retreat  into 
Salvadoran  territory.76  Carrera  then  marched  across 
the  line  and  established  his  headquarters  in  Santa 

Ana.  This  move  demanded  vigorous  measures  on 

© 

the  part  of  Salvador  for  self-defence.77 

Carrera  wrote  the  government  of  Salvador  Febru- 
ary 22d,  that,  understanding  it  wished  to  make  peace, 
but  hesitated  to  propose  it  because  of  the  presence  of 
Guatemalan  troops  in  Salvador,  he  would  recross  the 
line,  starting  on  the  next  day.7s  Yet  the  war  contin- 
ued, until  a definitive  treaty  of  peace  between  Guate- 
mala and  Salvador  was  concluded  at  Guatemala  on 
the  17th  of  August,  1853,  and  ratified  by  Guatemala 
on  the  14th  of  September.'9 

The  civil  strife  raging  in  Guatemala  led  to  differ- 
ences with  Honduras,  whose  government  was  accused  of 
favoring  the  rebels  of  the  mountain.  Recriminations 
and  border  raids  ensued,  which  culminated  in  a three 
years’  war  between  the  two  countries,  Guatemala  aid- 
ing Guardiola  and  other  enemies  of  Cabanas,  the  presi- 


76  Carrera’s  report  from  the  field  contained  the  following  incredible  result: 
a loss  on  the  part  of  the  confederates  of  528  killed,  200  prisoners,  1,000  mus- 
kets, and  9,000  rounds  of  ammunition;  while  his  casualties  were  only  20 
killed  and  42  wounded.  That  was  probably  one  of  his  characteristic  false- 
hoods. The  Salvadoran  minister  called  it  ‘ desgracia  sensible  aunque  pequeiia.  ’ 
But  Cerrera  was  promoted  to  be  captain -general,  and  a memorial  medal  was 
struck  in  honor  of  his  victory.  Frisch,  Die  Stouten,  98;  Astaburuaga,  Cent. 
Am.,  80-1;  Salv.,  Mem.  Sec.  Gen.,  1821-5. 

77  Feb.  6th,  martial  law  was  proclaimed;  13th,  all  men  capable  of  bearing 
arms  were  called  into  service;  those  failing  to  obey,  or  aiding  the  invaders, 
were  declared  traitors;  22d,  the  assembly  decreed  a forced  loan  of  §20,000 
monthly  during  the  continuance  of  the  war.  Nic.,  Cor.  1st.,  March  13,  1851; 
Salv.  Dccreto,  in  Cent.  Am.  Pamph.,  iv.  no.  10. 

78  He  would  return,  however,  if  peaceful  overtures  were  not  made  at  once. 
Guat.,  Boletin  de  Noticing,  March  1,  1851. 

70  The  commissioners  were  Manuel  F.  Pavon  for  Guatemala,  and  Francisco 
Zaldivar  for  Salvador.  It  was  a treaty  of  amity  and  commerce,  calling  also 
for  extradition  of  army  deserters  and  common  criminals  upon  formal  demand 
for  them.  Political  refugees  were  to  he  made  to  live  at  a considerable  dis- 
tance from  the  frontier.  Neither  contracting  party  had  to  pay  any  pecuniary 
indemnity.  Gnat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  431-3;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  Sept.  10,  1853; 
Jan.  30,  1854;  Guat.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  5,  1853. 


REORGANIZATION  OF  GOVERNMENT. 


281 


dent  of  Honduras,  in  their  attempts  to  overthrow  the 
latter.80  At  last  a treaty  was  concluded  at  Guatemala 
on  the  13th  of  February,  1856,  which  the  govern- 
ment of  Guatemala  ratified  on  the  5th  of  April.81 

The  victorious  aristocrats  now  saw  their  opportu- 
nity to  reorganize  the  government  under  a system 
more  in  accordance  with  their  ideas;  that  is  to  say, 
investing  the  executive  with  power  to  crush  revolu- 
tion. Paredes  summoned  the  constituent  assembly 
which  had  been  called  by  Carrera’s  decree  of  May  24, 
1848,  and  it  was  installed  on  the  16th  of  August, 
1851.  This  body  on  the  19th  of  October  adopted  a 
new  constitution  under  the  title  of  Acta  Constitutiva 
de  la  Republica  de  Guatemala,  containing  18  articles.82 

fu  Efforts  were  made  by  the  sister  states  to  avert  a war,  and  even  after  it 
broke  out  Salvador  continued  her  efforts.  Preliminaries  of  peace  had  been 
agreed  upon,  and  negotiations  entered  into  at  Cojutepeque  by  the  two  belliger- 
ents, Salvador  acting  as  mediator  at  the  conferences;  but  this  effort  also 
failed  because  the  commissioner  at  the  last  moment  presented  an  ultimatum 
which  neither  Salvador  nor  Honduras  deemed  just.  Hond.,  Gaceta  OJic.,  Oct. 
30,  Nov.  15,  30,  Dec.  15,  1852;  Id.,  Boldin  Ofic.,  Oct.  13,  Nov.  11,  Dec.  5, 
1853;  Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Rev.  Nic.,  i S ; Gnat.  Gaceta,  July  8 to  Nov.  11,  1853, 
passim;  Jan.  27,  Feb.  24,  Sept.  22,  1854;  A He.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  20,  1853;  Feb. 
28,  1854;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  Dec.  12,  1853;  Jan.  7,  18,  Feb.  24,  March  4,  1854; 
El  Rol,  Oct.  13,  1854;  Feb.  21,  Marcli  7,  1855;  Prelimin.  de  Paz,  in  Cent.  Am. 
Pamph.,  i.  no.  20;  iv.  no.  41.  It  seems  from  Guatemalan  sources  that  the 
Hondurans  invaded  Guat.,  and  were  defeated  at  Atulapa  July  12,  1853.  Guat., 
Boletm  de  Noticias,  Aug.  5,  1853. 

81  The  commissioners  being  Pedro  de  Aycinena,  min.  of  foreign  affairs  of 
Guat.,  and  Florencio  Castillo  for  Hond.  This  treaty  bound  the  contracting 
parties  to  surrender  deserters  from  either  army,  and  common  criminals,  when 
claimed.  Political  refugees  were  to  be  kept  away  from  the  frontier.  No 
pecuniary  indemnity  was  stipulated.  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  433-G;  Guat.,  Ga- 
ecta,  Feb.  16,  1856. 

8/1  Under  this  law  the  president  was  to  be  chosen  for  four  years  by  a gen- 
eral assembly  composed  of  the  house  of  representatives,  the  archbishop, 
justices  of  the  supreme  court,  and  the  members  of  the  council  of  state.  He 
might  be  reelected.  Before  being  placed  in  possession  of  the  executive  office, 
he  was  to  be  sworn  by  the  archbishop  who  presided,  for  the  occasion,  over 
the  house  of  representatives.  The  executive  was  clothed  with  almost  abso- 
lute powers,  being  authorized,  among  other  things,  to  issue,  in  accord  with 
the  council  of  state,  decrees  having  the  force  of  law,  to  raise  loans,  declare 
war,  make  peace,  ratify  treaties,  etc.  In  the  event  of  his  death  or  permanent 
disability,  the  executive  duties  devolved  temporarily  on  the  ministers  in  their 
order  of  seniority;  and  in  default  of  them,  on  the  members  of  the  council; 
until  the  house  of  representatives,  to  be  forthwith  summoned,  could  meet  and 
make  a choice  in  general  assembly.  During  temporary  absences  of  the  presi- 
dent, the  government  devolved  on  the  council  of  ministers.  The  council  of 
state  was  formed  of  the  cabinet  ministers,  eight  members  chosen  by  the  con- 
gress, and  such  others  as  the  executive  might  appoint.  They  held  office  for 


282 


REPUBLIC  OF  GUATEMALA. 


Another  decree  regulated  the  election  of  representa- 
tives of  the  church  and  other  corporations  in  the 
national  congress. S3 

The  constituent  assembly  having  by  the  18th  ar- 
ticle of  the  acta  reserved  to  itself  the  right  of  choosing 
the  president  for  the  constitutional  term  from  January 
1,  1852,  to  January  1,  1856,  chose  the  only  possible 
candidate,  Rafael  Carrera,84  who  on  the  appointed  day 
assumed  the  executive  office.  His  reputation  for 
courage,  respect  for  the  church,  and  other  circum- 
stances secured  a firm  support  to  his  administration. 
On  the  21st  of  October,  1854,  Carrera  was  proclaimed 
by  a general  junta  of  superior  authorities  president 
for  life, 85  and  the  house  of  representatives  on  the  29th 
of  January,  1855,  passed  an  act  exempting  the  presi- 
dent from  all  responsibility  for  the  acts  of  his  gov- 
ernment, and  devolving  it  on  his  ministers.86  This 

four  years  and  might  be  reelected.  The  following  functionaries  might  also  be 
called  by  the  executive  to  take  part  in  the  deliberations  and  vote,  namely: 
the  archbishops,  bishops  sojourning  in  the  capital,  regente  of  the  supreme 
court,  president  of  the  ecclesiastical  chapter,  rector  of  the  university,  prior  of 
the  consulado,  president  of  the  sociedad  economica,  and  comandante  general. 
The  house  of  representatives  consisted  of  55  deputies  elected  for  four  years. 
The  cabinet  ministers  had  seats  in  the  house,  which  was  to  open  its  session 
Nov.  25th,  and  close  it  Jan.  31st.  The  administration  of  justice  was  in- 
trusted to  a supreme  and  lower  courts.  The  former  consisted  of  a regente, 
six  justices,  and  one  fiscal  or  attorney-general,  all  chosen  by  the  congress  for 
four  years,  one  half  being  renewed  every  two  years,  but  all  might  be  reelected. 
Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  79-87;  Astaburuaya,  Cent.  Am.,  181-2;  El  Siylo,  Juno  18, 
1S52;  Squier's  Cent.  Am.,  483. 

63  Those  of  the  judiciary,  consulado,  university,  and  sociedad  economica. 
Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  140-50. 

81  Salv. , Gaceta,  Oct.  31,  1851. 

8i  This  was  the  result  of  public  meetings  held  in  the  departments  by  the 
garrisons,  officials,  and  parish  priests,  at  which  it  was  made  to  appear  that  it 
was  the  will  of  the  people  that  Carrera  should  be  president  for  life,  with  the 
privilege  of  selecting  his  successor,  and  that  other  amendments  should  be 
made  to  the  acta  constitutiva,  as  permitted  by  its  15th  art.  It  is  understood 
that  at  the  meeting  of  officials  in  the  capital  there  was  but  one  dissentient 
vote  to  the  proposition.  He  had  in  a manifesto  of  June  22d  expressed  a weak 
objection  to  the  proposed  change,  but  it  was  evidently  a preconcerted  plan  of 
the  aristocrats  and  the  military  element.  Guat.,  Gaceta,  May  12  to  Sept.  15, 
1854,  passim;  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  87-90;  CostaR.,  Gaceta , July  1-29,  1854; 
Id.,  Boletin  OJic.,  July  27,  1854;  March  17,  1855;  Carrera,  Manif  esto,  in  Cent. 
Am.  Pamph.,  v.  no.  21;  Squicrs  Cent.  Am.,  514.  Carrera  before  this  re- 
ceived honors  from  foreign  governments;  he  was  a knight  grand  cross  of  the 
papal  order  of  St  Gregory  the  Great;  the  same  of  the  Mexican  order  of  Guad- 
alupe; and  knight  commander  of  the  Belgian  order  of  Leopold.  Guat.,  Ilecop. 
Ley.,  i.  90. 

''“This  amendment  conferred  still  larger  powers  on  the  president,  and 


CARRERA  REX. 


283 


change  was  a near  approach  to  the  monarchical  system, 
for  which  Carrera  was  supposed  to  have  a decided 
penchant.87  Notwithstanding  the  strong  power  thus 
placed  in  his  hands,  a revolt  at  Quezaltenango  the 
next  year  almost  overthrew  him,  requiring  the  use  of 
all  his  forces  to  defeat  it,  at  the  expense  of  much  dis- 
aster and  a large  number  of  executions.  It  was  only 
by  great  efforts  that  he  succeeded,  after  so  many  years 
of  warfare,  in  quieting  the  revolted  mountaineers. 
This  was  accomplished  only  after  peace  had  been 
signed  with  Honduras.  His  strong  supporters,  Man- 
uel Francisco  Pavon  and  Luis  Batres,  died,  the 
former  in  1855,  and  the  latter  in  1862. 88 

From  this  time,  peace  being  finally  restored,  with 
only  occasional  and  partial  disturbances,  the  regime 
established  with  Carrera  at  its  head  was  generally 
acquiesced  in.  The  republic  took  an  active  part  in 
the  campaign  against  William  Walker  and  his  fili- 
busters in  Nicaragua.  The  services  rendered  by  its 
forces  will  appear  in  the  description  of  the  operations 
of  that  campaign  in  a separate  chapter. 

The  year  1863  was  inaugurated  with  another  bloody 
war  with  Salvador,  the  details  and  consequences  of 
which  will  be  treated  elsewhere.  It  is  sufficient  to 
say  here  that  Guatemalan  arms  were  successful,  and 
Carrera’s  power  became  still  more  consolidated,  and 
its  supremacy  was  felt  over  the  rest  of  Central  Amer- 
ica. He  ruled  the  country  uninterruptedly  till  his 

made  the  term  of  the  representatives,  and  of  the  councillors  chosen  by  them, 
seven  years  instead  of  four. 

8;  As  he  had  no  knowledge  of  the  science  of  government,  the  direct  man- 
agement of  public  affairs  was  left  to  those  supposed  to  possess  it.  Carrera  did 
not  govern ; he  merely  represented  the  unity  of  government.  ‘ Sin  embargo 
que  su  voluntad  prevalecia en todo. ’ A stabunuuja,  Cent.  Am.,  82.  The  reform 
in  regard  to  the  presidential  tenure  was  personal,  and  exclusively  in  favor  of 
Carrera.  Thus  at  his  death  the  constitutional  provision  was  restored,  the 
minister  of  relations,  Pedro  de  Aycinena,  assuming  the  reins,  and  at  once 
summoning  the  legislative  body,  which  was  de  facto  and  de  jure  a return  to 
constitutional  order.  Pineda  de  Mont,  Nota,  in  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  87. 

8#The  govt  decreed  that  their  portraits  should  be  placed  in  the  hall  of  the 
council  of  state.  Pavon ’s  widow,  Victoria  Zebadua,  got  a pension  of  $000  a 
year.  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  ii.  638-9;  iii.  351. 


2S4 


REPUBLIC  OF  GUATEMALA. 


death  early  in  April  18G5.  The  highest  honors,  civic, 
military,  and  ecclesiastic,  were  paid  to  his  remains.83 
Carrera  died  in  the  full  conviction  that  he  had  been 
the  instrument  of  providence  in  saving  society  and 
good  order  in  Guatemala.  He  had  been  so  assured 
by  his  supporters,  and  had  come  to  believe  it,  in  the 
face  of  the  fact  that  he  had  been  guilty  of  heinous 
crimes  and  was  notoriously  immoral.90  So  die  those 
who  pass  hence  from  the  murderer’s  gallows  under  the 
banner  of  the  cross,  and  with  priestly  consolation. 

89  The  government,  whose  temporary  chief  was  Pedro  de  Aycinena,  as 
senior  cabinet  minister,  decreed  April  4th  that  the  funeral  should  take  place 
on  the  17th  at  9 a.  M.,  the  remains  to  be  interred  in  the  cathedral  church. 
Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  iii.  351-2;  Hie.,  Gaceta,  Apr.  29,  May  G-20,  18G5. 

9J  It  has  been  asserted  that  even  his  ministers  trembled  for  their  lives 
when  Carrera  was  in  his  cups.  Though  they  knew  he  would  commit  outrages, 
they  often  induced  him  to  visit  the  departments,  in  order  to  have  a little 
peace  themselves. 


Salvador. 


CHAPTER  XIY. 


REPUBLIC  OF  SALVADOR 
1S39-1SG5 

Malespin’s  Acts — Lindo’s  Coup  d’Etat  and  Deposal — Jefe  Guzman — Re- 
volt at  Santa  Ana — President  Aguilar — The  Bishop  Expelled— 
Vitep.i’s  Alliance  with  Malespin  and  Honduran  Oligarchs — Presi- 
dent Vasconcelos — British  Hostilities — Salvador’s  Relations  with 
Foreign  Powers — San  Martin’s  Administration — Destruction  of 
San  Salvador — President  Campo — Campaign  against  Walker  in 
Nicaragua — Establishment  of  the  Republic — Santin’s  Overthrow 
— Presidency  of  Gerardo  Barrios — War  of  Salvador  and  Honduras 
against  Guatemala  and  Nicaragua — The  Latter  Victorious — Bar- 
rios Flight — Restoration  of  Peace — Duenas  as  President — Barrios’ 
Subsequent  Return — His  Capture  and  Surrender  by  Nicaragua— 
His  Execution  in  San  Salvador. 


The  constituent  assembly  of  Salvador,  installed  at 
Zacateccluca  on  the  1st  of  August,  1839,  after  a recess 
reopened  its  session  on  the  2d  of  January,  1841,  and 
on  the  4th  there  was  laid  before  it  an  address,  signed 
by  Colonel  Francisco  Malespin,  ascomandante  general, 
and  his  officers  who  took  part  in  the  revolt  of  Sep- 
tember 20th,  spoken  of  elsewhere.  In  the  document 
they  disclaimed  hostility  to  Jefe  Cahas  or  his  minister, 
or  any  intent  to  override  the  laws,  asserting  that  they 
were,  on  the  contrary,  actuated  by  a strong  desire  to 
give  security  to  the  state,  and  sav6  themselves  from 
impending  destruction.1  This  address  was  regarded 
by  the  liberals  as  a threat,  inasmuch  as  Malespin  with 
the  garrison  had  wrongfully  assumed  a right  to  delib- 
erate upon  public  affairs. 

1 They  conclude  offering  to  the  assembly  the  : swords  which  aided  to  tri- 
umph in  Guat.  and  Los  Altos  over  the  tyrant  Morazan.’ 


(285j 


REPUBLIC  OF  SALVADOR. 


286 


Norberto  Ramirez,  now  jefe  of  Salvador  by  the 
grace  of  Malespin,  could  no  longer  brook  that  officers 
interference,  and  resigned,2  Juan  Lindo  being  called 
to  succeed  him  on  the  7th  of  January.  The  assembly 
and  chief  magistrate  of  the  state  were  both  now  under 
the  sword  of  Malespin,  which  in  its  turn  was  con- 
trolled by  Carrera  of  Guatemala.  That  body,  on  the 
30th  of  January,  1841,  passed  an  act  to  call  the  state 
in  future  Repiiblica  del  Salvador.3  The  second  con- 
stitution of  Salvador  was  adopted  on  the  18th  of  Feb- 
ruary.4 Under  it  the  legislature  had  two  chambers. 
Lindo,  the  jefe,  had  a most  unpleasant  position,  be- 
lieving himself  surrounded  by  conspirators.  Counting 
on  Malespin’s  support,  on  the  6th  of  November,  1841, 
with  a coup  d’etat  he  dissolved  the  chambers,  because 
among  its  members  were  some  friends  of  Morazan.5 
His  act  caused  much  indignation  in  several  towns, 
and  on  the  13th  of  January,  1842,  three  senators, 
namely,  J.  V.  Nuila,  Lupario  Tides,  and  Antonio 
Jose  Canas,  at  San  Vicente,  resolved  to  restore  con- 
stitutional order.  The  legislative  body  in  consequence 
assembled  there,  and  made  a stirring  address  to  the 
people,  embodying  the  policy  they  intended  to  pursue.8 
Lindo  tried  to  justify  his  act  of  November  6th,  but 
failed,  and  Senator  Escolastico  Marin  was  called  to 
temporarily  occupy  the  executive  chair,'  with  author- 

2 Canas,  considering  himself  the  only  lawful  executive,  though  set  aside  by 
the  military  on  Sept.  20th,  also  made  his  resignation. 

3 The  decree  greatly  displeased  the  people,  and  had  no  effect.  But  it  re- 
vealed the  plot  of  the  aristocrats  of  Gnat.  They  appointed  commissioners  to 
the  diet  of  Cent.  Am.,  who  were  to  pretend  that  they  favored  a reformed 
union;  but  their  real  aim  was  an  absolute  separation.  Marure,  Efem.,  54. 

4 Its  support  was  sworn  to  on  the  11th  of  April. 

3 In  a proclamation  he  stated  that  the  expelled  senators  and  deputies  were 
working  to  restore  the  order  of  affairs  existing  at  the  time  of  Morazan ’s  de- 
parture. Hi3  suspicions  were  partially  confirmed  on  Morazan  appearing  at 
La  Union  about  the  middle  of  Feb.  1842.  Montufar , Jleseua  Hist. , iv.  G.V-4; 
Marure,  Efem,,  54-5;  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  74-5. 

“They  promised  to  confine  their  action  to  only  such  objects  as  were  of 
absolute  necessity,  namely,  to  rid  the  government  of  surrounding  obstacles, 
make  amendments  or  additions  to  the  constitution,  and  pass  such  laws  as 
would  conduce  to  its  development.  After  doing  this  they  purposed  to  close 
their  ordinary  session,  and  await  the  election  of  the  constitutional  chief  of  the 
state.  It  would  then  be  the  proper  time  to  deliberate  upon  calling  a constit- 
uent assembly  to  review  the  constitution. 

7 Cafias  had  been  chosen  on  the  1st  of  Feb.,  but  afterward  resigned  it. 


ARC’E,  MARIN,  GUZMAN. 


2S7 


ity  to  establish  the  state  capital  where  most  expedient.8 
The  government  continued  for  the  time  being  in  San 
Vicente,  and  the  people  were  called  upon  to  choose  a 
president  of  the  state. 

Marin  held  the  executive  authority  a few  days  only. 
He  had  been  preceded  by  Pedro  Arce,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Juan  Jose  Guzman.  The  difficulties  of  the 
state  had  not  come  to  an  end.  Guzman  favored  the 
conservative  element,  as  shown  in  his  decree  of  June 
3,  1842,  issued  after  hearing  that  Morazan  was  in 
Costa  Rica,  to  cut  off  all  relations  with  that  state.9 
He  left  the  executive  office  in  July,  and  resumed  its 
duties  again  in  September,  declaring  in  a proclamation 
that  he  would  deal  mercilessly  with  disturbers  of  the 
public  peace. 

The  two  legislative  chambers  were  installed  at  San 
Vicente  on  the  17th  of  September,  and  on  the  20th 
counted  the  votes  for  president  of  the  state.  No  can- 
didate having  the  requisite  majority,  Guzman  was 
asked  to  continue  provisionally  in  charge  of  the 
government.  His  inaugural  address  was  a repetition 
of  his  manifesto  of  the  7th,  greatly  pleasing  the  con- 
servatives.10 But  harmony  was  not  long  to  prevail 
between  Salvador  and  Guatemala.  The  trouble  arose 
from  the  independent  action  of  Salvador  in  granting 
an  asylum  to  the  remnants  of  Morazan’ s forces  against 
the  protests  of  Guatemala  and  Honduras,  even  though 
the  final  decree  of  admission  contained  some  very 
severe  clauses.11  Another  cause  of  dissatisfaction 


His  health  was  poor,  and  he  died  at  the  hacienda  del  Joco  on  the  24th  of  Feb., 
1844.  The  assembly  honored  his  memory  in  a special  decree.  Satv.,  Diario 
Ofic.,  Feb.  14,  1875;  Montufar,  Beseua  Hist.,  iv.  509. 

8 It  was  this  govt  that  rejected  Morazan’s  proposals  when  he  appeared  at 
La  Union.  While  appreciating  his  patriotic  purposes,  it  could  not  disregard 
its  obligations  toward  the  other  states.  Hence,  together  with  Malespin,  it 
set  the  other  govts  in  motion  against  Morazan,  whom  Malespin  called  ‘ el  en- 
emigo  comun.’ 

9 Even  private  correspondence  was  forbidden.  Postmasters  had  orders  to 
deliver  to  governors  of  departments  all  letters  received  at  their  offices  from 
Costa  Rica. 

10  His  ideas  were  commended  as  ‘justas,  sanas,  salvadoras. ' Guat.  Gac., 
Oct.  18,  1842 

11  Even  Malespin  had  favored  the  act  of  the  govt;  for  though  uncultured, 


2SS 


REPUBLIC  OF  SALVADOR. 


against  Salvador  was  that  Guzman  would  not  muzzle 
the  press.  The  independence  of  Guzman,  and  the 
disposition  shown  by  Malespin  not  to  be  at  all  times  a 
facile  instrument  of  the  aristocrats,  prompted  the  lat- 
ter to  promote  an  insurrection  of  the  volcanenos  of 
Santa  Ana  for  their  overthrow.12  Salvador,  though 
under  the  pressure  of  aristocratic  control,  still  had  a 
leaven  of  progression  that  made  itself  felt.  The  pub- 
lication of  El  Amigo  del  Pueblo  was  an  evidence  of  this 
fact.  The  Aycinenas,  Pavon,  Luis  Batres,  and  Chat- 
field,  unable  to  compete  with  it  in  the  field  of  discus- 
sion, demanded  its  suppression.13 

Guzman  in  his  correspondence  with  Pavon  upheld 
that  journal,  and  Malespin  would  read  it  with  satis- 
faction.11 Guatemala  resolved  at  least  to  use  coercion. 
Carrera  established  his  headquarters  at  Jutiapa  to 
favor  the  volcanenos  in  their  rebellion.15 

The  cordial  reception  given  in  October  to  Colonel 
M.  Quijans,  commissioner  accredited  by  Nicaragua  to 
Salvador  to  negotiate  a treaty  of  friendship  and  alli- 


he  was  a Salvadoran;  and  now  that  Morazan  was  dead,  he  began  to  listen  to 
the  advice  of  his  more  enlightened  fellow-citizens,  and  to  understand  the 
Machiavelism  of  Ayeinena,  Pavon,  and  their  ally  Chatfield. 

12  J.  J.  Ayeinena  repeatedly  said  that  the  revolt  could  not  be  quelled,  and 
it  were  better  to  accede  to  the  wishes  of  the  volcanenos.  This  will  explain  the 
object  of  a doc.  dated  Oct.  IS,  1S43,  and  published  at  Comayagua  at  the  govt 
printiug-office  under  the  signature  of  Manuel  Jose  Arce.  The  ex-president  had 
taken  advantage  of  an  amnesty  decree  to  return  to  Central  America.  He  was 
now  very  old,  but  still  ambitious  of  power.  In  that  manifesto,  addressed  to 
the  states  of  Cent.  Am.,  he  endeavors  to  demonstrate  the  necessity  of  their 
again  uniting  under  one  govt.  He  spoke  of  Guzman  and  Malespin  trying  to 
hold  power  for  life;  of  intrigues  to  make  the  latter  president,  even  if  some  of 
his  opponents  had  to  be  shot;  of  abuses  he  had  been  subjected  to;  the  war 
those  men  were  planning,  with  the  aid  of  Xic.,  against  Guat.  and  Hond.,  on 
the  false  charge  that  Carrera  intended  to  annex  Salv.  to  Guat.  He  accused 
Malespin  of  atrocities,  and  yet  praises  Carrera,  who  placed  Malespin  in  Salv. 
The  full  text  of  the  manif.  is  in  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  222-5. 

13  The  min.  of  state,  Agustin  Morales,  reminded  him  that  freedom  of  the 
press  was  a palladium  of  liberty  in  England,  adding  his  surprise  that  her  con- 
sal  should  want  such  a precious  boon  to  disappear  from  Salvador.  Chatfield 
threatened  to  refer  the  subject  to  his  govt,  and  was  told  to  do  so,  not  failing 
to  accompany  the  answers  he  had  received. 

14  The  circulation  of  El  Amirjo  del  Pueblo  in  Guat.  was  forbidden;  but  many 
numbers  got  out,  and  were  read  by  artisans,  students,  officials.  Chatfield 
often  found  it  on  his  desk  without  knowing  how  it  came  there. 

15  Several  Salvadorans  were  murdered,  and  it  was  proved  that  the  mur- 
derers had  come  from  Jutiapa.  The  govt  of  Guat.  pretended  to  have  had  no 
agency  in  these  acts. 


REVOLUTION. 


289 


ance,  was  displeasing  to  Bishop  Viteri,  who  took  ad- 
vantage of  Guzman’s  absence  at  San  Vicente,  in  the 
latter  part  of  that  month,  to  bring  about  a quarrel 
between  him  and  Malespin.  The  latter  at  this  time 
was  said  to  be  in  poor  health,  and  the  bishop  often 
visited  him,  and  in  other  ways  manifested  interest  for 
him.  Viteri  had  directed  his  clergy  to  abstain  from 
interference  in  political  affairs,  and  yet  he  preached 
against  Morazan  and  those  who  had  banished  Arch- 
bishop  Casans.  The  Dominican  Vazquez16  was  viru- 
lent, declaring  that  the  ecclesiastieal  authority  would 
never  be  under  the  civil,  and  threatening  the  people 
that  the  priests  would  abandon  them  to  suffer  from 
plagues,  epidemics,  war,  and  famine,  if  they  continued 
their  iniquitous  hostility  to  the  church.1' 

The  revolution  was  now  a fact.  Viteri  and  Male- 
spin  supported  Fray  Vazquez,  or  Fray  Veneno,  as  he 
was  nicknamed.  Once  Vazquez  fulminated  from  the 
pulpit  a number  of  diatribes  against  President  Guz- 
man, at  the  same  time  bestowing  much  praise  on 
Carrera.  The  result  was  an  order  from  Guzman,  then 
at  San  Miguel,  to  bring  the  friar  there  as  a prisoner. 
The  bishop  remonstrated  to  Malespin  against  the 
order,  demanding  an  escort,  as  he  wished  to  end  the 
insults  to  the  church  by  himself  leaving  the  state. 
Malespin  tried  to  dissuade  him  from  his  purpose,  and 
he  grew  more  energetic. 1S  A great  tumult  ensued 
one  night  in  the  city,  when  Viteri,  Malespin,  and 
Vazquez  received  an  ovation  from  the  rabble  of 
La  Vega  and  San  Jacinto,  amid  repeated  cries  of 
“Mueran  los  judios!  mueran  los  herejes!  mueran  los 
impfos  !” 


10  In  later  years  he  was  bishop  of  Panama,  but  much  toneil  down. 

17  El  Amitjo  del  Pueblo  invited  him  to  discuss  public  questions,  but  not 
from  the  pulpit,  where  he  could  not  be  answered.  Vazquez  did  not  heed  it, 
and  went  on  with  his  wrathful  sermons. 

16  In  his  letter  of  Dec.  5th,  he  uses  these  words:  ‘Jorge  de  Viteri  no  sera 
obispo  de  farsa,  ni  permanecera  jamas  en  un  suelo,  en  que  lapotestad  liumana 
coarte  las  amplias  facultades  que  le  conceden,  y de  que  le  hacen  responsable 
los  sagrados  canones.’  The  correspondence,  and  his  secretary’s  address  to 
the  people,  are  given  in  Id.,  351-4,  373. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Voe.  III.  19 


290 


REPUBLIC  OP  SALVADOR. 


Malespin  went  off  to  Sftn  Miguel,  and  had  some 
violent  correspondence  with  the  president;  the  latter 
threatened  to  expose  his  intrigues  if  he  did  not  forth- 
with depart  from  San  Miguel,  and  then  retired  to  his 
hacienda,  leaving  the  state  in  the  hands  of  Malespin.19 
Guzman’s  downfall  was  hailed  with  joy  in  Guatemala 
and  Honduras.  In  Comayagua  it  was  celebrated  with 
salvos  of  artillery.  After  Maiespin’s  return  to  San 
Salvador,  to  please  the  bishop  several  persons  were 
banished,  and  the  Amigo  del  Pueblo  was  suppressed. 
The  executive  office,  by  Guzman’s  abandonment  of  it, 
went  into  the  hands  of  Pedro  Arce,  the  vice-president. 
The  two  chambers  of  the  assembly  opened  their  ses- 
sion on  the  30th  of  January,  1844.  No  presidential 
candidate  having  a constitutional  majority,  the  assem- 
bly chose  Malespin  president,  and  he  assumed  his  new 
duties  on  the  5th  of  February,  after  reading  before 
the  two  bodies  in  assembly  convened  a discourse  on 
his  great  love  for  law,  justice,  and  peace.  It  would 
have  sounded  well  from  the  lips  of  a liberal,  and  it  is 
barely  possible  that  Malespin  expressed  his  sentiments 
at  that  moment.  But  his  education,  his  habits,  and 
the  fatal  influence  of  the  men  that  swayed  him,  con- 
stantly took  him  out  of  the  right  path.  As  he  was 
under  the  control  of  Bishop  Viteri,  the  country  must 
go  back  to  the  da}*s  of  obscurantism.  The  effects  of 
it  were  soon  made  patent.20 

The  bishop  succeeded  in  driving  out  of  the  state  the 
opponents  of  his  theocratic  ideas,  and  in  bringing  about 
a change  in  the  government;  in  fact,  everything  had 
been  conceded  him,  and  his  influence  was  paramount. 
And  yet  he  was  not  satisfied  He  would  have  the 
Salvadorans  believe  him  a deity,  but  they  arrived  at 

19  The  president  blamed  him  for  leaving  the  capital  at  a time  of  disturb- 
ance. He,  on  his  part,  demanded  the  government’s  return  to  S.  Salv.  to 
attend  to  the  bishop’s  complaints.  He  accused  the  president,  in  a manifesto, 
of  attempting  to  disturb  the  public  peace. 

The  ecclesiastical  fueros  were  restored;  the  govt  was  authorized  to  allow 
monasteries  established,  and  the  bishop  to  demand  the  aid  of  the  secular  arm 
to  enforce  his  orders  in  ecclesiastical  affairs.  This  last  act  was,  however, 
issued,  as  it  appears,  with  much  reluctance,  judging  from  the  number  of 
restrictive  clauses  in  it. 


A VILLANOUS  PRELATE. 


291 


the  conclusion  that  by  a great  fatality  their  first 
bishop  had  turned  out  to  be  a pernicious  revolutionist. 

In  connection  with  the  general  history  of  Central 
America,  I have  given  the  principal  events  of  Salva- 
dor down  to  1845,  when,  under  the  treaty  of  Sensenti, 
after  a long  and  exhaustive  war  with  Honduras,  the 
state  was  rid  of  the  ominous  rule  of  the  brutal  Ma- 
lespin.  With  the  discontinuance  of  the  war  there  was 
no  need  of  raising  further  loans;  the  military  estab- 
lishment was  reduced  to  a minimum,  and  the  authori- 
ties and  people  hastened  to  restore  the  constitutional 
regime ; to  which  end  elections  of  senators  and  depu- 
ties were  at  once  had,  in  order  that  the  assembly 
should  meet  on  the  15tli  of  January,  1846,  for  the 
term  of  Vice-president  Joaquin  Eustacio  Guzman,  who 
had  charge  of  the  executive  authority,  would  expire 
on  the  1st  of  February.21  On  this  date  he  surrendered 
the  office  to  Senator  Fermin  Palacios.  The  assembly 
did  not  meet  till  four  days  after.  The  presidential 
election  did  not  yield  a sufficient  majority  in  favor  of 
any  one,  and  the  assembly  then  appointed  Eugenio 
Aguilar.22  The  president  was  a good  Christian,  and 
attended  with  regularity  to  his  religious  duties  as  a 
catholic;  and  yet  Viteri  called  him  a heretic;  the 
reason  of  it  beum  that  Aguilar  was  a stickler  for  a 
constitutional  government  of  the  people,  and  the 
bishop  was  an  oligarch.  The  latter  now  invented  the 
fiction  that  the  president  had  the  intention  of  exiling 
him;  he  had  the  people  in  the  wards  of  Candelaria. 
San  Estevan,  and  Calvario  told  that  their  bishop  was 
to  be  sent  out  of  the  country  in  the  night  of  the  11th 
of  July.  He  was  believed  by  the  simple-minded  people 
when  he  assured  them  that  Aguilar  and  others23  were 

21  Guzman  had  waged  war  against  Malespin,  not  for  his  own  aggrandize- 
ment, but  to  do  away  with  arbitrary  rule,  and  to  restore  the  authority  of  the 
constitution.  This  being  accomplished,  he  resolved  to  return  to  private  life. 

22  A physician  by  profession,  and  a modest,  honorable  citizen,  actuated 
by  the  purest  motives;  an  excellent  family  man  and  friend;  but  unfortunately, 
as  events  showed,  he  was  weak  when  firmness  and  resolution  were  demanded 
to  uphold  his  position.  Aguilar,  in  his  later  years,  after  losing  his  wife,  was 
ordained  as  a priest. 

23  Eustaquio  Cuellar,  J.  M.  San  Martin,  J.  M.  Zelaya,  the  clergyman, 
Isidro  Menendez,  and  Indalecio  Cordero. 


292 


REPUBLIC  OF  SALVADOR. 


at  the  bottom  of  it.  His  report  made  a commotion 
though  not  quite  so  great  a one  as  he  had  expected. 
Nevertheless,  he  made  the  most  of  it,  writing  to  the 
president,  on  the  11th  of  July,  that  he  knew  of  the 
plot  to  repeat  with  him  what  had  been  done  with 
Archbishop  Casans,  in  18  29. 24  Aguilar  was  greatly 
surprised,  and  believing  that  with  a few  words  he 
could  convince  the  bishop  of  his  error,  that  same  after- 
noon paid  the  prelate  a visit.  He  found  a large 
concourse  of  people,  before  whom  the  charge  was 
reiterated,  and  no  assurance  to  the  contrary  was  ac- 
cepted. A tumult  following,  the  president  had  the  chief 
guard-house  reenforced.  Fortunately,  a heavy  rain 
scattered  to  their  homes  the  crowds  in  the  streets;  but 
a considerable  number  of  men  ran  into  the  episcopal 
residence.  That  night,  several  persons  representing 
Viteri  went  to  the  barracks  and  demanded  Aguilar’s 
resignation.  The  president  meekly  assured  them  of 
his  willingness  to  retire  to  private  life  rather  than  be 
the  author  of  any  disturbance.  Viteri  now  thought 
Aguilar  wras  vanquished,  but  he  had  not  counted  on 
the  determination  of  other  Salvadorans  to  uphold  the 
laws  and  the  government.  Quiet  w'as  restored  for 
the  time,  and  Aguilar  went  to  his  home  at  midnight 
unmolested.  The  next  day  there  was  much  rioting, 
and  an  attempt  failed  to  release  the  prisoners  in 
the  jail.25  The  rioters  were  finally  defeated,  and  the 
bishop  had  nothing  to  show  for  his  conduct  but  the 
blood  shed  at  his  instigation.26  Aguilar  again,  after 
the  people  had  upheld  his  authority,  showed  the  weak- 
ness of  his  character  in  placing  the  executive  office  in 

21  He  hinted  that  he  had  power  to  annex  the  state  to  the  archdiocese  of 
< uat.  The  text  of  his  letter  is  in  Montufar,  Resefla  Hint.,  v.  54-5. 

2j  The  officer  Anjelino,  sent  to  reenforce  the  guard  of  the  jail,  was  way- 
laid, and  nearly  murdered,  and  in  that  condition  taken  to  the  bishop’s  house, 
where  the  bishop  abused  him  by  word  of  mouth,  and  turned  him  over  to  the 
rabble,  by  whom  he  was  stabbed,  beaten,  and  kicked.  He  was,  however, 
rescued  by  the  priest  M.  Serrano,  and  taken  back  into  the  bishop's  house 
These  facts  were  testified  to  by  Anjelino,  in  the  criminal  prosecution  of 
Viteri. 

'-G Nie.,  Rer/istr')  OJic.,  330;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  249-50;  Iris  Esp.,  Oct.  3, 
1S46. 


A WEAK  EXECUTIVE. 


293 


the  hands  of  Senator  Palacios;  which  emboldened 
Viteri  to  continue  his  intrigues  and  cause  further 
trouble.  He  issued  a pastoral  on  the  lGth  of  July, 
printed  in  his  own  house,  which  reiterated  the  accusa- 
tion against  the  president,  and  other  matters;  that 
pastoral27  was  fatal  to  his  views,  for  the  people  of 
Salvador  made  Aguilar  resume  the  presidency.  The 
president,  in  a long  manifesto,  explained  his  conduct, 
and  issued  a decree  to  enforce  the  articles  of  the  penal 
code  against  ecclesiastics  who  made  use  of  their  min- 
isterial office  to  promote  political  disturbances.28  The 
bishop,  condemned  by  public  opinion,  lied  to  Guate- 
mala, and  the  president  then  on  the  29th  revoked  a 
decree  of  Palacios  of  July  12th,  and  ordered  Viteri 
not  to  return  to  Salvadoran  territory. 

Peace  and  order  prevailed  after  Viteri’s  departure, 
and  the  people  again  devoted  themselves  to  their 
usual  vocations.  But  the  bishop  managed  with  Ma- 
lespin  and  the  Honduran  oligarchs,  notwithstanding 
the  treaty  of  Sensenti,  to  bring  about  a revolution  in 
Salvador.29  Malespin  attacked  Chalatenango,  in  Sal- 
vador, whereupon  orders  were  given  to  send  troops 
after  him.30  Viteri  who  had  once  excommunicated 
Malespin,  and  aided  in  his  overthrow,  now  said  that 
he  was  destined  by  divine  providence  to  defend  the 
religion  and  rights  of  the  people  of  Salvador,  which 
had  been  infamously  abused  and  usurped  by  their 
government.  Malespin  preached  religion,  and  acted 
like  the  famous  king  of  the  Huns.  But  his  prestige 
was  gone,  and  at  Dulce  Nornbre  de  la  Palma  he  met 
with  his  first  reverse,  when  he  retreated  to  Dulce 

27  It  is  given  in  full  in  Montufar,  Rexeiia  Hist.,  v.  70-4. 

28 The  decree  was  dated  July  27,  1846,  and  referred  to  articles  210-13 
304-9. 

29  The  Salvadoran  govt  published  a decree  against  seditious  persons  from 
Hond.  Nic.,  Registro  OJic.,  272-3.  The  authorities  of  Hond.  solemnly  prom- 
ised that  Viteri  should  not  he  allowed  to  reside  near  the  Salv.  frontier;  but 
the  promise  went  for  nothing;  Viteri  and  Malespin  being  aided  from  that 
state.  They  found  material  assistance  in  Nacaome,  Tegucigalpa,  Sensenti, 
and  Guarita.  Guardiola’s  note  of  Aug.  31,  1846,  to  the  min.-gen.  of  Salv., 
in  Id.,  v.  87,  254-7. 

37  His  decree  of  Feb.  23,  and  pastoral  of  June  10,  1845. 


‘294 


REPUBLIC  OF  SALVADOR. 


Nombre  de  Marfa,  a town  twelve  miles  from  the  Hon- 
duran frontier,  and  invited  ATteri  to  join  liim ; but 
that  worthy  sent  him  his  blessing,  and  would  not  ex- 
pose his  person  to  the  hazards  of  war.  Malespin  was 
defeated  again  by  eight  hundred  men  under  General 
Nicolas  Angulo,  and  lied  into  Honduras,  leaving  arms 
and  ammunition.  Efforts  were  made  to  induce  the 
people  of  Santa  Ana  to  join  Ignacio  Malespin ; but 
the  bishop’s  letters  to  rouse  them  availed  but  little. 
He  found  no  favor  among  the  volcanenos,  and  on  his 
way  along  the  coast  to  reach  Santiago  Nonualco  was 
captured,  prosecuted,  and  executed,  with  some  of  his 
accomplices.31  Francisco  Malespin  was  killed  at  San 
Fernando,  near  Honduras,  the  inhabitants  cutting  off 
his  head,  and  carrying  it  as  a trophy  to  San  Salvador.32 
Bishop  Ariteri  in  1847  went  to  reside  in  Nicaragua, 
becoming  a citizen  of  the  state,  to  which  diocese  he 
was  subsequently  translated  by  the  pope.  Nothing 
worthy  of  mention  occurred  within  the  state  in  1847. 
The  Salvador  government  now  represented  the  liberal 
party  in  Central  America,  and  devoted  its  attention 
to  education,  arts,  and  industries. 

The  presidential  term  under  the  constitution  being 
only  of  two  years,  elections  were  orderly  effected,  and 
the  assembly  opened  its  session  on  the  25th  of  January, 
1848.  Doroteo  Vasconcelos  was  the  popular  choice 
for  the  presidential  term  of  1848,  and  entered  upon 
his  duties  on  the  7th  of  February,  1848.33  In  a con- 
ciliatory address  he  eschewed  all  spirit  of  partisanship, 
tendering  to  all  his  fellow-citizens  peace,  justice,  and 


31  His  execution  left  a bad  impression  in  the  public  mind.  Ignacio  Male- 
spin  had  been  a friend  of  Morazan,  served  with  him  in  1840,  and  was  one  of 
the  heroes  of  the  capture  of  Guatemala  as  well  as  of  the  subsequent  escape, 
lie  was  gentle,  kind,  and  sociable,  and  but  for  Viteri’s  influence  never  would 
have  joined  the  revolution.  He  ought  to  have  been  spared.  The  women  of 
San  Salvador,  both  old  and  young,  pleaded  for  a commutation  of  his  sentence, 
but  the  govt  was  relentless. 

32  The  head  was  for  some  time  exposed  in  an  iron  cage,  to  the  disgust  of 
the  community.  It  was  finally  delivered  to  the  family  for  interment. 

33  He  obtained  13,22*2  votes  out  of  a total  of  19,215.  Being  governor  of 
San  Vicente,  where  he  was  exceedingly  popular,  he  could  not,  under  the  con- 
stitution, be  a candidate  in  that  department. 


PRESIDENT  VASCONCELOS. 


295 


union.34  For  all  that,  the  oligarchs  abhorred  him. 
Indeed,  his  government  and  Carrera’s  could  not  exist 
so  near  each  other.  The  aristocrats  well  knew  he  was 
not  to  be  won  over  to  their  side,  as  well  a?  the  diffi- 
culties they  must  work  against  to  undermine  his  popu- 
larity But  they  looked  for  early  success  from 
internal  dissension  and  other  sources.30  Aguilar’s  ad- 
ministration had  refused  to  recognize  the  republic  of 
Guatemala,  and  Vasconcelos’  could  do  no  less.36 

The  territory  was  twice  invaded  by  troops  of  Guate- 
mala in  pursuit  of  insurgents,  against  which  Vascon- 
celos remonstrated,  and  satisfaction  was  given  and 
accepted  with  good  grace.  He  was  observing  a policy 
of  expectancy,  albeit  on  his  guard.  Guatemala  was 
then  in  the  throes  of  revolution  from  which  he  ex- 
pected to  see  the  Central  American  nation  spring  into 
a second  life ; but  he  was  mistaken  in  the  means  he 
employed.  A few  proclamations,  written  in  Guate- 
mala by  well-known  persons,  and  appearing  in  the 
name  of  Francisco  Carrillo,  spoke  of  the  independence 
of  Los  Altos  as  the  aim  of  a revolution  such  as  Vas- 
concelos wanted.37  Not  that  he  expected  to  see  an 
absolute  equality  of  the  state,  but  that  there  should 
not  be  such  differences  as  existed  under  the  constitu- 
tion of  1824.  He  believed  himself  supported,  arid 
steadily  marched  on  upon  a path  that  led  to  his  ruin, 

34  Vasconcelos  had  been  a friend  of  Morazan,  and  prominent  in  Guat.  at 
the  time  the  liberal  party  was  divided  into  ministerialists  and  oppositionists. 

3,1  Chattield’s  pressure  against  Hond.  and  Nic.  inspired  them  with  hopes. 
Vasconcelos  was  a partisan  ol  Central  American  unification  for  various  reasons, 
not  the  least  of  which  was  that  of  checking  the  preposterous  claims  of  the 
Brit,  agent.  This  explains  the  origin  of  future  questions  between  Chatfield 
and  Pavon  on  one  side,  and  Vasconcelos  on  the  other.  In  1849,  the  latter 
was  made  to  appear  before  the  other  states  as  an  innate  foe  of  Guat.,  whose 
debasement  and  destruction  he  strove  for.  The  govt  of  Salv.  gave  explana- 
tions on  its  course  denying  the  charges.  Montufar,  Rosei'ia  Hist.,  v.  801-8. 

30 Even  Lindo  of  Hond.,  a militant  in  the  reactionary  ranks  of  Guat., 
though  acknowledging  the  republic,  did  so  with  the  proviso  that  Hond.  left 
intact  and  in  force  Guatemala’s  engagements  and  duties  toward  other  states 
as  regarded  the  reestablishment  of  a gen.  govt.  Guardiola’s  note  of  Aug.  10, 
1847,  to  min.  of  relations  of  Guat.,  in  Id.,  2o0. 

31  He  favored  the  restoration  of  the  state  of  Los  Altos,  in  order  to  divide 
the  power  of  Guat.,  and  counted  on  the  cooperation  or  Guatemalan  liberals; 
hut  the  spirit  of  provincialism  was  strong  with  them,  and  a large  portion 
opposed  him. 


296 


REPUBLIC  OF  SALVADOP 


carrying  down  with  him  the  whole  liberal  party  of 
Central  America. 

Vasconcelos  labored  for  a federation  of  three  states 
- -Guatemala,  Salvador,  and  Los  Altos — which  once 
consolidated,  Nicaragua  and  Honduras  would  doubt- 
lessly join,  and  later  on  attract  Costa  Rica  to  do  the 
same.  This  idea  had  no  opposition  before  the  revo- 
lution of  August  1848,  in  Guatemala.  Vasconcelos 
received  many  offers  of  support  to  prosecute  his  plan. 
He  accordingly  instructed  Dueiias  and  General  Angulo 
to  enter  into  arrangements  with  General  Nufio  of 
Chiquimula,  and  made  every  possible  effort  to  force 
Carrera’s  resignation  on  the  15th  of  August,  1848; 
but  some  of  the  liberals  of  Guatemala,  after  ridding 
themselves  of  Carrera,  neglected  Vasconcelos.  Du- 
enas  was  sent  there  with  ample  powers  for  the  organi- 
zation of  a republic  of  Central  America,  but  he  was 
slighted,  and  accomplished  nothing.  During  his  stay 
in  Guatemala,  a decree  was  enacted  on  the  14th  of 
September,  1848,  according  to  which  that  state  was 
declared  a sovereign  nation  and  independent  repub- 
lic.38 Vasconcelos,  with  all  his  liberalism,  and  placed 
as  he  was  at  the  head  of  a liberty-loving  democratic- 
people,  was  still  under  the  influence  of  the  old  colonial 
traditions.  He  as  well  as  his  people  looked  with 
admiration  at  the  greatness  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  but  lacked  the  courage  to  emulate  their 
example.  The  United  States  had  no  official  church, 
but  Salvador  recognized  one.  Licenciado  Ignacio 
Gomez  was  despatched  to  Rome  to  negotiate  the  re- 
call of  Bishop  Viteri,  the  appointment  of  another  pre- 
late, and  the  conclusion  of  a concordat.39  His  mission 
was  so  far  successful  that  on  the  3d  of  July,  1848, 
Tomds  Miguel  Pineda  y Zaldana  was  preconizated  as 
bishop  of  Antigona  in  partibus  infidelium,  and  given 
the  administration  of  the  diocese  of  Salvador,  with 

38  It  was  bitterly  censured  by  the  leading  liberals  of  Salv.,  Nic.,  and  ilond., 
and  not  a few  of  those  of  Guat.,  such  as  Pineda  Mont  and  Rivera  Cabcras. 

39  Gomez  was  a Salvadoran,  educated  abroad,  and  well  versed  in  political 
economy  and  literature. 


BRITISH  INTERMEDDLING. 


297 


the  right  of  succession.  The  news  of  this  appoint- 
ment was  received  with  joy,  and  Vasconcelos  errone- 
ously expected  to  have  a support  in  the  new  prelate,40 
when  there  was  more  likelihood  of  his  coinciding  with 
Pavon  and  his  confreres.  Indeed,  Zaldaha,  from  his 
greater  wariness,  was  a more  dangerous  man  than 
Viteri. 

The  legislative  chambers  met  on  the  5th  of  Febru- 
ary, 1849.  The  president’s  term  would  end  with  the 
beginning  of  1850,  and  there  could  be  no  reelection 
under  the  constitution.41  But  Vasconcelos’  friends  in- 
sisted on  his  being  reelected,  necessitating  an  amend- 
ment of  the  fundamental  law,  and  in  spite  of  opposition 
obtained  an  act  of  the  assembly  permitting  the  reelec- 
tion.42 This  was  an  unfortunate  move,  as  it  divided 
the  liberal  party,  and  encouraged  Duehas,  who  wanted 
the  presidency,  and  was  not  scrupulous  as  to  the  means 
of  attaining  it,  to  redouble  his  manuoevres,  even  though 
he  must  call  to  his  aid  Carrera  and  Luis  Batres. 

In  1849,  Salvador  became  involved  in  a quarrel 
with  the  British  chargfi  d'affaires,  Chatfield,  resulting 
from  alleged  claims  preferred  by  him  with  his  usual 
haughtiness,  on  behalf  of  fellow-subjects  of  his.  Vas- 
concelos’ government  looked  on  these  claims  as  un- 
just, and  refused  them  recognition.  Chatfield  then 
caused  the  blockading  by  a naval  force  of  La  Union, 
the  port  from  which  Salvador  derived  the  greater 

40  He  committed  au  error  in  supposing  that  Zaldafia  would  care  more  for 
him  and  his  party  than  for  Archbishop  Garcia  Rclaez,  who  was  influenced  by 
Canon  Larrazabal,  the  mouthpiece  of  Guatemalan  aristocracy. 

41  The  following  is  a brief  synopsis  of  the  constitution:  No  ecclesiastic  or 
military  man  in  active  service  could  hold  any  civil  oflice.  Congress  consisted 
of  the  house  of  representatives,  chosen  annually,  and  the  senate,  elected  one 
half  every  second  year;  it  met  on  tire  1st  of  Jan.  of  each  year,  and  its  sessions 
were  limited  to  40  days.  The  president  must  not  he  under  32  years  of  age 
nor  over  60;  must  have  been  a resident  of  the  state  for  the  five  years  preced- 
ing the  election,  and  own  property  within  the  state  worth  at  least  $8,000. 
He  had  to  receive  an  absolute  majority  of  votes;  otherwise  congress  should 
choose  one  of  the  two  candidates  having  the  largest  number  of  votes.  Term 
of  office  two  years,  without  the  privilege  of  two  terms  in  succession. 

42  Felix  Quiroz  was  chosen  his  substitute.  Air. , Cor.  1st.,  Feb.  16,  March 
7,  1850;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta  Gob.,  March  2,  1850.  Art.  44  of  the  constitution, 
prohibiting  reelections,  was  revived  by  an  act  of  Feb.  25,  1851.  Cent.  Am. 
Pa.nph. , iv.  no.  20. 


REPUBLIC  OF  SALVADOR 


298 


portion  of  her  revenue.43  Unable  to  resist,  her  gov- 
ernment agreed  on  the  12th  of  November,  1849,  to 
acknowledge  the  indebtedness,  and  make  provision  for 
its  payment.  The  blockade  was  then  raised.44  But 
this  did  not  end  the  disagreements  between  Chatfield 
and  the  Salvador  government.  On  the  Gth  of  August 
he  made  peremptory  demands,45  coupled  with  a menace 
that  if  not  complied  with  at  once  the  coasts  of  the  state 
would  be  blockaded  by  British  war  ships  then  coming 
to  act  under  his  instructions.  The  government  of  Sal- 
vador did  not  comply  with  the  demands,46  and  on  the 
16th  of  October  port  La  Union  was  blockaded  by 
the  British  ship  Champion,  whose  commander  notified 
the  authorities  that  if  within  ten  days  full  satisfaction 
were  not  given  for  the  insults  to  the  British  flag,  the 
blockade  would  be  extended  to  the  whole  coast,  another 
vessel  being  despatched  to  Acajutla  to  enforce  it.  No 
satisfaction  having  been  given  as  demanded,  that 
menace  was  carried  out.  The  difficulties  remained 
unsettled  in  the  latter  part  of  February  1851,  though 
the  British  war  vessels  had  retired.4.  But  they  were 
subsequently  arranged  in  an  amicable  manner.  With 
the  exception  of  these  troubles,  and  the  repeated  differ- 
ences with  the  other  states  of  Central  America,  Salva- 

43  The  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  in  his  annual  report  to  the  Salvador 
assembly,  Jan.  29,  1850,  speaking  of  Chatfield’s  course,  says:  ‘ Desatenciones, 
violencias,  bloqueos;  he  aqui  las  relaciones  y conducta  que  ha  observado  el 
Sr.  consul  ingles.’  Salv.,  Mem.  Rev.,  1S50,  5. 

41  The  British  had  also  seized,  with  Tiger  Island  belonging  to  Hond.,  several 
isles  of  Salvador  in  the  gulf  of  Fonseca.  Salv.,  Gaceta.,  May  17,  1S50;  Nm., 
Cor.  1st.,  Dec.  1,  1S49;  Guat.,  Gaceta,  Nov.  30,  1849;  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  31st 
cong.  2d  sess.,  Sen.  Doc.,  2(5-99. 

40  Immediate  fulfilment  of  the  convention  of  Nov.  12,  1849;  and  a formal 
contradiction  in  a note  to  him  of  all  accusations  in  official  organs  of  the  Sal- 
vador government  against  Great  Britain  and  her  officials. 

4>iIt  offered  to  submit  the  questions  at  issue  to  the  arbitration  of  the  U.  S. 
or  any  of  their  agents,  or  to  accept  some  other  device  that  might  promise  an  im- 
partial decision.  The  note  making  the  offer,  dated  Aug.  17th,  was  sent  to 
Chatfield  by  special  courier,  but  he  refused  to  receive  it  because  it  had  not 
been  transmitted  through  the  hands  of  Idfgoras,  the  Brit,  consular  agent  at 
Sail  Salvador.  Nic.,  Cor.  1st.,  Sept.  5,  26,  Nov.  7,  21,  1850;  Salv.,  Gaceta,  Aug. 
23,  Sept.  6,  1850;  Gnat.,  Gaceta,  Nov.  16,  1850;  Cent.  Am.  Paraph.,  vi.  no.  7; 
El  Projeso,  Sept.  5,  1850. 

41  Salv.,  Mem.  Relaciones,  1851.  The  blockade  was  removed  at  the  friendly 
mediation  of  the  American  and  Prussian  consuls  and  others.  Nic. , Co - 1st., 
March  20,  1851. 


MULTIPLIED  HOSTILITIES. 


299 


dor  has  maintained  friendly  relations  with  foreign 
powers,  most  of  which  have  treaties  with  her  on  terms 
satisfactory  to  all  concerned.48 

Vasconcelos  was  not  more  successful  in  preserving 
peace  within  the  state  than  in  forcing  Guatemala  to 
abandon  the  policy  she  had  adopted  of  maintaining  an 
absolute  autonomy.  In  his  invasion  of  that  neigh- 
bor’s territory  early  in  1851,  as  we  have  seen  in  the 
previous  chapter,  he  was  worsted,  which  roused  pop- 
ular indignation  against  him,  followed  by  a revolt, 
and  his  deposal  by  congress.49  On  the  1st  of  March, 
the  substitute,  J.  F.  Quiroz,  was  called  to  occupy  the 
executive  chair,  and  did  so.50  The  president  for  the 
constitutional  term  1852-3  was  Francisco  Duenas, 
who  succeeded  in  settling  the  differences  existing 
between  Salvador  and  Guatemala. 

A serious  disagreement  having  occurred  between 
Salvador  and  Honduras,  leading  to  hostilities,  the 
government  of  Guatemala,  then  at  war  with  Hon- 
duras, despatched  a force  to  Ahuachapan  in  aid  of 
Duenas,  who  apprehended  an  invasion.51  Toward 
the  end  of  this  term  Jose  Maria  de  San  Martin  was 
chosen  for  the  next.  The  state  now  returned  in  peace 

48  Besides  arrangements  with  sister  states,  the  republic  maintained  treaties 
of  friendship,  commerce,  and  navigation  with  Belgium,  the  U.  S.,  France, 
Great  Britain,  Spain,  Germany,  and  nearly  all  the  nations  of  America.  A 
concordat  on  ecclesiastical  affairs  was  concluded  with  the  pope  in  18G2. 
Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  313;  Cent.  Am.,  Miscel.  Doc.,  48;  Costa  It.,  Boletin  Ojlc., 
March  7,  1855;  El  Rol,  Oct.  27,  1854;  Feb.  9,  1855;  Nic.,  Cor.  1st.,  March  21, 
1S5J;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Feb.  17,  IS. .6;  Salv.,  Gaceta,  .March  8,  Apr.  12,  1850;  Aug. 
5,  12,  Nov.  25,  1853;  Id.,  Diario  OJic.,  Feb.  24,  1875;  Id. , Conmrdato , 1-20; 
La ferriere  de  Paris  a Guat.,  319  -37 ; A minis  Brit.  Lerjis.,  18GG,  334;  Mcx. , Mem. 
Bel.,  1878,  7,  11,  45-54,  119;  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  43d  cong.  1st  sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc. 
1,  pt  1,  112,pt2,79G,  821 ; Id.,  4Sth  cong.  1st  sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  1,  pt  1,  236  7. 

43  Congress  was  installed  Feb.  18th,  and  one  of  the  first  acts  of  the  house 
of  deputies  was  to  pass  an  act  of  impeachment  against  Vasconcelos,  and  the 
senate  constituted  itself  as  a court  to  try  him  upon  the  charge  of  violation  of 
the  constitution.  On  the  22d  of  February,  pleading  not  guilty,  he  demanded 
atrial.  The  result  was  against  him.  Salv.,  Sen.  y Cam.  de  Dip.... a sus 
comit.,  in  Cent.  Am.  Parr.ph.,  vi.  no.  9;  Vasconcelos  al  Sen.,  in  hi.,  no.  13. 

50  During  Vasconcelos’  absence  the  office  had  been  in  charge  of  Senator 
Francisco  Dueflas. 

"1  Thus  we  see  that  Dueiias,  whose  wont  it  was  while  he  was  working  for 
popularity  to  use  energetic  language  on  behalf  of  liberalism,  now  that  he  has 
reached  the  goal  of  his  ambition,  changes  his  tune  and  calls  fertile  assistance 
of  Carrera  against  Honduras.  Jlond.,  Gaceta  OJic.,  June  10,  1853. 


300 


REPUBLIC  OF  SALVADOR. 


to  its  interior  affairs,  adopting  important  improve- 
ments.52 There  were  not  wanting,  however,  some 
attempts  to  disturb  the  public  peace,  which  were  for- 
tunately defeated.  But  the  country  became  at  that 
time  the  victim  of  other  calamities,  such  as  cholera, 
scarcity  of  food  resulting  from  a visitation  of  locusts, 
and  an  earthquake  which  destroyed  San  Salvador  on 
the  10th  of  April,  1854, 53  in  consequence  of  which  the 
capital  was  removed  to  Cojutepeque,  where  it  remained 
for  some  time. 

Rafael  Campo  and  Francisco  Duenas  were  elected 
president  and  vice-president,  respectively,  for  the  en- 
suing term  of  1856-7  ; and  the  latter  being  in  charge 
of  the  executive  office  in  January  1856,  in  Campo’s 
absence,  fitted  out  a contingent  of  troops  to  aid  Nica- 
ragua in  her  struggle  with  Walker’s  filibusters. 
Campo  despatched  reenforcements  in  1857,  the  Sal- 
vador forces  being  under  command  of  General  Gerardo 
Barrios,  who,  according  to  Perez,  never  went  beyond 
Leon,54  but  undertook  to  arrange  the  internal  affairs  of 
Nicaragua,  convoking  a junta  de  notables,  which  pro- 
claimed Juan  Sacasa  president.  This  had  no  effect, 
however. 

The  state  had,  in  1856,  constituted  itself  as  a free 

62  Public  education  was  duly  attended  to,  new  codes  and  ordinances  im- 
planted to  render  more  regular  the  national  administration. 

53 This  was  the  seventh  time  the  capital  was  destroyed;  the  previous  ones 
being  in  1575,  1593,  1025,  1656,  1798,  and  1S39;  none  of  these,  however,  were 
to  be  compared  in  violence  with  the  one  of  1S54.  It  had  been  supposed  at 
first  that  at  least  one  fourth  of  the  population  had  been  buried  under  the 
ruins,  but  it  was  subsequently  ascertained  that  the  number  of  killed  did  not 
exceed  one  hundred,  and  of  wounded  fifty;  among  the  latter  were  the  bishop, 
Duenas,  and  a daughter  of  Pres.  San  Martin.  The  wells  and  fountains  were 
filled  up  or  made  dry.  The  cathedral  and  other  churches  were  greatly  dam- 
aged; the  college  of  the  Asuncion  and  the  university  building  were  ruined. 
Only  a few  dwelling-houses  remained  standing,  and  all  were  rendered  un- 
inhabitable. Money  was  raised  by  subscription  for  the  benefit  of  the  destitute, 
the  government  of  Guat.  sending  a donation  of  $5,000.  Pineda  de  Mont,  Kota, 
in  Guat.  Recop.  Ley.,  iii.  349-50;  Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  304-7,  350;  Sale.,  Gaceta, 
May  26,  1854;  Id.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Jan.  26,  1875;  El  Rol,  Dec.  1,  1854;  Guat., 
Gaceta,  Apr.  28,  May  19,  1854;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  June  10,  July  29,  1S54;  Packet 
Intelligencer,  June  17,  1854.  The  city  and  about  20  surrounding  towns  were 
destroyed  March  19,  1873;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Apr.  8,  1873;  El  Porvenir, 
Apr.  6,  May  11,  25,  1873;  Hie.,  Gaceta,  Apr.  5,  1873. 

34  Campo  on  the  10th  of  May,  1857,  warmly  congratulated  his  fellow-citi- 
zens on  the  end  of  the  campaign  in  Nic.  when  the  news  came  of  Walker’s  sur- 
render. Hie. , Roletin  Ojic.,  May  28,  1857. 


CAMPO  AND  BARRIOS. 


301 


and  independent  nation,  under  the  name  of  Repiiblica 
del  Salvador.50  This  act  was  confirmed  March  19, 
18G4,  by  the  national  constituent  congress. 

General  Belloso,  Colonel  Choto,  and  other  officers 
of  the  expedition  deserted  in  June  from  Leon.  Barrios 
sent  troops  after  them,  and  they  were  arrested  in  Sal- 
vador and  taken  as  prisoners  to  Cojutepeque,  where 
they  told  President  Campo  that  Barrios  had  invited 
them  to  make  a revolution  against  his  government. 
They  were  set  at  liberty  on  the  8th.  Barrios  landed 
at  La  Libertad  with  his  forces  on  the  6tli,  and 
marched  to  San  Salvador,  whence  he  wrote  Campo 
he  had  occupied  that  place  to  defeat  the  revolutionary 
schemes  of  Belloso  and  Choto.  Orders  were  sent  him 
to  dissolve  the  forces  and  go  to  Cojutepeque  with  200 
men.  On  the  11th  Barrios,  together  with  his  officers, 
made  a pronunciamiento  to  depose  Campo  and  call 
Lueiias  to  the  presidency.56  The  president  on  the 
12th  called  troops  to  the  support  of  his  government, 
placed  San  Salvador  and  Cojutepeque  under  martial 
law,  and  declared  all  acts  emanating  from  the  vice- 
president  void.  But  it  seems  that  the  latter  refused 
to  lend  himself  to  Barrios’  plan,  but  on  the  contrary, 
supported  Campo.07  Barrios  himself  submitted.58 

Campo’s  successor  was  Miguel  Santin  del  Castillo. 
This  president’s  tenure  of  office  was  of  short  duration. 
In  1858  a coup  d’etat  of  Barrios,  then  a senator, 


65  Am.  Cyclop.,  xiv.  611;  La  Nation,  Apr.  14,  1857.  The  Salvador  flag  is 
required  to  he  4 varas  in  length,  with  horizontal  stripes,  five  blue  and  four 
white,  the  uppermost  and  lowermost  being  blue;  and  a red  union  with  14 
white  stars,  covering  a space  up  and  down  equivalent  to  that  occupied  by 
the  four  upper  stripes,  and  to  the  extent  of  1§  varas.  The  flag-staff  is  20 
varas  high,  exhibiting  the  same  arrangement  of  colors  as  the  flag. 

66  On  the  10th  Barrios  and  a committee  of  officers  had  demanded  of  Campo 
that  tlie  troops  should  be  ordered  to  Cojutepeque  to  receive  thanks  for  their 
services,  adding  that  a dissolution  of  the  force  implied  distrust  of  the  general. 
Campo  disregarded  this,  an  l also  a number  of  propositions  from  Barrios,  re- 
iterating his  order  for  the  disbandment. 

67  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  75-6,  assures  us  it  was  so,  highly  commending 
Duefias.  The  president  was  supported  by  public  opinion,  and  many  of  the 
officers  that  had  taken  part  in  the  pronunciamiento  afterward  tendered  him 
their  services.  Guat.,  Boktin  de  Noticias,  June  18,  1857. 

58 ‘No  liizo  otra  cosa  que  rendir  la  espada  ante  la  autoridad  de  Campo. ’ 
Perez,  Alcm.  Hist.  Rcc.  Nic. , 2d  pt,  214. 


332 


REPUBLIC  OF  SALVADOR. 


in  which  he  was  aided  by  the  vice-president  Guzman, 
his  father-in-law,  forced  Santin  to  resign.  Barrios 
subsequently  obtained  from  the  legislative  assembly, 
sitting  from  January  17  to  February  12,  1859,  the 
sanction  of  his  coup  d’etat,  as  well  as  the  constitu- 
tional amendments  that  he  had  not  been  able  to 
carry  through  legally  during  Santin’s  rule,  namely, 
to  extend  the  presidential  term  from  two  to  six  years, 
and  that  of  the  deputies  from  two  to  four  years.59 
The  year  1859  was  one  of  restlessness,  engendered 
partly  by  the  ungrounded  fear  of  invasion  by  Santin’s 
friends,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  neighboring  states, 
and  partly  by  Barrios’  efforts  to  secure  his  own  elec- 
tion to  the  presidency,  in  which  he  was  successful. 
In  August  1859  the  existing  disagreements  between 
Salvador  and  Honduras,  resulting  from  intrigues  of 
refugees  from  the  former,  were  brought  to  an  end 
through  the  mediation  of  Guatemala.60 

The  republic  seemed  to  have  attained  a compara- 
tively stable  condition  at  the  incoming  of  1860.  Bar- 
rios had  been  elected  president,  and  recognized  as  such 
by  the  assembly.61  He  concluded  in  1862  to  hold 
diplomatic  relations  with  the  vice-president,  who  un- 
der the  constitution  of  Honduras  was  entitled  to 
occupy  the  executive  chair  of  that  state  at  the  death 


59  One  half  of  the  deputies  were  to  he  renewed  every  two  years.  The 
assembly  was  to  meet  biennially.  Salv.,  Diario  OJic.,  Feb.  21,  1875. 

69  Convention  concluded  Aug.  9,  1859,  between  Guat.  and  Hond.  to  recog- 
nize the  constitutional  authority  established  in  Salvador,  and  to  repress  any 
attempt  to  disturb  it.  Hond.  declared  herself  disposed  to  keep  the  peace 
with  Salv.,  and  Guat.  guaranteed  reciprocity  on  the  part  of  the  latter.  This 
convention  was  ratified  by  Carrera,  Sept.  20,  1859,  and  by  Barrios  and  his 
minister  M.  Irungaray,  Sept.  30th,  the  same  year.  Guat.,  liecop.  Ley.,  i.  439- 
43. 

61  In  his  inaugural  address,  Feb.  1,  1860,  he  promised  a conservative  policy: 
‘ Orden  progreso,  libertad  bien  entendida ....  La  par  y el  orden  en  el  interior, 
1 1 amistad  con  los  estados  vecinos.  ’ Barrios,  Discurso,  6-7.  But,  as  it  will  be 
shown,  his  policy  both  in  the  interior  and  in  regard  to  the  other  states  of 
< 'ent.  Am.  met  with  disastrous  results  from  the  animosity  it  engendered. 
He  had  had  himself  made  a captain-general,  and  was  accused  by  his  enemies 
of  inordinate  vanity,  insincerity,  fondness  for  unrestricted  power,  and  luke- 
warm patriotism;  and  finally  came  to  be  looked  upon  as  a disturber  of  the 
peace  for  his  own  aggrandizement.  He  accepted,  without  leave  of  the 
a isembly,  a decoration  tendered  him  by  the  king  of  Sardinia.  Nic. , Cap.  Gen. 
Bariios,  3-14;  Arriola,  Rep.  del  Salv.,  2. 


INVASION  OF  SANTA  ANA. 


303 


of  President  Guardiola,  and  was  favored  by  public 
opinion,  although  Carrera  of  Guatemala  was  uphold- 
ing Medina,  a usurper  of  the  presidency.  A treaty 
of  alliance,  both  defensive  and  offensive,  was  entered 
into  between  Salvador  and  this  vice-president,62  which 
displeased  Carrera;  he  demanded  explanations,  and 
they  were  given  him.63  The  latter  found  an  excuse  to 
pick  a quarrel  with  Barrios  in  the  question  with  the 
Salvador  clergy,  who  had  been  required  to  take  an 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  government,64  which  they 
refused  to  do,  Bishop  Pineda  y Zaldaha  and  a num- 
ber of  his  subordinates  repairing  to  Guatemala,  where 
they  were  honorably  received.  Barrios  was  accused 
in  the  official  journal  of  setting  aside  the  conservative 
policy  promised  at  his  inauguration.65  An  expedition, 
under  Colonel  Saenz,  believed  to  have  been  aided  by 
Carrera,  invaded  Santa  Ana  at  the  cry  of  Viva  la  re- 
ligion! Ariva  el  obispo!  and  took  the  city,  but  were 
soon  driven  away  by  the  citizens.  Carrera  disclaimed 
any  connection  with  this  affair.  Some  time  after  came 
Maximo  Jerez,  as  minister  of  Nicaragua,  proposing  a 
plan  of  national  union  for  Salvador,  Honduras,  and 
Nicaragua,  with  the  intention  of  inviting  Guatemala 
and  Costa  Pica  to  join  them;  but  the  project  failed 
because  of  the  refusal  of  Honduras  to  enter  into  the 
arrangement.  Carrera  had  meantime  dissuaded  Pres- 
ident  Alartinez  of  Nicaragua  from  the  scheme. 

The  Guatemalan  government  was  preparing  for  war 
against  Salvador,  and  succeeded  in  winning  the  cooper- 


62  May  13,  18G2.  Nic.,  Boletin  OJic.,  July  19,  1862. 

63  Barrios  was  said  to  entertain  the  plan  of  partitioning  Hond.,  which  was 
not  effected  because  of  Carrera’s  disapproval ; but  the  murder  of  Guardiola 
had  afforded  him  an  opportunity  to  harness  Hond.  to  his  car.  He  was  like- 
wise accused  of  scheming  with  the  aid  of  Maximo  Jerez  to  control  Nic. 
Barrios,  El  por  que  de  la  caida,  3-4;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  March  23,  May  23,  June 
6,  1863.  Barrios  claimed  that  he  was  striving  to  secure  the  rights  of  Salva- 
dor, supporting  at  the  same  time  the  patriotic  aims  of  the  Nicaraguan  liberals 
to  establish  a government  in  their  country. 

64  The  Capuchin  friars  had  also  been  expelled. 

63 The  course  of  the  Salvadoran  govt  was  not  to  the  pope’s  liking.  Arriola, 
Rey.  del  Salv.,  2.  However,  the  bishop,  at  papal  suggestion,  offered  to  return 
to  his  diocese,  and  was  told  there  had  never  been  any  objection  to  his  exercise 
of  episcopal  functions.  Barrios,  Prod,  d los  Pueblos,  1-8. 


304 


REPUBLIC  OF  SALVADOR. 


ation  of  Martinez.68  Honduras,  being  an  ally  of  Salva- 
dor, Florencio  Xatruch  was  assisted  by  Carrera  to 
make  a revolt  in  several  departments  against  the  gov- 
ernment of  Honduras.  Salvador  tried  to  avert  hos- 
tilities. Friends  of  peace,  among  them  the  American 
and  British  representatives,  mediated,  but  all  was  of 
no  avail.6. 

The  war  contemplated  by  Carrera  was  unpopular 
in  Guatemala,  where  the  people  of  late  years  had  been 
enjoying  peace  and  prosperity,  and  feared  a recurrence 
of  the  former  desolations.  But  their  ruler  was 
prompted  by  a deadly  animosity  to  Barrios,  and  by 
the  fear  that  the  alliance  of  the  latter  with  Jarez 
would  endanger  conservatism,  and  consequently  his 
own  power.  Whereupon  he  resolved  to  crush  at  one 
blow  the  disturber  of  the  public  peace,  as  Barrios  was 
called  by  the  oligarchs.83  He  invaded  Salvador  w ith 
a large  force,  a proclamation  preceding  him  to  inform 
the  people  that  the  war  would  be  against  Barrios 
and  not  themselves.  He  felt  certain  of  a speedy  vic- 
tory, and  blindly  assailed  Coatepeque,  where  Barrios 
was  entrenched.  He  was  repulsed  with  such  heavy 
losses63  that  he  had  to  retreat  to  his  own  capital, 
which  he  entered  March  6th  at  the  head  of  only  3,000 
men.  But  this  reverse  did  not  discourage  him.  He 
fitted  out  another  army,  and  started  upon  a second 
campaign  that  should  be  decisive'0  against  Salvador 
and  Honduras,  the  latter  having  espoused  Barrios’ 
cause.  Meantime  Martinez  of  Nicaragua  had  gained 
a battle  at  the  town  of  San  Felipe  on  the  29th  of 
April,  against  a united  force  of  Jerez'  partisans  and 

60  A treaty  of  alliance  was  concluded  with  him  by  Samayoa  and  Duenas, 
noth  Salvador  refugees,  acting  for  Guat. 

67  Notes  of  E.  0.  Crosby.  U.  S.  minister,  Feb.  2,  1S63,  and  Geo.  B.  Mathew, 
Brit,  minister,  Feb.  8,  1S63,  to  I’edro  de  Aycinena,  minister  of  foreign  affairs 
of  Guat.  Barrios'  Manifiesto,  44-52. 

68  ‘ II  ne  vit  dans  cette  derniere  lutte  qu’un  duel  d’homme  h homme.  ‘ 
Belly,  Le  Nicaragua,  i.  118-19. 

This  was  on  the  24th  of  Feb.,  1863.  Salv.,  Dario  Ofic.,  Apr.  8,  1S76;  Belly, 
A Trav.  VArru  Cent.,  119-20.  Barrios,  in  his  Manifiesto,  32,  asserts  that  his 
own  force  was  4,000  men,  and  Carrera’s  6,500. 

70  The  army  was  in  three  divisions,  two  of  which  were  under  generals 
Zavala  and  Cruz. 


OFFICE-SEEKERS  WAR. 


305 


Salvadorans.71  Moreover,  Honduras  was  invaded  by 
800  Guatemalans  under  General  Cerna.  The  Salva- 
doran and  Honduran  troops  were  defeated7'2  by  the 
allied  Guatemalans  and  Nicaraguans,  on  the  plains  of 
Santa  Rosa,  which  prompted  revolts  in  the  greater 
part  of  the  departments  of  Salvador,  proclaiming 
Duenas  provisional  president,  who  organized  a gov- 
ernment at  Sonsonate.73  Intrigues  were  successfully 
brought  into  play  upon  several  Salvadoran  command- 
ers to  induce  them  to  revolt  against  Barrios,  and  to 
aid  his  enemies.74  One  of  those  officers  was  General 
Santiago  Gonzalez,  commanding  the  troops  at  Santa 
Ana  during  Barrios’  temporary  absence  at  San  Salva- 
dor. He  made  a pronunciamiento  on  the  30th  of 
June,  telling  the  soldiers  that  a similar  movement 
had  taken  place  the  previous  day  at  the  capital,  and 
Barrios  was  a prisoner,  and  his  government  dissolved. 
On  discovering  the  deception  some  battalions  escaped 
and  joined  the  president  at  San  Salvador,  Gonzalez 
being  left  with  a small  number  of  troops.  Carrera 
was  now  near  Santa  Ana,  and  demanded  Gonzalez’ 
surrender  and  recognition  of  Duenas  as  provisional 
president,  which,  being  declined,  Carrera  attacked 
and  easily  defeated  him  on  the  3d  of  July,75  the  Sal- 
vadoran artillery  and  a large  quantity  of  ammunition 
fallino;  into  the  victor’s  hands.  Carrera  was  now 
master  of  the  situation,'6  and  his  opponent  virtually 

71  Nic.,  Discurso. . .prim,  aniv.,  3.  The  Salvadoran  contingent  in  the  action 
was  1,117  men  under  General  Eusebio  Bracamonte;  but  Jerez  had  the  chief 
command  of  the  allied  force.  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Apr.  18,  May  9,  10,  20,  23,  June  6, 
Sept.  12,  1803;  Nic. , Boletin  del  Pueb.,  July  11,  1803. 

72  June  10,  1803.  Nic.,  Boletin  del  Pueb.,  July  4,  1803. 

73  Sonsonate  declared  against  Barrios  June  29th,  Cojutepeque  July  27th, 
Zacatecoluca  Aug.  14th.;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  22,  Sept.  19,  1803;  Id.,  Boletin 
del  Pueb.,  July  23,  1803.  For  map  of  Hond.  and  Salv.,  see  Squier’s  Cent.  Am. 

u It  has  been  said  that  Tallien  de  Cabarrus,  the  French  charge,  endeav- 
ored, after  Carrera’s  defeat  at  Coatepeque,  to  pursuade  a number  of  French 
ollicers  who  were  with  Barrios  to  leave  him,  which  they  refused  to  do. 

75 Carrera’s  official  report  of  July  4,  1803,  in  Nic.,  Boletin  del  Pueb.,  July 
17,  23,  1803;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  22,  1803. 

76  He  established  his  headquarters  in  Coatepeque.  Zavala  marched  on  and 
occupied  Santa  Tecla,  about  12  miles  from  San  Salvador;  Col  Iraeta  was 
stationed  at  C’halatenango;  and  Col  Parker  in  Ilobasco.  Salv.,  Pronunc., 

1 ; Nic.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  8,  1803.  Duenas  in  a proclamation  at  Santa  Ana,  July 
18th,  promised  that  Carrera  and  his  army,  after  fulfilling  their  mission,  would 
Hist.  Cent  Am.,  Vol.  Ill  20 


306 


REPUBLIC  OF  SALVADOR. 


without  means  of  defence,  superadded  to  which  the 
influence  of  the  clergy  had  turned  the  Indians  to 
Carrera’s  side.  Barrios  continued  his  efforts,  how- 
ever, and  held  out  four  months  at  San  Salvador, 
though  closely  besieged  and  suffering  from  want  of 
food  and  ammunition.77  He  had  refused  to  listen  to 
proposals  offering  him  the  honors  of  war,  believing 
that  once  in  Carrera’s  hands  his  fate  would  be  sealed.78 
At  last  further  defence  was  impossible,  and  Barrios 
escaped  out  of  the  city  early  on  the  2Gth  of  October, 
and  subsequently  out  of  the  country.79  The  surrender 
of  the  city  took  place  the  same  day,  and  on  the  30th 
Duehas,  now  placed  at  the  head  of  affairs,  decreed 
thanks  and  honors  to  Carrera  and  Martinez,  and  their 
respective  armies.80 

Barrios,  having  with  him  arms  and  ammunition, 
embarked  at  Panama  in  18G5,  on  the  schooner  Manuela 
Planas  for  La  Union,  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  a 
movement  initiated  by  Cabanas  in  that  port  and  San 
Miguel  in  his  favor.  It  was  only  on  arrival  that  he 

return  to  Gnat,  leaving  the  Salvadorans  to  reorganize  a friendly  government, 
in  lieu  of  the  turbulent  one  of  Barrios,  with  the  assistance  of  Bishop  Zaldana. 
Barrios  accused  Duefias,  at  Panama  Dec.  8,  1SG3,  of  having  offered  Carrera 
$100,000  for  his  assistance  to  get  him  into  the  presidential  chair;  to  pay 
which  a forced  loan  was  decreed.  He  added  that  at  one  time  Carrera  had 
made  war  against  the  govt  of  Hond.  for  $30,000  that  Guardiola  offered  him. 
Ban-ios,  El  Presid.  legit.,  3-4. 

77  Sept.  18,  1863,  Zavala,  commander  of  the  besieging  army,  and  Duehas 
demanded  a surrender,  and  submission  to  the  provincial  govt.  Duenas  claimed 
to  be  recognized  as  president  by  Guat.,  Nic.,  and  Hond.  Nic.,  Boletin  del  Pueb., 
Oct.  3,  1863;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  17,  1863. 

78  Carrera  not  long  after  had  M.  Irungaray,  minister  of  state,  Yarzun,  treas- 
urer, Gen.  Perez  and  his  brother,  and  colonels  Abclar  and  Luna  shot,  for  the 
sole  offence  of  having  served  in  Barrios’  administration. 

79  Carrera,  Oct.  30th,  called  it  a ‘ vergonzosa  fuga. ’ Carrera,  Prod.,  1.  Bar- 
rios was  subsequently  in  1S65  allowed  by  Costa  R.  to  reside  in  her  territory 
against  the  remonstrances  of  the  other  Cent.  Am.  states.  These  suspended 
relations  with  her.  Previous  to  this  time  he  had  resided  in  N.  York,  where 
he  made  many  friends.  Nic.  reopened,  through  the  mediation  of  the  U.  S. 
of  Colombia,  on  the  31st  of  May,  1865,  relations  with  Costa  R. , Barrios  hav- 
ing departed.  Guat.,  Becop.  Ley.,  i.  458-9;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  June  17,  1865;  Id.,  Col. 
Dec.,  1865,  8-9,  52-3. 

89 Nic.,  Gaceta,  Nov.  6,  14,  1863.  The  outrages  committed  byCarerra  and 
his  men  are  said  to  have  been  almost  beyond  description.  One  of  his  acts 
was  to  cause  Morazan’s  grave  to  be  broke  open,  and  his  ashes  to  be  scattered 
to  the  winds.  He  insulted,  plundered,  and  persecuted  citizens,  and  carried 
off  the  Salvadoran  artillery  and  trophies.  He  took  with  him  to  Guat.  the 
prisoners  of  rank,  and  confined  them  many  months  in  the  castle  of  San  Fe- 
lipe situated  on  the  deadly  northern  coast 


DEATH  OF  BARRIOS. 


307 


heard  of  the  failure  of  that  movement,81  and  on  his  re- 
turn the  schooner  was  struck  by  lightning  in  waters 
of  Nicaragua  at  the  Aserradores.  He  sent  to  Corinto 
for  water  and  provisions,  and  the  consequence  was 
that  a Nicaraguan  force  came  on  board  and  captured 
him.  He  was  taken  to  Leon  on  the  30th  of  June.82 
The  government  of  Salvador  demanded  his  extradition 
that  he  might  be  tried,  the  national  congress  having 
impeached  him.  The  result  of  this  was  a convention 
entered  into  at  Leon  July  14,  1865,  between  Gregorio 
Arbizii,  minister  of  Salvador,  and  Pedro  Zeledon, 
plenipotentiary  for  Nicaragua,  by  which  the  latter 
government  assented  to  the  surrender  of  Barrios, 
under  the  express  stipulation  that  his  life  should  be 
spared  whatever  might  be  the  result  of  his  trial/3 
But  the  government  of  Salvador,  in  disregard  of  this 
obligation,  had  Barrios  sentenced  to  death  by  a court- 
martial,  and  he  was  executed  at  4:30  in  the  morning 
of  August  29th,  against  the  remonstrances  of  the  rep- 
resentative of  Nicaragua.  The  latter  could  do  noth- 
ing but  protest,  and  throw  the  infarnv  of  the  deed 
upon  Duenas  and  his  administration. 

Bishop  Zaldana  returned  to  his  diocese  at  the  ter- 
mination of  the  war  in  the  latter  part  of  1863,  and 
issued  a pastoral  letter  recommending  concord  and 
union  among  his  flock.  The  provisional  government 
called  on  the  people  to  choose  a constituent  assembly 
to  reorganize  the  government  and  frame  a new  consti- 
tution. This  assembly  met  on  the  18th  of  February, 
1864,  and  on  the  same  date  sanctioned  the  last  revolu- 
tionary movement,  which  deposed  Barrios  from  the 
presidency,  and  called  Duenas  to  fill  it.  His  acts  to 

81  Cabanas  had  gone  off  to  Pan.  in  the  steamer  Guatemala.  Particulars  of 
the  rebellion,  and  measures  against  its  authors,  in  Nic.,  Gaceta,  May  6,  June 
10,  July  1,  18G5. 

82  The  vessel  was  sailing  without  the  papers  required  by  law,  as  was  cer- 
tified by  the  U.  S.  consul  in  Corinto.  Nic.,  Col.  Acuerd.  y Dec.,  61-2;  Id., 
Bolctin  del  Pueb.,  July  4,  18G3. 

“The  Salv.  minister  solemnly  accepted  this  condition,  and  the  Nicaraguan 
govt  then  delivered  Barrios  on  board  the  brig  Er.perim.ento.  Nic. , Convenio  Ilf 
de  Julio,  1-18;  Nic.,  Docs.  1 lei.  d la  reel.,  1-19;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  July  29,  1865. 


308 


REPUBLIC  OF  SALVADOR. 


that  date  were  approved,  and  he  was  recognized  as 
provisional  executive  till  a constitutional  one  should 
be  elected.  That  body  at  a later  date  promulgated  a 
new  constitution  in  104  articles,  which  like  the  funda- 
mental charters  of  the  other  Central  American  states 
at  that  time  was  exceedingly  conservative.  The  only 
religion  recognized  was  the  Roman  catholic. 

At  the  elections  which  took  place  ten  months  after 
the  promulgation  of  the  new  charter,  Duenas  was  ap- 
parently elected  president  for  the  first  constitutional 
term,  and  the  constitutional  congress  recognized  him 
as  such.  He  took  formal  possession  of  the  office  Feb- 
ruary 1,  1865.  Congress  closed  its  session  on  the 
2 1 st  of  the  same  month. 


CHAPTER  XV 


REPUBLIC  OF  HONDURAS. 

1840-1865. 

President  Ferrera — Revolutionary  Movements — Political  Executions 
— Presidency  of  Juan  Lindo — New  Constitution — Lin  do  Over- 
thrown— Belize — Honduras’  Trourles  with  Great  Britain — British 
Occupation  of  Tiger  Island — Bombardment  of  Omoa — Bay  Islands 
- -President  Cabanas — War  with  Guatemala — Guardiola’s  Assas- 
sination— Provisional  Rules  of  Castellanos  and  Montes — Alliance 
with  Barrios — Unsuccessful  War  with  Guatemala  and  Nicaragua 
— Montes  Deposed — Establishment  of  the  Republic — Jose  M.  Me- 
dina Chosen  President — Amendment  of  the  Constitution. 


The  house  of  representatives  of  the  Estado  Libre  y 
Soberano  de  Honduras,  on  the  30th  of  December, 
1840,  chose  Francisco  Ferrera  president,1  and  he  took 
possession  of  the  office  on  the  1st  of  January,  1841. 
The  chamber  closed  its  session  on  the  6th  of  March. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  repeat  here  the  history  of  Flon- 
duras  down  to  1844,  as  it  has  been  given  in  connection 
with  other  sections  of  Central  America.  The  state 

1 He  had  been  the  sole  candidate,  obtaining  3,400  votes,  which  did  not 
constitute  a majority.  Ferrera  was  of  obscure  parentage,  and  of  inferior 
ability.  He  was  educated  by  a reactionary  priest  named  Garin,  who,  wishing 
him  to  become  a musician  of  the  parish  church  at  Cantarranas,  sent  him  to 
Tegucigalpa  to  take  lessons  on  the  violin;  but  the  boy  made  no  progress  in 
that  direction,  and  finally  was  made  sacristan  of  Cantarranas,  which  position 
he  held  a long  time,  till  the  revolutionary  movements  drew  him  into  military 
life,  and  he  began  upholding  liberal  principles.  He  figured  afterward  as  vice- 
jefe,  hating  his  chief,  Joaquin  Rivera,  because  he  was  a democrat.  Now  we 
see  the  sacristan  of  Cantarranas  made  president  of  the  state.  Francisco 
Giiell,  Francisco  Zelaya,  and  Santiago  Bueso  were  recognized  as  his  substitutes 
in  the  order  named.  It  was  also  decreed  by  the  chamber  that  in  the  event 
of  a vacancy,  absolute  or  temporary,  if  the  substitutes  should  be  unable  to 
assume  the  executive  duties,  the  latter  should  devolve  on  the  ministers  of 
state.  Montufar,  Resefia  Hist.,  iv.  191—203’  Wells’  Ilond.,  494;  Squier’s  Trav., 
ii.  449 


(303) 


310 


REPUBLIC  OF  HONDURAS. 


assembly  was  installed  on  the  11th  of  January,  with 
ceremonies  more  religious  than  political,  as  befitted  a 
country  where  the  influence  of  the  church  was  so  over- 
whelming.2 The  chamber  bepraised  Ferrera  with  as 
much  gusto  as  the  church  had  smoked  him  with 
incense  at  the  cathedral,  and  on  the  2Gth  he  was 
formally  declared  a benemerito  de  la  patria,  and  con- 
firmed as  a general  of  division,  which  rank  had  been 
conferred  on  him  by  the  government  in  March  1839. 3 

Much  was  said  at  the  opening  of  the  legislative 
session  about  peace,  but  the  fact  was,  that  a number 
of  towns  were  greatly  agitated,  owing  to  the  heavy 
burdens  ’weighing  on  them,  and  to  the  displeasure 
caused  by  many  citizens  having  been  driven  into  exile. 
Among:  these  towns  were  Texigmat,  La  Plazuela,  and 
Comayagjiela.  Santos  Guardiola  was  sent  against 

\J  O O 

them,  and  was  not  successful,  though  he  asserted  in  a 
proclamation  that  he  had  defeated  the  rebels.  The 
war  spread,4  and  Ferrera  deemed  it  expedient  to  leave 
the  executive  office  in  charge  of  the  ministers  for  a 
time,  and  to  personally  take  command  of  the  forces  to 
operate  against  the  insurgents.  Guardiola  defeated 
them  at  Corpus  on  the  1st  of  July,  and  captured  their 
correspondence,  with  Rivera,  Orellana,  and  the  other 
leaders.5 

An  insurrection  of  the  troops  at  Olancho  took 
place  in  December,  which  was  soon  quelled,  and 
stringent  measures  were  adopted  by  Ferrera  against 
its  promoters.6  Amid  this  state  of  affairs  Ferrera’s 
term  was  approaching  its  end,  and  he  could  not  be  re- 
elected a second  time  under  the  constitution  of  1839. 
Flections  were  held,  and  arrangements  made  so  that 

2 We  are  assured  there  were  44  te  deum  masses  on  that  day 

3 He  was  credited  with  having,  by  his  energy,  wisdom,  and  disinterested 
patriotism,  saved  the  state  from  civil  war  and  anarchy. 

4 The  govt  justly  attributed  the  movement  to  Ex-jefe  Rivera,  Orellana, 
Alvarez,  Castro,  and  others,  believing  the  centre  of  it  to  be  in  Leon.  It  de- 
manded satisfaction  from  Nic.,  but  obtained  none. 

5 The  whole  was  published  in  El  Desculnidor,  official  journal  of  Hond. 
Every  one  of  Rivera’s  letters  counselled  discipline,  moderation,  and  honorable 
dealing,  so  as  to  save  the  cause  from  obloquy 

6 Decree  of  Dec.  13,  1841. 


REVOLUTION  AND  ELECTION. 


311 


he  could  continue  in  power  as  minister  of  war  with 
the  chief  command  of  the  forces.7 8  Guardiola  had  been 
also  dubbed  a benemerito,  and  his  friends  wished  to 
raise  him  to  the  presidential  chair,  but  did  not  succeed. s 
No  candidate  obtained  the  requisite  majority,  and  the 
legislature  chose  Coronado  Chavez  president.9 

Ex-jefe  Rivera,  taking  advantage  of  the  absence  of 
Ferrera  with  most  of  his  forces  in  Nicaragua,  invaded 
Honduras  for  the  purpose  of  overthrowing  the  exist- 
ing government.  The  people  failed  to  cooperate  with 
him,  and  he  was  defeated  and  made  prisoner.  On  the 
4th  of  January,  1845,  he,  with  Martinez,  Landa,  and 
Julian  Diaz  arrived  at  Comayagua  in  irons.  The 
official  journal  announced  that  Rivera  was  to  be  tried 
and  punished.  He  was  in  fact  doomed  to  the  scaffold 
before  he  was  tried.10 

Guardiola’s  atrocities  in  La  Union  and  San  Miguel, 
spoken  of  in  a former  chapter,  won  him  additional 
honors  from  the  subservient  assembly  of  Honduras. 
He  was  a second  time  declared  a benemerito,  and 
awarded  a gold  medal.  . Chavez,  the  tool  of  Ferrera, 
was  not  neglected.  He  was  given  the  title  of  Padre 
conscripto  de  la  patria,  with  an  accompanying  medal.11 
The  assembly  closed  on  the  23d  of  March,  well  satisfied 
of  the  wisdom  of  its  measures.  Another  presiden- 
tial election  came  up,  and  no  one  having  the  requi- 
site number  of  votes,  the  assembly,  January  14, 
1847,  chose  Ferrera,  who  declined  the  position,  and 
Juan  Lindo  was  then  appointed,  Ferrera  continuing 

7 1 mentioned  elsewhere  the  defeat  this  year  at  Nacaome  of  a Nicaraguan 
force  by  the  garrison  under  Commandant  Morales.  The  credit  of  this  victory 
was  given  to  Ferrera,  who  happened  to  be  in  the  place  at  the  time,  by  the 
ministers  in  charge  of  the  executive  office  awarding  him  a gold  medal  with 
the  inscription,  ‘Ala  heroicidad  del  General  Ferrera  en  la  batalla  de  Na- 
caome.’ The  supreme  court  had  compared  him  with  Alexander,  Octavius, 
Augustus,  and  Napoleon.  The  soldiers  of  Hond.  made  him  a Miltiades, 
Tamistocles,  and  Demosthenes.  And  finally,  the  official  journal  pronounced 
him  superior  to  Julius  C<esar.  Montnfar,  Rcsena  Hist.,  iv.  570-9. 

8 Guardiola  was  a rough  and  cruel  soldier. 

9 His  substitutes  were  Francisco  Gilell,  Leonardo  Romero,  and  Manuel 
Emig  !io  Vazquez. 

1 ' Rivera,  Landa,  and  Martinez  were  shot  together. 

11  Decrees  of  Feb.  4 and  March  19,  1843. 


REPUBLIC  OF  HONDURAS. 


01.1 

as  war  minister,  with  the  command  of  the  troops  an- 
nexed, which  was  what  he  desired.  Guardiola  was 
retained  in  the  office  of  minister  of  foreign  relations, 
though  unfit  for  it. 

When  the  army  of  the  United  States  was  in  Mexico, 
Lindo  seemed  greatly  exasperated  thereby;  the  presi- 
dent, without  first  obtaining  the  sanction  of  the  repre- 
sentatives, issued  manifestos,  on  the  1st  and  2d  of  June, 
1347,  which  were  an  open  declaration  of  war  against 
the  United  States.12 

Lindo  desired  to  control  affairs  for  an  unlimited 
time,  and  the  constitution  allowing  him  only  a two- 
years  tenure,  and  containing,  besides,  several  clauses 
repugnant  to  him,  it  was  doomed.13  A constituent 
assembly  was  accordingly  called  to  frame  a new  char- 
ter, which  was  adopted  at  Comayagua  February  4, 
1848. 14 

Lindo  continued  as  president  under  the  new  re- 
gime.15 The  legislature  had  assembled  at  Cedros  on 
the  10th  of  June,  1849,  when  the  president  reported 

12  This  proceeding  was  communicated  to  tlie  governor  of  Cliiapa  for  the 
information  of  his  government.  The  proclamations  were  published  in  Mexico, 
and  probably  elsewhere;  but  I am  not  aware  that  the  American  government 
took  any  action  upon  them.  Id.,  236-7;  Sun  of  Andhuac,  Sept.  14,  1847; 
El  Arco  Ins,  Sept.  22,  Oct.  4,  17,  1847;  El  1‘azonodor,  Oct.  30,  1847;  El 
Sonoren.se,  Nov.  12,  1847. 

13  It  provided  for  only  one  chamber,  and  he  wanted  another  for  the  aris- 
tocracy. It  recognized  freedom  of  conscience  and  religion,  which  to  his  mind 
was  heresy. 

14 It  contained  114  articles;  recognized  the  people  as  the  source  of  power 
and  sovereignty.  All  persons  born  in  the  states  of  Cent.  Am.  and  residing 
in  Hond.  were  given  the  privileges  of  full  citizenship.  Foreigners  might 
become  naturalized.  The  right  of  suffrage  was  given  to  citizens  over  21  years 
of  age  who  could  read  and  write.  The  state  recognized  no  other  religion  than 
the  Roman  catholic,  excluding  the  public  exercise  of  all  others.  The  govern- 
ment, declared  to  be  popular  and  representative,  was  vested  in  three  powers, 
namely,  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial.  The  executive  was  placed  in 
charge  of  a president  for  four  years,  and  not  eligible  for  two  consecutive 
terms.  He  appointed  his  ministers,  who  had  a seat  in  the  legislature.  There 
was  a council  of  state  provided,  its  members  being  one  senator  chosen  by  the 
gen.  assembly,  one  justice  of  the  supreme  court,  the  minister  of  the  interior, 
the  treasurer,  and  two  citizens  elected  by  the  gen.  assembly.  The  assembly 
was  formed  of  one  chamber  with  14  deputies,  being  two  for  each  department, 
and  the  senate  with  7 members.  The  judiciary  consisted  of  the  supreme  and 
lower  courts.  The  supreme  court  was  divided  into  two  sections,  of  three  jus- 
tices each,  one  to  sit  in  Comayagua,  and  the  other  in  Tegucigalpa.  Each 
department  had  a jefe  politico  at  its  head.  Hond.,  Constit.  delS//S,  1-21;  Squier’s 
Cent.  Am.,  258-65. 

15 The  next  term  would  begin  on  the  1st  of  Feb.,  1852. 


WAR  AND  TREATIES. 


313 


the  state  at  peace,  and  its  relations  with  the  other 
states  on  a satisfactory  footing.  But  he  acknowledged 
that  his  government  was  harassed  by  party  conten- 
tions. Order  had  bGen  maintained  thus  far  by  a strict 
impartiality  toward  the  factions,  with  the  cooperation 
of  some  good  and  influential  citizens.16  This  was  not 
to  last  long;  for  on  the  12tli  of  February,  1850, 
Guardiola,  deceived  by  representations  of  Felipe  Jau- 
regui  and  the  aristocrats  of  Guatemala,  in  which  the 
British  chargd,  Chatfield,  had  no  little  part,  made  a 
pronuneiamiento  at  Tegucigalpa,  where  the  govern- 
ment then  was,  and  Lindo  had  to  flee.  The  latter 
finally  entrenched  himself  at  Nacaome,  near  the  bay 
of  Fonseca,  and  asked  for  assistance  from  the  govern- 
ments of  Salvador  and  Nicaragua,  which  under  the 
terms  of  their  confederacy  they  were  bound  to  afford 
him.  Salvador  at  once  sent  a considerable  force  unde  r 
General  Cabanas,  and  Nicaragua  prepared  to  do  the 
same  if  necessity  required  it.  Guardiola’ s movement 
was  not  seconded  elsewhere.  But  he  marched  against 
Nacaome,  and  at  Pespire  commissioners  of  Salvador 
and  Lindo  made  him  understand  his  false  position, 
and  an  understanding  was  then  had,  on  the  25th  of 
March,  by  which  he  submitted  to  Lindo’s  authority.11 


The  treaties  of  1783  and  178G  between  Great  Britain 
and  Spain  reserved  to  the  latter  the  sovereignty  over 
Belize,  otherwise  called  British  Honduras,  granting  to 
the  settlers  merely  the  privilege  of  cutting  dye  and 
other  woods, 1S  using  the  spontaneous  products  of  the 

1RHic.,  Cor.  1st. , Aug.  1,  1849;  La  Union  (S.  Salv.),  June  15,  1849. 

17  The  following  were  the  terms  agreed  upon:  a general  amnesty;  the  con- 
federate diet  was  to  meet  at  Nacaome,  protected  by  290  Salvadorans  and  as 
many  Nicaraguans  at  the  expense  of  Hond. ; and  the  state  assembly  also  to 
redress  certain  alleged  grievances;  and  Jauregui’s  conduct  in  Costa  R.  to  be 
investigated.  All  of  which  was  done.  Cent.  Am.,  Miscel.  Doc.,  nos.  29-33, 
36-43,  50-5;  Sale.,  Gaceta,  March  15,  Apr.  4,  18,  May  10,  1S50;  Costa  It., 
Gaceta,  March  2,  1850;  Hie.,  Cor.  1st.,  Apr.  4,  May  2,  16,  1S50;  Guardiola, 
Carta  Ofic.,  March  30,  1850;  Squier’s  Travels,  ii.  182.  The  chambers  on  the 
29th  of  June  declared  Lindo  a benemerito  de  la  patria,  conferring  on  him  the 
rank  of  general  of  division  for  life,  from  the  expiration  of  his  presidential 
term.  Hond.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  Aug.  31,  1850. 

16 The  Spaniards  knew  but  little  of  this  region,  believing  it  unhealthy, 


314 


REPUBLIC  OF  HONDURAS. 


soil,  fisliing  along  the  coast,  repairing  their  vessels, 
and  building  houses  and  stores.  The  colonists  were 
not  to  set  up  any  government,  either  civil  or  military, 
construct  forts  or  defences,  maintain  troops  of  any 
kind,  or  possess  any  artillery.19 

Governor  O’Neill  of  Yucatan  made  an  expedition 
in  1798  against  the  English  settlers  during  war  be- 
tween the  two  nations,  and  destroyed  a number  of 
settlements  on  the  Rio  Nuevo,  but  was  afterward 
repulsed  by  the  colonists  and  slaves  of  Belize.  This 
circumstance  was  claimed  to  have  given  the  victors 
the  right  of  conquest  over  the  territory  occupied  by 
them.  But  neither  Spain,  nor  Mexico  after  her 
independence,  recognized  that  pretension,  nor  was  it 
admitted  by  the  British  parliament.20  Furthermore, 
the  treaty  signed  in  London,  December  26,  1826,  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  Mexico  was  negotiated  on 
the  express  condition  that  the  treaty  of  July  14,  1786, 
between  the  Spanish  and  British  crowns  should  be 
held  valid  and  observed  in  all  its  provisions.21  There- 
fore the  conclusion  we  must  arrive  at  is,  that  the 
sovereignty  over  Belize  belongs  to  Mexico  and  not  to 
Great  Britain.  Mexico’s  claim  has  been  recognized 
by  the  settlers,  when  it  suited  their  interests,  but 
they  were  never  equally  disposed  to  abide  by  the  obli- 
gations of  the  treaty  of  1826. 22  Their  encroachments 

and  had  hardly  made  any  attempts  themselves  to  cut  wood  there.  Cancelada, 
Tel.  Mexicano,  1C4-11,  computed  at  nearly  twenty-two  million  dollars  the  loss 
sustained  by  Spain  to  1812,  including  in  that  sum  the  original  cost,  and  the 
resulting  profits  which  had  accrued,  mostly  to  the  English. 

19  They  were  likewise  forbidden  to  cultivate  sugar,  coffee,  or  cacao,  or  to 
engage  in  manufactures;  and  they  were  not  to  supply  arms  or  ammunition  to 
the  Indians  dwelling  on  the  frontiers  of  the  Spanish  possessions.  Espailne  Ingl. 
Covenio,  July  14,  1780,  in  Cent.  Am.  Pamph.,  no.  4,  1-7. 

"Certain  acts  of  that  body  in  1817  and  1819,  in  consequence  of  measures 
adopted  to  punish  crimes  committed  in  Belize,  declared  that  the  crimes  could 
not  be  punished  under  British  laws,  because  that  territory  was  not  a portion 
of  the  United  Kingdom.  Peniche,  Hint.  Pel.  E<p.  y Mix.  con  Ingl.,  in  Ancona, 
Hist.  Yuc.,  iv.  223. 

91  The  treaty  of  1S26,  with  the  annexed  treaties  and  conventions  of  Spain 
with  England  and  other  nations  having  any  bearing  on  the  subject  may  be 
found  in  Mex.,  Derecho  Intern.,  i.  437-524. 

22  Villiers,  Brit.  min.  in  Madrid,  asked  the  Sp.  govt  in  1835,  and  again 
in  1836,  to  cede  to  England  any  right  of  sovereignty  she  might  have  over 
Brit.  Honduras.  The  request  was  not  granted,  but  it  implied  that  England 
in  1836  did  not  consider  herself  to  possess  the  full  sovereignty  over  Belize. 


BELIZE. 


315 


on  Yucatan  have  continued  to  the  extent  that  they  now 
hold  much  more  than  was  conditionally  allowed  them 
for  wood-cutting  by  the  treaty  of  1783. 23 

Affecting  to  forget  that  they  were  entitled  merely 
to  the  usufruct  of  the  country,  the  settlers  set  up  as 
early  as  1798  a government,24  raised  troops,  built  forts, 
tilled  the  soil,  and  exercised  every  right  implying  full 
sovereignty.  Alexander  M’Donald,  while  holding  the 
office  of  superintendent,25  on  the  2d  of  November,  1840, 
set  aside  the  laws  and  usages  of  the  country,  declaring 
that  from  said  date  the  law  of  England  should  be  the 
law  of  the  settlement  or  colony  of  British  Honduras, 
and  that  all  local  customs  and  laws  repugnant  to  the 
spirit  of  the  law  of  England,  and  opposed  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  equity  and  justice,  should  be  null.26  In  later 
years  the  government  has  been  in  the  hands  of  a lieu- 
tenant-governor, with  an  executive  and  legislative 
council,  and  the  colony  has  the  usual  judicial  estab- 
lishment.2' 

Villarta,  Mexican  min.  of  foreign  affairs,  refers  to  Velliers’  efforts  in  a note 
of  March  23,  187S,  to  the  Brit.  govt.  The  latter,  however,  in  1836,  claimed 
a larger  extent  of  territory,  including  the  whole  coast  as  far  south  as  the 
River  Sarstoon,  and  as  far  inland  as  the  meridian  of  Garbutt’s  Falls  on  the 
Belize  River. 

23  Details  in  Bustamante,  Hist.  Iturbidc,  161;  Sguier’s  Trawls,  ii.  412-14; 
Id.,  Cent.  Am.,  582—4,  627-8;  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  ii.  306;  Mix.  Hoc.  Geog.,  Bole- 
tin,  2d  ep.,  iv.  698-710;  Annals  Brit.  Legis.,  ii.  84;  Suarez,  Informe , 32-6; 
U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  For.  Aff.  (Mess,  and  Doc.,  pt  1,  65-6,  pt  iii.  360- 1),  Cong.  39, 
Sess.  1.;  Id.,  Foreign  lid.,  i.  656-61,  Cong.  43,  Sess.  1.;  Sale.,  DiarioOJic.,  Nov. 
21,  137S;  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  Jan.  31,  1865;  Sept.  19,  Nov.  1,  1882. 

24  The  settlement,  as  it  was  called,  for  it  had  not  even  the  name  of  a colony, 
was  ruled  by  a code  of  laws  established  in  1779  by  Sir  W.  Burnaby.  Justice 
was  administered  by  a board  of  seven  magistrates  chosen  annually.  The 
chief  authority  was  the  superintendent,  a position  always  hel  1 by  a military 
officer,  combining  the  duties  both  of  first  civil  magistrate  and  commander  of 
the  forces.  Henderson’s  Brit.  Hond.,  75-9. 

20  He  entitled  himself  then  her  Majesty’s  superintendent  and  commander- 
in-chief  in  and  over  her  possessions  in  Hond. 

2G  M’Donald  then  appointed  an  executive  council.  He  also  assumed  control 
of  the  finances.  Not  satisfied  with  the  right  of  veto,  he  legislated  in  his  own 
person  by  proclamation,  assuming  the  right  of  punishing  any  one  acting 
against  his  authority  or  obstructing  his  mandates.  The  inhabitants  protested 
against  his  usurpation  of  powers,  and  appealed  to  the  British  government 
and  parliament,  obtaining  some  trifling  relaxation.  They  also  petitioned  that 
the  government  should  openly  assume  the  sovereignty,  so  that  they  might 
possess  their  lands  without  reservation  in  respect  to  Spain  or  Mexico.  Their 
petitions  did  not  receive  any  direct  reply.  However,  the  govt  in  1845,  sent 
out  a chief  justice,  a queen’s  advocate,  and  other  judicial  appendages.  Crow's 
Gospel,  205-6. 

2!  The  coat  of  arms  of  Belize  is  read  as  follows:  Chief  dexter-argent — the 


31G 


REPUBLIC  OF  HONDURAS. 


The  assumption  of  sovereignty  is  not  Mexico’s  only 
cause  of  complaint.  Since  the  war  of  races  broke  out 
in  Yucatan  in  1847,  the  people  of  Belize  have  sold 
arms  and  ammunition  to  the  revolted  Indians.  Early 
in  1848  the  authorities  promised  that  the  Indians 
should  not  be  aided,  directly  or  indirectly;  but  the 
promise  was  not  fulfilled.28  The  population  is  mainly 
negro,  originally  introduced  as  slaves;  the  rest,  excep- 
ting a few  white  men,  is  a hybrid  race  resulting  from 
intercourse  with  Europeans  and  Indians.  The  total 
population  in  1871  was  nearly  25,000,  of  which  there 
were  probably  1,000  more  males  than  females.29  Slav- 
ery was  abolished  by  an  act  of  the  inhabitants  on  the 
1st  of  August,  18 40. 30 

T1  le  chief  product  of  the  country  is  mahogany,  of 
which  some  20,000  tons  were  exported  annuall}",  but 
the  demand  for  it  lately  has  decreased.  Its  logwood 
is  much  valued,  and  about  15,000  tons  are  yearly  ex- 
ported. Besides  these  staples,  the  country  produces 
other  woods  of  value,  and  the  cahoon  or  coyal  palm 
in  abundance,  from  the  nuts  of  which  is  extracted  a 
valuable  oil.  Sarsaparilla  and  vanilla  are  found  in 
the  interior.  Of  domestic  animals  there  are  enough 

union  jack,  proper.  Chief  sinister,  on  the  proper — the  chief  divided  from  the 
body  of  the  shield  by  a chevron-shaped  partition  from  the  fess  of  the  dexter 
and  sinister  base.  Points — the  intermediate  space  azure—  a ship  with  set 
sails  on  the  sea,  passant  proper.  Crest,  mahogany  tree.  Motto,  ‘Sub  umbra 
iloreo.’  Supporters,  negroes;  that  to  the  left,  with  a paddle;  the  other  to  the 
right,  with  an  axe  over  his  shoulder.  Stout's:  iNic.,  25S. 

28  One  of  the  superintendents- -supposed  to  be  Col  Faneourt-  had  relations 
with  the  ferocious  Cecilio  Chi,  which  was  officially  communicated  by  Mexico 
to  the  Brit,  charge,  Doyle,  March  12,  1849.  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc.,  iv.  234; 
Yuc.,  Expos.  Gob.  Cridttos,  98-102. 

29  The  population  about  1S04  was  set  down  at  not  more  than  200  white 
persons,  500  free  colored,  and  3,000  negro  slaves.  The  white  pop.  grad- 
ually decreased.  In  1827-8,  the  pop.  was  between  5,000  and  0,000;  in  1838, 
8,090;  in  1S50,  15,000;  in  1SG3,  25,000.  Squkr's  Cent.  Am.,  587  8;  Dunn's  Gnat., 
13-14;  Osborne’s  Guide,  234;  Valois,  Mexique,  150;  Pirn's  Gate  of  the  Par.,  20. 
The  town  of  Belize,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  the  same  name,  generally  has 
<1,000  inhabitants.  The  dwellings  of  the  wealthy  class  are  large  and  com- 
fortable. Besides  the  govt  houses,  court-house,  barracks,  and  jail,  there  are 
several  churches,  episcopal,  methodist,  baptist,  and  presbyterian,  and  some 
large  and  costly  fire-proof  warehouses.  The  town  has  experienced  two  destruc- 
tive conllagrations,  one  in  1854  and  another  in  18G3.  Packet  Jntellir/encer,  June 
17,  1854;  Gnat.,  Gaceta,  Sept.  7,  22,  1854;  La  Voa.de  Mi).,  May  9,  1863. 

30 It  was  effected  without  disturbance,  and  attended  with  the  happiest  re- 
sults. Crowe's  Gospel,  205. 


ENGLISH  COERCION. 


317 


for  tlie  needs  of  the  people.  The  colony  during  the 
last  fifteen  or  twenty  years  has  been  on  the  downward 
course;, 

In  former  times  the  port  of  Belize  was  an  entrepot 
for  the  neighboring'  states  of  Yucatan,  Guatemala,  and 
Honduras,31  but  after  the  opening  of  direct  trade  be- 
tween those  states  and  the  United  States  and  Europe, 
and  the  diversion  of  trade  on  the  Pacific  to  Panama, 
that  source  of  prosperity  ceased.  Total  tonnage 
entered  and  cleared  in  1877,  exclusive  of  coasting 
trade,  73,074,  of  which  4G,1G8  were  British.  Value 
of  imports,  in  ten  years  ending  in  1877,  £1,781,175; 
for  that  year,  £165,756,  of  which  £84,540  were  from 
Great  Britain.  Value  of  exports  for  1877,  £124,503, 
of  which  £94,548  went  to  Great  Britain.32  The 
average  rate  of  duties  on  imports  is  ten  per  cent  ad 
valorem;  machinery,  coal,  and  books  entering  free. 
The  gross  amount  of  revenue  for  1863,  £27,398;  for 
1877,  £41,488.  Public  expenditure  for  the  latter  year, 
£39,939. 


The  relations  of  Honduras  with  Great  Britain  were 
during  many  years  in  an  unsatisfactory  state,  due  in  a 
great  measure  to  the  schemes  of  certain  officials  of  the 
latter  government,  who  pushed  ungrounded  claims 
against  the  former  in  the  furtherance  of  their  plans  to 
gain  control  of  a large  extent  of  the  Central  American 
coast.  On  the  3d  of  October,  1849,  a British  war 
ship  at  Trujillo  demanded  the  sum  of  $111,061,  alleged 
to  be  due  to  subjects  of  her  nation.  The  demand  not 
being  complied  with,  an  armed  force  was  landed  from 
her  the  next  day,  which  occupied  the  fort  and  town. 
The  British  commander  finally  accepted  on  account 
$1,200 — all  that  the  Honduran  comandante  could  pro- 
cure— and  on  reembarking  fired  a volley.33 

31  Much  smuggling  was  carried  on  to  and  from  it. 

32  Annals  Brit.  Legis. , iii.  368;  v.  203;  vii.  228;  x.  386-7;  391-2;  xii.  139-40; 
xiv.  304;  U.  S.  Comm.  Bel.,  1863-77,  passim.  The  Enci/clop.  Britan.,  xii. 
136-7. 

33  He  concluded  to  proceed  to  Jamaica  for  further  instructions.  El  Revisor, 
Jan.  5,  Feb.  16,  1850;  Hand.,  Gaceta  Ojic.,  Oct.  19,  1849. 


318 


REPUBLIC  OF  HONDURAS. 


On  the  southern  coast  the  British  steamship  Gorgon , 
on  the  16th  of  November,  seized  the  island  of  Tiger, 
hoisting  the  British  flag  at  Amapala.34  The  authori- 
ties of  Honduras,  after  protesting  against  the  act, 
called  the  attention  of  the  United  States  representa- 
tive to  the  British  proceeding,  for  this  island  had  been 
ceded  to  his  government  in  September  previous.30  It 
is  presumed  that  Chatfield’s  purpose,  among  other 
things,  was  to  prevent  the  construction  of  a canal 
across  Nicaragua  bv  Americans.  But  Admiral 
Hornby,  commanding  the  British  naval  forces  in  the 
Pacific,  disapproved  of  the  proceeding,  removing  his 
men  and  restoring  the  Honduran  flag  under  a salute 
of  twenty-one  guns.36 

A preliminary  convention  was  entered  into  at  San 
Jose,  Costa  Rica,  December  29,  1849,  between  Felipe 
Jduregui,  calling  himself  commissioner  of  Honduras, 
and  Chatfield,  the  British  charge  d’affaires,  in  nine 
articles,  some  of  which  involved  undue  responsibility 
on  the  part  of  Honduras.37  This  treaty  was  disavowed 
by  her  government,  March  22,  1850,  in  a note  to 
Admiral  Hornby,  declaring  that  Jauregui  had  no 
authority  to  make  it,  and  its  stipulations  being  offen- 
sive to  the  dignity  of  the  state,  the  legislature  would 

34  Chattield,  the  Brit,  charge,  was  present  at  the  act.  Id.,  Nov.  30,  1849; 
Stout's  Xic. , 278;  Salv.,  Gaceta,  Feb.  15,  1850.  The  object  of  the  seizure  was 
to  secure  Honduras’  proportion  of  the  indebtedness  of  Cent.  Am.  to  Brit, 
creditors. 

3j  Under  a convention  in  three  articles  concluded  at  Leon  Sept.  28,  1S49. 
The  cession  was  for  18  months,  and  had  been  made  known  the  same  date  to 
all  diplomatic  agents  ia  Cent.  Am.  Hand.,  Gacet.i  Ofic.,  Oct.  19,  1849;  Xic. , 
tor.  1st.,  Nov.  l(i,  1849.  The  corresp.  of  the  govt  of  Hond.  with  the  Brit, 
charge  appears  in  Cent.  Am.  Correspond.,  Islade  Titjre,  1-8;  Cent.  Am.,  Miscel. 
Doe.,  nos.  21,  25,  28;  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  Cong.  31,  Sess.  2,  Sen.  Doc.  43,  1-26; 
I L,  Cong.  31,  Sess.  1,  H.  Jour.,  1739,  1801. 

36 Xic.,  Cor.  1st.,  Jan.  16  and  suppf.,  Feb.  16,  1850. 

37  1st.  Great  Brit,  recognized  the  independ.  of  Hond.  as  a sovereign  repub- 
1 c,  pledging  her  good  offices  to  avert  any  attempts  against  that  independ. 
Hond.  at  this  time  was  a member  of  a confederacy  with  Salvador  and  Nica- 
ragua, and  was  made  to  bind  herself  not  to  dispose  of  any  portion  of  her  ter- 
ritory before  she  had  definitely  settled  Brit,  claims.  2d.  Hond.  was  to  accredit 
within  six  months  a commissioner  in  Guat.  to  conclude  a treaty  of  friendship, 
commerce,  and  navigation  with  G.  Brit.  3d.  Hond.  recognized  the  indebted- 
ness of  §111,061.  4th.  She  bound  herself  to  pay  that  sum  in  yearly  instal- 
ments of  815,000  at  Belize.  The  other  articles  were  of  less  importance.  Salv., 
Gaccta,  Apr.  5,  1850;  Hond.,  Lujeras  Obseni.,  1-10. 


FUTILE  PROTESTS. 


319 


never  sanction  them.38  Meanwhile  Honduras  had 
agreed  with  Chatfield  to  accredit  a commissioner  to 
arrange  with  him  for  the  settlement  of  British  claims. 
This  was  done;  and  the  long  and  tedious  question  was 
finally  arranged  on  the  27th  ol  March,  1852,  Hon- 
duras assuming  an  indebtedness  of  $80,000.39 

The  debt  question  was  not  the  only  source  of  dis- 
quietude for  Honduras  in  her  relations  with  Great 
Britain.  British  officials,  on  trumped-up  pretexts, 
usurped  and  held,  during  several  years,  portions  of  her 
territory.  M’Donald,  superintendent  of  Belize,  occu- 
pied Roatan  and  other  islands  belonging  to  Honduras 
situated  in  the  bay  of  this  name.  The  Honduran 
government  protested  against  such  usurpation,  but  no 
attention  was  paid  to  its  remonstrances.  It  does  not 
appear,  however,  that  Great  Britain  was  claiming 
territorial  rights  over  the  Bay  Islands,  as  they  were 
called.40  Soon  afterward,  a number  of  Cayman 

islanders  settled  in  Roatan,  and  in  the  course  of  a 
few  years  there  were  about  1,000,  when  the  superin- 
tendent of  Belize  found  a pretext  to  assume  the  con- 
trol. In  1849,  the  islanders  applied  to  Colonel  Fan- 
court,  then  superintendent  of  Belize,  for  a regular 
government.  He  promised  to  comply  with  their 
wishes,  but  was  unable,  and  they  continued  choosing 
their  authorities.  At  last,  in  August  1850,  the  war 
schooner  Bermuda,  Lieutenant  Jolly  commanding, 
took  formal  possession  of  Roatan,  Guanaja  or  Bonaca, 
Utila,  Barbarreta,  Morat,  Elena,  etc.,  in  behalf  of  the 
British  crown,  declaring  them  a British  appendage 
under  the  name  of  Colony  of  the  Bay  Islands;  against 
which  the  acting  chief  magistrate,  William  Fitzgib- 

38Jauregui,  March  24,  1850,  in  a pamphlet  issued  at  Leon,  defended  his 
conduct,  alleging  that  he  had  ample  powers.  Justific.,  in  Cent.  Am.  Pamph., 
i.  no.  7. 

39  Independent  of  £1,425  paid  for  her  proportion  of  Cent.  Am.  indebted- 
ness to  Finlay,  Hodgson,  & Co.  of  London.  Uond.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  Jan.  30,  1853. 

49  The  British  seized  Roatan  June  3,  1830,  driving  away  the  small  Central 
American  garrison.  Similar  attempts  have  been  made  since  1743  by  British 
subjects,  though  unsuccessfully.  The  seizure  of  1830  lasted  only  a short 
ti  ne,  having  been  disallowed  by  the  British  government.  Crowes  Gospel,  212; 
Montufar,  lieseha  Hist.,  iii.  424^7 ; iv.  71-5. 


320 


REPUBLIC  OF  HONDURAS. 


bon,  protested  on  the  15th  of  September,  1850,  in  the 
name  of  the  sovereignty  of  Honduras.41  The  islands 
were,  in  August  1852,  under  the  rule  of  a lieutenant- 
governor.41  A treaty  was  finally  concluded  between 
the  queen  of  Great  Britain  and  Honduras,  on  the  28th 
of  November,  1859,  respecting  the  Bay  Islands,  the 
Mosquito  Indians,  and  the  claims  of  British  subjects, 
which  settled  the  question  in  favor  of  the  latter 
power.43  Still  one  more  trouble  has  occurred  between 
the  two  nations,  in  which  the  weaker  one  had  to  sub- 
mit to  the  demand  of  the  other  at  the  mouth  of  her 
cannon.  On  the  19th  of  August,  1873,  the  war  ship 
Niobe,  Sir  Lambton  Loraine  commanding,  bombarded 
Fort  San  Fernando  of  Omoa.44  The  bombardment 
ceased  on  the  Honduran  authorities  agreeing  to  redress 
the  alleged  grievances,  and  paying  damages.45  With 
other  nations  of  Europe  and  America — excepting 
the  sister  states,  with  which  repeated  bickerings 
have  occurred,  leading  sometimes  to  war — Hondura ; 
has  succeeded  in  maintaining  friendly  relations.46 

• 

41  ‘ Whose  territorial  right  is  indisputable,  ’ he  alleged.  He  based  his 
action  on  the  treaty  of  April  19,  1850,  between  the  U.  S.  and  Great  Britain, 
under  which  neither  power  was  to  have  colonies  or  settlements  in  Central 
America.  The  U.  S.  took  part  in  defence  of  Honduras’  rights  and  overthrew 
the  British  pretensions.  Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  621-6,  740-S;  Democratic  Itev., 
xxx.  54-1-52. 

*'*  Under  a decree  of  the  superintendent  of  Belize.  The  comandante  of 
Trujillo,  by  order  of  his  government,  protested  against  the  occupation  Sept. 
13,  1S52.  Hond.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  Dec.  15,  1852;  EL  Siglo,  Jan.  1,  1S53. 

43  Art.  1.  Great  Britain  recognized  the  islands  to  belong  to  Hond.  The 
latter  pledged  herself  not  to  cede  them  to  any  other  nation.  Art.  2.  The 
former  power  recognized  as  part  of  Hond.  the  country  till  then  occupied  or 
possessed  by  the  Mosquito  Indians  within  the  frontier  of  the  republic,  what- 
ever that  frontier  might  be.  La  Union  de  Etc.,  March  9,  1S31;  JPim’s  Gate  of 
of  the  Pac.,  412-15.  Further  details  in  connection  with  the  Bay  Islands  ques- 
tion maybe  seen  in  Bay  Islands,  Queen’s  Warrant,  etc.;  I.  a Eacion,  Nov.  9, 
Dec.  26,  1S53;  Bnt.  Quart.  Dev.,  xeix.  270-S0;  Caicedo,  L t.  A 76-80. 

14 The  grounds  alleged  for  this  violent  action  were:  1st,  That  the  Brit, 
vice-consul’s  residence  had  been  broken  into  by  Hond.  troops,  and  robbed; 
2d,  That  Omoa  was  sacked  by  these  troops,  and  goods  to  the  value  of  f lGO, - 
COO  had  been  stolen  from  British  subjects;  31,  That  some  British  subjects  had 
been  drafted  into  the  army,  and  an  Englishwoman  unjustly  imprisoned.  A 7c., 
Gaceta,  Oct.  25,  1873;  El  Porvenir  de  Hie.,  Sept.  21,  1873;  Hie.,  Semanal  Eic., 
July  27,  1874. 

43  Streber,  who  commanded  the  troops  accused  of  these  abuses,  defends 
the  rights  of  Honduras  in  the  controversy,  i i Exposie.  Doc.  Sue.  Omoa,  30- 
44,  66-103. 

4GShe  had  to  settle,  in  1850,  claims  of  French  citizens,  and  in  1851  of 


PRESIDENT  CABANAS. 


321 


The  boundary  between  Honduras  and  Nicaragua  was 
finally  agreed  upon  in  a convention  dated  September  1, 
1870.47  In  1866  the  Honduran  government  entered 
into  a concordat  with  the  pope  for  an  understanding  on 
affairs  ecclesiastical. 

President  Lindo,  having  been  a third  time  elected 
to  the  presidency  for  the  term  to  begin  February  1, 
1852,  published  on  the  25th  of  November,  1851,  a 
manifesto  to  the  people,  suggesting  the  expediency  of 
calling  some  other  citizen  to  the  executive  chair, 
pleading  at  the  same  time  need  of  rest.48  The  people 
took  him  at  his  word,  and  chose  Trinidad  Cabanas 
president,  who  was  inducted  into  office  at  Comayagua 
on  the  1st  of  March,  1852, 49  and  on  the  next  day  in 
his  address  to  the  assembly  pledged  his  word  to  pur- 
sue a liberal  policy  in  observance  of  the  principles  that 
had  guided  him  throughout  liis  career.  His  election 
was  hailed  as  an  auspicious  event,  and  a safeguard 
against  Guatemala’s  encroachments.50  The  state  was 

Prussian  subjects.  Hond.,  GacetaOJic.,  Aug.  31,  1850;  Jan.  15,  1852;  Costa  It., 
Gaceta,  Nov.  16,  1850. 

47  Nic.  had  claimed  on  the  N.  E.  the  river  Patuca  to  its  mouth,  Hond. 
claimed  the  Coco  to  its  mouth.  The  commissioners  agreed  upon  a compro- 
mise line  between  those  rivers,  namely,  the  summit  of  the  Dilpito  cordillera, 
from  the  point  where  it  becomes  detached  from  the  main  body,  which  divides 
the  waters  running  to  both  oceans;  and  from  the  point  where  it  and  the  line 
continues  eastwan.ly  to  the  waters  of  the  Atlantic  in  lat.  15°  10'  N.,  and 
long.  S3°  15'  W.  of  Greenwich.  Nic. , Mem.  Rel.,  1S71,  5-7. 

48  About  this  time  he  was  on  the  Nic.  frontier  mediating  for  peace  between 
the  belligerents  of  that  state.  His  efforts  proving  successful,  he  was  warmly 
congratulated  by  his  friends  on  his  return.  Hond.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  Nov.  26,  1851; 
El  Siglo,  Dec.  13,  1851;  Cent.  Am.  Pamph.,  vii.  no.  2. 

49  Cabafias,  El  Presid. . .d  sus  Conciiid.,  1-6.  The  office  had  been  provis- 
ionally in  charge  of  Senator  Francisco  Gomez.  El  Siglo,  Feb.  21,  March  19, 
1852. 

50  Cabanas  was  of  diminutive  stature,  but  of  erect  mien.  He  was  aged 
about  50  at  this  time.  His  face  was  pale  and  mild;  his  gestures  were  in  keep- 
ing with  the  intelligent  play  of  his  features;  his  manners  gentle,  almost 
womanly,  but  beneath  this  placid  exterior  was  a stern,  indomitable  spirit. 
After  many  years  of  prominence  as  a leader,  during  an  anarchical  period,  even 
his  enemies  never  accused  him  of  selfishness  or  rancor.  Squier’s  Trav.,  ii.  177; 
Wells’  Hond.,  184.  Cabanas  was  a brave  soldier,  but  could  not  be  called  a 
successful  general.  Perez,  a political  opponent,  speaking  of  him  as  the  chief 
of  the  coquimbo  party,  says:  ‘ Mai  general,  excelente  soldado,  nunca  vence- 
dor,  siempre  con  prestigio,  y uno  de  los  mas  fogosos  promotores  de  la  nacion- 
alidad  centro  Americana.’  Mem.  Hist.  Rev.  Nic.,  16.  The  assembly,  May  21 , 
1851,  had  conferred  on  him  the  title  of  ‘ soldado  ilustre  de  la  patria.  ’ His  death 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  21 


322 


REPUBLIC  OF  HONDURAS. 


at  peace  in  the  interior,  and  with  the  other  states  of 
Central  America,  except  Guatemala,  with  which  the 
relations  were  not  harmonious,  owing  to  the  usurpa- 
tion by  the  latter  of  a portion  of  Honduran  territory 
on  the  Copan  side.  This,  with  divergence  in  political 
principles  between  the  two  rulers,  soon  brought  on  a 
bloody  war,51  which  has  been  detailed  in  a previous 
chapter.52  The  fruitlessness  of  this  contest  prompted 
Salvador  and  Nicaragua  to  use  their  endeavors  for 
peace ; but  they  proved  unavailing.  What  Guatemala’s 
superior  resources  failed  to  accomplish  on  the  field  of 
battle  was,  however,  brought  about  by  means  of  in- 
trigue, with  the  cooperation  of  the  party  opposed  to 
Cabanas  in  Honduras,  headed  by  General  Santos 
Guardiola,  which  received  efficacious  aid  from  Carrera. 
General  Juan  Lopez  supported  the  revolutionary 
movement  with  700  men,53  and  Cabanas  was  over- 
thrown on  the  Gthof  July,  185 5. 54 

At  last,  being  unable  to  cope  with  the  daily  increas- 
ing forces  of  the  enemy,  lie  abandoned  the  field,  and 
retreated  to  Salvador.  The  servilcs  again  took  pos- 
session of  the  government  under  Lopez.55  The  presi- 
dential election  took  place  amid  this  turmoil.  The 
state  was  divided  into  two  factions,  one  supporting 
Lindo  and  the  other  Guardiola.  The  friends  of  Lindo, 
not  feeling  certain  of  success,  proposed  Lopez  as  a 
compromise  candidate,  he  being  credited  with  the 


occurred  Jan.  8,  1871.  El  Siglo,  June  12,  1851;  Kic. , Oaceta,  Aug.  19,  1851; 
Jan.  29,  1871. 

51  Astaburuaga  attributes  this  war  to  Cabanas’  attempts  to  promote  an 
insurrection  in  Guat.  against  his  old  enemy  Carrera.  Cent.  Am.,  70-1. 

52  The  Guatemalans  took  the  fort  and  city  of  Omoa,  and  carried  away  all 
the  useful  artillery,  against  the  stipulations  agreed  upon  at  the  surrender. 
Wells'  Jlond.,  507-8;  Guat.,  Gaeeta,  Sept.  16,  23,  1853. 

53  This  Lopez  commanded  at  Omoa  when  the  place  was  given  up  in  1853  to 
the  Guat.  Col  Zavala,  since  which  he  had  been  suspected  of  treachery.  Wells' 
/loud.,  515;  Costa  I'. , Gaeeta,  Jan.  15,  1S54;  Id.,  Boletin  Of  c.,  Dec.  30,  1854; 
Ilond.,  Gaeeta  Ofic.,  May  10,  1854,  to  Feb.  10,  1855,  passim;  Guat.,  Gaeeta, 
Nov.  3,  Dec.  22,  1854. 

64  He  had  received  no  aid  from  Salv.,  owing  to  Carrera  having  falsely  re- 
ported his  intention  to  sell  territory  to  a foreign  power. 

65  The  executive  office  went,  Oct.  14,  1855,  into  the  hands  of  Vice-president 
S.  Bueso,  who  pleading  ill  health  left  it  in  charge  of  Senator  Francisco 
Aguilar.  Guat.,  Gaeeta,  Nov.  9,  1855,  Feb.  16,  1856. 


POLITICAL  DESPOTISM. 


323 


expulsion  of  Cabanas,  but  finally  abandoned  the  plan 
and  cast  their  votes  for  Guardiola,  who  assumed  the 
executive  office,  February  17,  1856,  on  his  return 
from  Nicaragua,  where  he  had  been  defeated  by 
William  Walker  Lindo  had  meantime  been  in  charge 
of  the  government.66  A system  of  despotism  was  now 
established,  Guardiola  being  but  a satellite  of  Carrerc.5' 

The  country  at  this  time  was  in  a distressed  condi- 
tion. Agriculture  was  neglected,  most  of  the  field 
hands  having  emigrated.  Business  of  all  kinds  was 
at  a stand-still.  There  was  no  available  revenue,  for 
every  one  of  its  branches  was  burdened  with  debt. 
The  state  had  a contingent  of  troops  serving  in  Nica- 
ragua against  Walker,  supported  from  a special  forced 
loan.  To  the  credit  of  Guardiola’ s administration  must 
be  recorded,  however,  that  it  secured  peace  with  Gua- 
temala, and  a settlement  of  questions  pending  with 
Great  Britain.  At  the  end  of  his  term  he  was  re- 


56  Perez,  Mem.  Ilist.  Campaign  Nac.,  13. 

57  Guardiola  was  a dark-colored,  stout-built,  and  rather  corpulent  zainbo,  a 
man  of  fiendish  instincts,  but  popular  with  his  soldiers,  whom  he  indulged  in 
every  way.  He  possessed  all  the  vices  and  was  guilty  of  about  all  the  crimes 
known  to  man.  When  in  his  cups  he  would  order  men  to  be  shot  by  way  of 
pastime.  At  the  mention  of  his  approach  to  a town,  the  inhabitants  would 
flee  to  the  woods.  He  was  the  tiger  of  Cent.  Am.  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  237; 
Wells'  llond.,  517;  Wappdus,  Me.r.  und  Cent.  Am.,  300-7.  .William  V.  Wells, 
Explorations  and  Adventures  in  Honduras,  New  York,  8vo,  588  pp.,  with  maps 
and  illustrations,  went  to  Honduras  with  the  object  of  obtaining  from  her 
government  leave  to  work  gold  placers,  and  of  opening  commercial  relations. 
Ho  visited  several  places,  both  in  Nicaragua  and  Honduras,  which  he  de- 
scribes quite  accurately,  together  with  the  manners  and  customs  of  their 
inhabitants.  His  information  on  mines  and  mining  is  valuable.  There  are 
in  the  work  three  chapters  devoted  to  history  from  1821  to  1857,  the  ground- 
work of  which  is  mostly  from  other  authors,  and  one  chapter  is  tilled  with 
data  on  commerce,  revenue,  debt,  etc.,  and  still  another  treats  of  coins  and 
currency,  weights  and  measures,  and  productions,  with  illustrations.  The 
style  is  good,  the  work  readable  and  instructive.  Portions  are  evidently 
taken  from  Squier,  and  the  illustrations  are  mostly  identical  with  those 
of  Squier ’s  States  of  Central  America.  The  same  author  gave  to  the  press 
in  New  York,  a 12mo,  with  316  pp.,  map  and  portrait,  under  the  title  of 
Walker’s  Expedition  to  Nicaragua.  This  work,  as  the  title  implies,  is  almost 
entirely  devoted  to  Walker’s  career  in  this  country,  which  is  justified  as  well  as 
praised.  Here  and  there  he  mentions  some  historical  facts  on  British  preten- 
sions in  Mosquito,  a short  resume  on  Nicaragua,  the  Nicaragua  transit  route, 
and  a short  review  on  colonization,  commerce,  and  mining,  compiled  from 
several  sources.  There  is  no  system  or  arrangement,  having  been,  as  the 
author  alleges,  ‘written,  published,  and  put  in  circulation  in  twenty  days,’  a 
feat  few  authors  would  go  out  of  their  way  to  boast  of.  But  taken  all  in  all, 
the  book  is  well  worth  perusing. 


324 


REPUBLIC  OF  HONDURAS. 


elected.  Early  in  18G1  the  government  had  a differ- 
ence with  the  vicario  capitular.  The  see  being  then 
vacant,  this  ecclesiastic  assumed  the  right  of  excom- 
municating the  president,  whom  he  accused  of  perse- 
cuting the  church ; but  the  government  forbade  the 
publication  of  his  decree,  and  expelled  its  author  from 
the  state.58  This  difficulty  was  subsequently  arranged 
through  the  metropolitan  of  Guatemala.  Disturbances 
occurred  at  various  places,59  which  were  brought  to  an 
end  in  a short  time.  On  the  11th  of  January,  18G2, 
the  president  was  assassinated.60  At  first  it  was  feared 
that  discord  would  reign  again,  and  the  other  Central 
American  governments  prepared  to  mediate  in  the 
interests  of  peace.61  Fortunately,  good  counsels  pre- 
vailed, and  anarchical  tendencies  were  for  a time 
checked. 

Guardiola’s  constitutional  successor,  Victoriano  Cas- 
tellanos, was  in  Salvador,  and  much  against  his  will 
was  pushed  by  Barrios  to  accept  the  position.  He 
repaired  to  the  frontier,  and  had  the  oath  of  office 
administered  to  him  by  the  alcalde  of  the  little  town 
of  Guarita;  which  was  considered  a strange  proceed- 
ing on  his  part  by  Senator  Jose  Maria  Medina,  who 
had  received  the  executive  office  from  J.  F.  Montes,62 
and  invited  him  to  the  capital  to  enter  upon  his 
duties.63  Castellanos  concluded  soon  after  an  alliance 
offensive  and  defensive  with  Barrios,  and  at  a time 
when  their  states  were  at  peace  with  the  other  gov- 
ernments of  Central  America.  This  step,  and  the 
diatribes  of  the  press  in  Salvador  and  Honduras 

58  Decree  of  Jan.  5,  1861.  La  Union  de  Nic. , Feb.  2,  March  !),  May25,  1861. 

59  Chiefly  in  Nacaome  and  Choluteca. 

00  Nic.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  Jan.  25,  March  22,  1862.  This  deed  was  said  by  the 
enemies  of  Pres.  Barrios  of  Salv.  to  have  been  instigated  by  him.  Id.,  Boletin 
Pueb.,  July  11,  1863.  There  was  no  ground  for  the  charge.  The  govern- 
ment of  Guat.  proposed  to  other  states  to  recognize  no  administration  of  Hon- 
duras until  the  criminals,  who  had  been  arrested,  should  suffer  punishment. 
Costa  R.,  Informe  Bel.,  1862,  24. 

81  Nic.  despatched  P.  Zeledon  as  mediator,  but  the  motives  of  his  gov.  were 
bitterly  denounced  by  the  press  of  Comayagua. 

62  Feb.  4,  1862.  Nic. , Boletin  Ofic. , March  22,  1862. 

63  Castellanos  declined  going  to  the  capital,  and  Medina  went  to  his  resi- 
dence and  formally  surrendered  the  executive  authority  to  him. 


BRIEF  REIGNS. 


32.') 

against  the  governments  of  Guatemala  and  Nicaragua, 
paved  the  way  for  fresh  troubles  in  Central  America. 
Castellanos  held  the  government  about  ten  months, 
nearly  all  the  time  in  a turmoil;  and  at  his  death  was 
temporarily  succeeded  by  Jose  Francisco  Montes, 
who  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  his  predecessor,  con- 
tinuing the  alliance  with  Barrios,  and  hostilities  against 
Guatemala  and  Nicaragua.  The  serviles,  assisted  by 
the  troops  of  these  two  states,  being  victorious,  over- 
threw him,  and  on  the  21st  of  June,  18G3,  placed  at 
the  head  of  affairs,  as  provisional  president  of  the 
republic  of  Honduras,  the  senior  senator,  Jose  Maria 
Medina,64  who  issued  a decree  of  outlawry  against 
Montes.03  In  December  the  capital  was  for  a time 
transferred  to  Gracias,  and  on  the  last  day  of  the 
same  month  Medina  surrendered  the  executive  office 
to  Francisco  Inestroza.66  On  the  15th  of  February 
of  the  following  year,  the  presidential  election  took 
place,  and  Medina  and  Florencio  Xatruch  appeared 
to  have  obtained  the  popular  suffrages,  the  former 
for  president  and  the  latter  for  vice-president.67 

Disturbances  at  Olancho  were  with  little  difficulty 
brought  to  an  end,  the  rebels  being  defeated  at  Tapes- 
cos.  A constituent  assembly  was  convoked  and  met 
to  reform  the  constitution,  which  was  done  on  the  19th 
of  September.63  On  the  29th  of  October,  the  constit- 
uent assembly  just  prior  to  adjournment  appointed 


64  This  was  the  result  of  the  defeat  of  the  troops  of  Salv.  and  Hond.  by 
the  forces  of  Guat.  and  Nic.  on  the  plain  of  Santa  Rosa. 

65  This  decree  is  signed  by  Medina  as  ‘presidente  de  la  reptlblica  de  Hon- 
duras,’ July  20,  and  rescinded  Sept.  8,  1863.  Nic.,  Dolctin  Pueb.,  Aug.  9,  Oct. 
9,  1863. 

tcHis  senatorial  term  having  expired.  Nic. , Gaceta,  Feb.  13,  1864. 

67  The  election  of  Xatruch  was  afterward  declared  unconstitutional,  Feb. 
26,  1865.  Nic. , Gaceta,  April  1,  1865. 

68 Its  sittings  lasted  from  Sept.  7th  to  Oct.  29th.  The  sovereignty  of  the 
people  was  recognized.  The  catholic,  any  other  kind  of  public  worship 
being  forbidden,  was  declared  the  state  religion.  The  executive  authority 
was  vested  in  a president  for  four  years,  with  a council  of  state  consisting  of 
his  two  ministers,  one  senator  chosen  by  both  houses  of  the  assembly,  and 
the  chief  justice.  The  legislative  power  rested  in  a senate  and  house  of 
deputies.  The  existing  political  division  of  the  republic  was  left  unchanged. 
Id.,  Nov.  11,  1865;  Camp’s  Year-Book,  1869,  527;  The  Am.  Cyclop.,  viii.  790. 


32G 


REPUBLIC  OF  HONDURAS. 


Medina  provisional  president,69  the  date  for  the  elec- 
tion of  the  constitutional  one  being  fixed  on  the  1st 
of  December.  Another  decree  of  the  same  date 
granted  a full  amnesty  for  all  political  offences  com- 
mitted since  February  4,  1848. 

69  He  had  temporarily,  pleading  ill  health,  left  the  executive  in  the  hands 
of  Crescencio  Gomez,  'the  assembly  appointed,  as  substitutes  of  Medina, 
Satumino  Bogran,  C.  Gomez,  and  Francisco  Medina. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


WALKER’S  CAMPAIGN  IN  NICARAGUA. 

1855-1856. 

Kinney’s  Expedition — William  Walker  Joins  the  Democrats — Failure 
of  his  Expedition  to  Rivas — Cholera  Decimates  the  Legitimists 
at  Managua — Death  of  Munoz — Walker's  Victories  at  La  Virgen 
and  Granada — Execution  of  Minister  Mayorga — Walker’s  Con- 
vention with  Corral — Provisional  Government  Organized — Presi- 
dent Patricio  Rivas — Commander  of  the  Forces,  Walker — Minister 
of  War  Corral  Put  to  Death  for  Treason — Recognition  by  Sal- 
vador and  Honduras — Seizure  of  the  Transit  Company’s  Steam- 
ers— Costa  Ricans  on  the  War-path — Havoc  of  Cholera. 


Certain  men  of  the  United  States,  with  ideas  some- 
what warped  in  regard  to  the  relative  rights  of  human- 
ity, now  come  forward,  as  in  the  line  of  their  destiny, 
to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  their  neio-hbors.  The 

O 

legitimist  government  of  Nicaragua,  in  May  1855,  felt 
certain  of  ultimate  triumph  over  its  democratic  oppo- 
nents at  Leon.  Circumstances  seemed  to  point  that 
way,  when  the  infusion  of  this  foreign  element  at  this 
time  came  to  defeat  all  preconceived  plans. 

News  arrived  from  the  United  States  of  the  organi- 
zation in  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Washington, 
by  H.  L.  Kinney,  Fabens,  American  commercial  agent 
at  San  Juan  del  Norte,  and  others,  of  an  expedition 
ostensibly  to  establish  a colony  on  the  Mosquito  Coast 
for  the  purpose  of  developing  its  resources,  but  really 
designed  to  overthrow  the  governments  of  Central 
America,  and  usurp  sovereignty  over  the  whole  coun- 
try.1 Remonstrances  against  the  scheme  were  duly 

1 Also  with  the  view  of  extending  the  area  of  African  slavery,  as  had  been 
successfully  carried  out  in  Texas. 


1 327  ) 


328 


WALKERS  CAMPAIGN  IN  NICARAGUA. 


made  to  the  American  government,  which  partially- 
succeeded  in  their  purpose.  However,  the  project 
was  not  exactly  the  source  of  the  dire  calamities  that 
were  erelong  to  befall  Nicaragua.2  The  real  danger 
lay  in  another  direction,  to  explain  which  I must  go 
back  in  m37  narrative  to  previous  events.  An  Amer- 
ican named  Byron  Cole,  who  had  conceived  plans  with 
respect  to  Central  America,  and  was  well  informed  on 
her  affairs,  arrived  at  Leon,  in  August  1854,  when 
the  democratic  leaders  became  convinced  that  they 
could  not  take  Granada.  They  entered  into  a con- 
tract with  him  to  bring  an  expedition  of  foreigners, 
under  the  garb  of  colonists,  who  should  receive  grants 
of  land.3  Cole  transferred  his  contract  to  William 
Walker,  who  at  once  set  to  work  in  organizing  the  ex- 
pedition.4  He  sailed  from  San  Francisco,  California, 
May  4,  1855,  on  the  brig  Vesta,  with  58  men,5 *  touched 
at  Amapala  to  meet  Captain  Morton,  Castellon’s 
agent,  and  on  the  13th  of  June  reached  Realejo,  where 

he  received  the  greetings  of  the  government  he  was 

© © © 

2 The  expedition  was  antagonized  by  the  Transit  company,  and  arrested 
by  the  authorities  of  the  U.  S.  as  a violation  of  their  neutrality  laws.  Kin- 
ney reached  San  Juan  del  Norte,  after  some  mishaps,  with  only  a few  follow- 
ers, and  was  unable  to  do  any  serious  injury  to  Cent.  Am.  Costa  II.,  Inf.  Rel. , 
1858,  4—6;  Id.,  Bolelin  Ofic.,  March  16,  1854;  Nic.,  Doc.  Dipl.  Hist.,  15-58. 
His  arrival  was  after  the  destruction  of  the  town  by  the  U.  S.  sloop  of  war 
Cyane,  and  infused  new  energy  into  the  inhabitants.  At  a public  meeting 
held  on  the  6th  of  Sept.,  1855,  the  necessity  of  establishing  a provisional  gov- 
ernment for  the  maintenance  of  peace  and  order  was  recognized,  and  Kinney 
was  chosen  civil  and  military  governor  to  rule  by  and  with  the  advice  of  a 
council  composed  of  five  persons.  Among  the  resolutions  was  one  adopting 
as  a basis  to  regulate  the  action  of  the  govt,  the  former  constitution  of  San 
Juan  del  Norte,  or  Greytown,  which  was  modelled  after  that  of  the  U.  S.  with 
a few  exceptions.  Kinney  did  not  hold  the  position  long.  He  was  disap- 
pointed in  his  expectations,  and  resigned;  he  afterward  visited  Granada,  and 
at  William  Walker’s  instance  an  order  of  expulsion  was  issued  against  him. 
Stout’s  Nic.,  177-82;  S.  F.  Alta,  Oct.  3,  1S55;  S’.  F.  Golden  Era,  March  9,  1856. 

3 Jerez  had  made  a similar  arrangement  at  Jalteva  with  one  Fisher,  to 

bring  500  men;  and  Gov.  Espinosa  of  Rivas  stipulated  with  Hornsby  and  De 

Rrissot  for  the  capture  of  Fort  San  Juan  from  the  legitimists.  These  parties 
tendered  their  contracts  to  William  Walker,  the  so-called  ex-president  of 
Sonora,  who  would  not  accept  them. 

* Under  the  contract  the  so-called  colonists  were  to  arrive  at  Realejo  in 
Feb.  or  March  1855,  and  the  time  having  elapsed,  Castellon  wrote  Walker 
Apr.  9th  authorizing  him  to  land  at  that  port  ‘ la  gente  y municiones,  6 tren  de 
guerra  que  V.  traiga  6.  disposicion  del  gobierno  provisorio.  ’ Perez,  Mem.  Hist. 
Rev.  Nic.,  136-7;  Sac.  Union,  Feb.  15,  1855. 

3 El  Nicaraguense,  Aug.  3,  1856;  S.  F.  Alta,  May  5,  1855. 


DEFEAT  AT  RIVAS. 


329 


to  servo  from  Lieutenant-colonel  Felix  Ramirez.6  At 
Leon  he  refused  to  serve  under  General  Munoz.7  He 
was  made  a colonel  of  the  Nicaraguan  army,  and  with 
55  foreigners  and  100  natives  was  despatched  to  the 
department  of  Rivas,  having  in  his  company  colonels 
Ramirez  and  Mendez,  and  Mdximo  Espinosa,  the  last- 
named  going  there  as  prefect.  Munoz  at  once  informed 
Corral  of  the  movement,  and  the  town  of  Rivas  was 
reenforced  and  prepared  for  defence.  Walker  obtained 
some  advantages  at  first,  on  the  29th  of  June,  but 
being  assailed  on  his  left  by  Colonel  Arguello,  his 
foreigners  were  dispersed,  and  Ramirez’  native  force 
Jed,  and  entered  Costa  Rican  territory.8  Walker  and 

6William  Walker  was  born  in  Nashville,  Tenn.,  in  1824,  being  of  Scotch 
descent.  After  receiving  a classical  education,  he  studied  law,  and  later  fol- 
lowed the  medical  profession  for  a time  in  Philadelphia.  He  then  travelled 
in  Europe  one  year,  and  on  his  return  was  connected  with  some  of  the  impor- 
tant newspapers  of  the  country,  north,  south,  and  west.  Tiring  of  that,  he 
successfully  practised  law  in  Marysville,  Cal.  In  1852  he  visited  Guaymas, 
and  from  the  operations  of  Count  Raousset,  conceived  the  plan  of  creating 
with  adventurers  from  California  independent  republics  in  some  of  the 
sparsely  populated  territories  of  Mexico.  Hence  his  expeditions  to  Sonora 
and  Lower  Cal.,  of  which  I give  full  accounts  in  my  vol.  on  the  northwestern 
states  of  Mex.  Few  persons,  unacquainted  with  Walker,  would  suspect  the 
presence  of  so  much  ability  and  energy  beneath  his  plain  exterior.  He  was 
but  little  more  than  5 ft.  4 in.  in  height,  with  a rather  dull  and  slow  ap- 
pearance; a man  of  few  words,  though  an  attentive  listener,  his  aspect  was 
that  of  a serious,  thoughtful  person.  A remarkable  feature  of  his  face  was  a 
deep,  intensely  brilliant  blue-gray  eye,  large  and  intelligent.  Sincere  and 
devoted  to  his  friends,  says  a devoted  adherent,  his  enmity,  though  not 
violent,  was  not  easily  appeased.  He  was  indifferent  to  personal  ease  and 
comfort,  and  to  the  acquisition  of  wealth.  Wells’  Walker’s  Exped.,  21-3,  199- 
201.  He  was  not  incapable  of  lofty  conceptions,  and  possessed  courage  and 
abnegation;  but  there  was  little  of  what  might  be  called  genius  about  him, 
though  his  mind  was  sufficiently  unbalanced  in  certain  directions  to  give  him 
a title  to  that  distinction.  He  wished  to  be  a great  man  like  Caesar  or  Napo- 
leon, but  the  elements  of  that  quality  of  greatness  were  absent.  He  might 
have  carved  for  himself  a career  of  honor  and  usefulness,  but  for  the  restless 
ambition  that  possessed  him  to  attain  a place  among  the  notabilities  of  the 
world,  even  by  a disregard  of  law  and  justice.  The  idea  of  manifest  destiny, 
so  prevalent  among  his  countrymen,  which  implied  the  conquest  of  the  Latin 
race  in  America  by  the  Anglo-Saxon,  afforded  him,  as  he  imagined,  the  oppor- 
tunity for  attaining  the  coveted  renown,  and  at  the  same  time  securing, 
through  his  instrumentality,  the  future  happiness  of  Spanish  America.  But 
unfortunately  for  him,  he  committed,  at  the  inception  of  his  career  in  Nic., 
acts  which  alienated  him  the  men  who  had  invited  him  to  cooperate  in  the 
consolidation  of  democratic  principles;  and  some  of  his  later  measures,  what- 
ever may  be  thought  of  his  earlier  ones,  savored  of  recklessness,  and  of  disre- 
gard for  the  good  opinion  of  mankind. 

9 Munoz  had  openly  opposed  all  interference  of  foreigners  in  the  affairs  of 
Nic. 

9 They  afterward  returned  to  Leon,  via  Realejo,  to  continue  serving.  The 
legitimists  had  many  killed  and  wounded,  among  the  first  being  Col  K Ar- 


330 


WALKER'S  CAMPAIGN  IN  NICARAGUA. 


Lis  phalanx  reached  San  Juan  del  Sur,  whence  they 
returned  to  Kealejo  on  the  brig  San  Jose ;9  and  shortly 
after,  Estrada,  the  legitimist  president,  went  to  Mana- 
gua in  J une,  staying  there  until  early  in  J uly,  when  the 
first  cases  of  cholera  occurred.10  The  mortality  in 
Managua  from  the  epidemic  was  greater  than  in  any 
other  town,  owing  to  the  concentration  of  troops  there. 
The  army  which  had  been  organized  for  assailing  Leon 
was  destroyed  within  a few  days;  and  only  a small 
body  of  officers  of  all  grades,  some  of  them  in  a dying 
condition,  transferred  themselves  to  Granada,  entirely 
abandoning  Managua.  The  epidemic  was  still  doing 
its  work,  when  the  action  of  El  Sauce  took  place  on 
the  18th  of  August,  between  forces  respectively  com- 
manded by  Guardiola  and  Munoz,  in  which  the  former 
were  defeated,  and  abandoned  the  place  to  their  assail- 
ants; but  just  as  success  was  crowning  democratic 
efforts,  Munoz  was  killed  b}^  a bullet  entering  his  side.11 
The  victors,  now  under  Colonel  Sarrfa,  did  not  pursue 
the  enemy,  but  resolutely  countermarched  to  Leon, 
and  meeting  Jerez  on  the  road,  who  wished  to  lead 
them  against  the  legitimists,  they  refused  to  follow 
him. 

Another  expedition  under  Walker,  composed  of  50 
foreigners  and  120  natives,  whose  immediate  chief  was 

giiello  and  F.  Elizondo.  Of  Walker’s  foreign  force,  Col  Achilles  Kewen, 
Maj.  Crockett,  and  eight  others  were  killed,  and  12  wounded.  Wells’  Walker's 
Exped.,  52;  Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Rev.  Kir. , 138;  S.  F.  Alta,  July  16,  Aug.  14, 
1855;  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  SS;  Belly,  Kir.,  i.  271;  Ferrer  de  Conto,  Cuest. 
de  Mej. , 155. 

9 In  his  official  report  of  the  affair  Walker  laid  the  blame  for  his  ill  success 
on  Munoz,  who  had  apprised  Corral  of  the  intended  operations,  and  had  in- 
duced Ramirez  to  forsake  him  during  the  action.  He  demanded  au  investiga- 
tion into  Munoz’  conduct,  and  if  it  were  not  granted  he  would  quit  the  service. 
Castellon  informed  him  in  reply  that  in  the  present  critical  condition  of  the 
democratic  cause  it  wras  unadvisable  to  displease  Munoz.  After  much  cor- 
respondence and  negotiation,  Walker  agreed  to  continue  his  services. 

19  Cholera  spread  rapidly  throughout  the  country,  causing  great  havoc 
everywhere. 

11  Munoz’  death  never  was  attributed  to  the  enemy’s  bullets.  It  was  a 
regular  case  of  assassination  resulting  from  intrigues  in  his  own  party  to  rid 
themselves  of  him.  The  assassin  was  a young  Honduran  named  Jose  Marfa 
Herrera,  who  later  deserted  from  Walker’s  ranks,  and  being  arrested  and 
sentenced  to  death,  confessed  that  he  had  killed  Munoz.  A Nicaraguan 
named  Santa  Marfa,  who  was  shot  at  San  Jorge  in  1857,  seems  to  have  been 
an  accomplice.  Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Rev.  Kir.,  141-3 


SAN  JUAN  DEL  SUR  EXPEDITION. 


331 


J.  M.  Valle,  alias  El  Chelon,  sailed  from  Realejo  on 
the  23d  of  August,  and  landed  at  San  Juan  del  Sur 
on  the  29th,  his  main  object  being  to  take  up  a posi- 
tion on  the  transit  route  between  the  two  oceans. 
The  news  of  his  landing  reached  Granada  on  Guar- 
diola’s  return  from  his  ill-fated  fight  at  El  Sauce. 
Guardiola  went  to  Rivas,  and  assuming  command  of 
500  men,  in  the  night  between  the  2d  and  3d  of  Sep- 
tember, marched  against  Walker.  Once  on  the  main 
road  he  heard  that  the  latter  had  gone  to  La  Virgen, 
on  Lake  Nicaragua,  and  rapidly  countermarched  to 
that  place,  expecting  to  surprise  the  enemy.  But  he 
made  the  mistake  of  attacking  an  opponent  whom  he 
could  not  see,  and  in  a little  while  his  men  became 
dispersed,  and  hurried  back  to  Rivas.  This  may  be 
said  to  have  been  the  end  of  Guardiola’s  career  in 
Nicaragua.12  Corral  was  now  placed  in  command  of 
the  legitimist  forces  in  the  south. 

Castellon,  the  head  of  the  democratic  government, 
died  of  cholera  on  the  2d  of  September,  and  Senator 
Nazario  Escoto  was  called  to  succeed  him. 

Walker’s  force,  after  his  victory  at  La  Virgen, 
became  greatly  augmented  with  native  democrats.13 
His  movement  on  La  Virgen  was  intended  to  show 
that  he  had  a sufficient  force  to  take  the  offensive. 
After  the  action  he  returned  to  San  Juan  del  Sur, 
where  he  received  from  Corral  a paper  hinting  at  a 
desire  to  enter  into  confidential  relations  with  him,  to 
which  he  paid  no  attention.  His  plan  was  to  make  a 
dash  upon  and  occupy  the  legitimist  seat  of  govern- 
ment, the  battered  city  of  Granada.14  In  furtherance 

12  He  was  suspected  of  treachery.  He  had  displeased  the  officers  by  his 
coarseness,  and  had  spread  terror  among  the  troops  with  his  exaggerated 
reports  of  Yankee  valor  and  skill  with  tire-arms.  Id.,  145;  Wells’  Walker’s 
Exped.,  55-8;  S.  F.  Herald,  Oct.  10,  1855;  Id. , Alta,  Oct.  10,  1855;  Sac. 
Union,  Oct.  19,  1855. 

13  He  was  joined  by  such  men  as  T.,  C.,  and  Daniel  Canton,  Max.  Espinosa, 
and  Ramon  Uinana.  The  last  named  brought  troops  and  supplies  from  Leon. 

11  In  the  early  part  of  Sept.,  Gen.  Jos6  M.  Ballestero,  Munoz’  successor, 
had  sent  two  companies  in  the  direction  of  Managua,  who  were  undone  by 
Col  Tomas  Martinez  with  200  men;  on  the  12th  Gen.  Pineda  marched  after- 
ward with  a double  force  against  the  legitimists,  but  failed  to  meet  them. 


3:52 


WALKER’S  CAMPAIGN  IN  NICARAGUA. 


of  which  Espinosa  was  despatched  to  Leon  to  ask  the 
government  for  a diversion  toward  Managua,  so  as  to 
draw  resources  away  from  Granada.  General  Pineda 
was  accordingly  stationed  with  a respectable  force  in 
Pueblo  Nuevo.  The  legitimists,  under  General  Her- 
nandez, attacked  Pineda  on  the  11th  of  October,  de- 
feated and  drove  him  out  of  the  place,  after  which  he 
demanded  of  the  government  at  Leon  the  surrender 
of  the  town,  together  with  its  garrison  and  military 
stores,  as  the  only  means  of  averting  the  bloodshed 
which  must  follow  any  attempt  at  resistance.  The 
democrats  suffered  reverse,  but  Walker  gained  his 
point.  Granada  was  left  with  a weak  garrison.  He 
had  a force  of  250  natives  and  about  80  Americans, 
with  which  he  left  San  Juan  at  daybreak  on  the  11th 
of  October,  arriving  at  La  Vfrgen  early  the  same 
morning.  In  the  afternoon  Colonel  Hornsby  seized 
the  steamboat  V'trgen,  and  the  next  morning  the 
troops  were  embarked  and  informed  that  their  destina- 
tion was  Granada.  They  affected  a landing  at  3 
o’clock  in  the  morning  of  the  13th,  and  took  Granada 
with  little  resistance  from  the  insignificant  civic  guard 
which  constituted  the  garrison.15  The  place  was 
taken  before  a majority  of  the  inhabitants  knew  who 
their  visitors  were.  President  Estrada,  and  the  min- 
isters Nicasio  Castillo  and  Francisco  Barberena,  saved 
themselves  on  foot  in  different  directions,  which 
the  other  ministers,  Mayorga  and  Iiuiz,  failed  to  do. 
The  fact  is,  that  persons  who  did  not  get  away  at  the 
moment  of  the  invasion  found  themselves  unable  to 
do  so,  and  at  the  mercy  of  the  enemy.  Walker,  how- 
ever, checked  the  abuses  of  his  soldiery,  and  liberated 
nearly  100  political  prisoners,  who  had  been  kept  in 
chains  and  at  hard  labor,  and  who  now  joined  his 
banner  to  a man.  He  next  issued  a proclamation 
guaranteeing  the  lives,  liberty,  and  property  of  legiti- 
mists promising  to  be  peaceable.16 

15  Corral  was  in  Rivas  with  his  numerous  army.  Fulgencio  Vega,  the 
comandante  of  Granada,  who  was  hated  by  the  democrats  as  the  author  of 
persecutions,  hid  himself  and  was  not  discovered. 

10 The  legitimists  who  were  pent  up  in  the  city  tendered  their  allegiance, 


ATTITUDE  OF  THE  BELLIGERENTS. 


333 


Walker  now  manifested  a disposition  to  treat  with 
Corral,  who  had  prepared  five  hundred  men  for  an 
attempt  to  recover  Granada.  Juan  J.  Ruiz,  Estrada’s 
minister  of  war,  was  despatched  by  water  in  company 
with  John  H.  Wheeler,  the  American  minister,  to 
convey  a message  to  Corral  at  Rivas ; but  on  finding 
that  the  legitimist  general  had  gone  off  to  the  eastern 
department,  he  escaped  into  Costa  Rica.  Another 
commission  went  by  land,  and  meeting  the  legitimist 
army  near  Nandainie,  communicated  to  the  general 
Walker’s  message  to  this  effect:  peace,  on  the  condi- 
tion that  the  two  leaders  should  govern  the  republic, 
Corral  as  president,  and  Walker  as  commander  of  the 
forces.1.  The  proposition  was  not  accepted.  The  ex- 
pedition which  had  been  prepared  for  an  effort  to  re- 
cuperate Granada  finally  went  to  Masaya,  where  the 
legitimist  government  became  organized,  with  Presi- 
dent Estrada,  and  his  ministers,  Castillo  and  Barbe- 
rena. 

The  officers  who  had  won  the  victory  at  Pueblo 
Nuevo,  fearing  that  their  country  would  become  a 
prey  to  the  foreign  adventurers,  proposed  to  Escoto’s 
government  a fusion  of  the  parties,  to  drive  Walker 
and  his  myrmidons  out  of  the  country.  This  effort 
failed. 1S  Walker  and  Valle,  for  their  successful  cam- 
paign in  the  south,  were  on  the  22d  of  October  pro- 
moted to  brigadier-general.  The  first  named,  angered 
by  Corral’s  refusal  to  accept  his  proposals,  and  ignoring 
his  own  pledges,  to  the  prisoners  taken  at  Granada, 
reduced  to  close  confinement  some  of  the  most  promh 


among  them  the  minister  Mayorga.  There  were  others  who  volunteered  their 
cooperation;  among  them  the  naturalized  citizens  Charles  and  Emile  Thomas, 
Fermin  Ferrer,  a wealthy  citizen,  and  the  beloved  and  respected  clergyman, 
Agustin  Vigil,  noted  for  his  virtues,  learning,  and  eloquence,  who  from  the 
pulpit  called  Walker  the  ‘angel  tutelar  de  Nicaragua,’  or  the  north  star 
that  was  to  guide  Nic.  to  her  advancement.  Wells’  Walker’s  Exped.,  Gl-5; 
Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Rev.  Nic.,  150-1;  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  271-2;  Astabnrua/ja,  Cent. 
Am.,  89. 

17  The  commissioners  were  Sebastian  Escobar,  Jose  Argiiello  Arce,  Hilario 
Salva,  and  R.  Vives.  Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Rev.  Nic.,  152. 

18  The  commissioners,  Rosalio  Cortes  and  Ramon  Marenco,  were  impris- 
oned in  irons  at  Leon. 


334 


WALKER'S  CAMPAIGN  IN  NICARAGUA. 


nent,  among  them  the  ex-minister  Mayorga,19  where- 
upon a commission,  composed  of  the  Frenchman  Pierre 
Rouhaud  of  Granada,  and  Fermin  Arana,  represented 
to  Corral  the  necessity  of  his  coming  to  amicable 
arrangement  with  Walker,  hut  he  declined  a second 
time.  Meanwhile  an  incident  occurred  which  greatly 
aggravated  the  evils  of  the  situation.  Parker  H. 
French20  brought  fifty  men  to  Walker  from  California, 
who,  under  a so-called  Colonel  Fry,  were  to  capture 
Fort  San  Carlos,  which  they  failed  to  do.  The  steamer 
then  returned  to  Granada  to  leave  the  recruits,  and  to 
La  Virgen  to  land  the  rest  of  the  passengers.  This 
was  done  just  as  some  legitimist  troops,  under  Captain 
F.  Gutierrez,  arrived.  Gutierrez  asserted  that  he  had 
been  fired  upon  from  the  house  of  the  Transit  com- 
pany,  and  returned  the  fire,  keeping  it  up  till  hostili- 
ties from  the  other  side  ceased.  The  result  was,  that 
two  or  three  passengers  from  the  United  States  were 
killed.  The  San  Cdrlos  also  fired  shots  at  the  river 
steamer  on  her  return  from  the  north  with  passengers, 
a gun  killing  a woman  and  child.21  This  news  reached 
Granada  together  with  Corral’s  second  refusal.  W alker 
then  resolved  upon  retaliation,  to  avenge  the  slain  of 
San  Cdrlos  and  La  Virgen,  and  to  frighten  the  legiti- 
mists into  accepting  terms  of  compromise.  Mayorga, 
a young  man  of  twenty-nine,  generally  esteemed  for 
his  fine  qualities,  was  the  chosen  victim,  and  shot  in 
the  morning  of  the  23d.22  Rouhaud  and  Arana  went 
on  the  22d  to  Masaya,  reporting  Mayorga’s  fate,  and 
urging  the  absolute  necessity  of’  disarming  Walker’s 
wrath  to  avert  greater  calamities.23  Added  to  their 

15  This  person  took  asylum  in  the  house  of  U.  S.  Minister  Wheeler,  who 
assured  him  that  he  was  under  the  protection  of  the  U.  S.  flag.  But  as 
Wheeler  was  mixed  [up  in  filibustering  schemes,  he  broke  his  pledge  and 
surrendered  Mayorga.  Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Rev.  Hie.,  157. 

2J  An  American,  who  had  been  the  recipient  in  Granada  of  many  marks  of 
consideration. 

21  Walker’s  organ  gave  a list  of  killed  and  wounded.  El  Nicaragiierae,  Nov. 
17,  1855;  S.  F.  Herald,  Nov.  4,  1855;  S.  F.  Bulletin,  Nov.  5,  1855. 

22  It  is  claimed  that  he  had  been  tried  for  treason  by  a court-martial  of 
native  officers.  Wells'  Walker  s Ecped. , 77. 

23  They  reported,  as  coming  from  Walker,  that  he  was  resolved  to  shoot 
all  the  prisoners  if  he  did  not  receive  at  9 P.  M.  a satisfactory  answer  respect- 
ing arrangements.  Perez,  Merr  Hist.  Rev.  Hie.,  159;  Belly,  Le  Hicaragua,  273. 


ASCENDENCY  OF  THE  FILIBUSTER. 


335 


statement  was  a petition  from  the  prisoners  in  favor 
of  peace,  and  the  alarming  news  that  four  hundred 
more  riflemen  had  arrived  to  swell  Walker’s  army. 
The  legitimist  authorities  concluded  then  to  negotiate 
for  peace,  and  sent  Corral  to  Granada  on  the  23d  for 
that  purpose,  which  was  tantamount  to  a capitulation. 
The  chief  clauses  agreed  upon  between  him  and  Walker 
were:  suspension  of  hostilities;  recognition  of  Patricio 
Rivas  as  provisional  president;  and  reorganization  of 
the  two  contending  forces  into  one  army,  with  Walker 
as  its  commander-in-chief.24  Corral  returned  to  Ma- 
saya,  and  Estrada,  submitting  to  the  force  of  circum- 
stances, approved  it,  though  his  army  was  disposed  to 
disregard  the  capitulation.25  However,  he  filed  a 


21  Walker  claimed  to  have  powers,  and  Corral  was  ‘ facultado  omnimoda- 
mente.’  The  following  is  a synopsis  of  the  convention:  1st.  Peace  and 
friendship  between  the  contending  parties;  2d.  Patricio  Rivas  to  be  president 
for  14  months,  unless  he  should  resolve,  with  the  advice  of  his  ministers,  to 
order  elections  before  the  expiration  of  that  term;  3d.  The  president  is  to 
have  four  ministers,  namely,  for  war,  relations,  treasury,  and  pub.  credit; 
4th.  Govt  to  respect  and  cause  to  be  respected  chapters  2d,  3d,  and  4th, 
and  clauses  2d  and  3d  of  the  general  regulations  of  the  constitution  of  1838; 
5th.  General  forgetfulness  of  and  amnesty  for  past  political  offences;  6th. 
Debts  incurred  by  both  belligerents  to  be  recognized  by  the  govt;  7th.  Mili- 
tary grades  of  both  belligerents  to  be  recognized;  8th.  All  persons  desirous 
of  leaving  the  republic  may  freely  do  so,  with  full  guaranty  of  persons  and 
estates;  9th.  The  French  legion  may  continue  in  service  by  becoming  Nica- 
raguan; 10th.  Walker  to  order  the  force  in  front  of  Managua  to  retire  at  once 
to  Leon,  reducing  it  to  150  men;  after  which  Corral  should  reduce  the  force 
in  Managua  to  100,  under  Gen.  Martinez,  and  that  in  Masaya  to  50,  under 
Col  Lino  Cesar,  or  some  other  honorable  officer;  11th.  The  Rivas  force  will 
remain  under  Gen.  Florencio  Xatruch;  12th.  The  govts  existing  in  Nic.  to 
cease  acting  upon  being  notified  of  this  arrangement  by  the  respective  gen- 
erals; any  one  refusing  to  comply  was  to  be  treated  as  a disturber  of  the 
peace.  Additional  articles:  1st.  Twenty-four  hours  after  Rivas’  arrival  in 
Granada,  Corral’s  army  from  Masaya  was  to  enter  Granada,  and  together  with 
Walker’s,  escort  the  president  and  the  two  gcrerals  to  church  to  return 
thanks  to  God  for  the  restoration  of  peace.  Walker  to  be  the  general-in-chief 
of  the  army,  appointed  by  a special  decree.  Corral  should  surrender  the 
command,  arms,  etc.,  unless  otherwise  ordered  by  the  new  govt;  2d.  The 
govt  must  reside  in  Granada;  3d.  The  army  was  to  use  no  other  badge  than 
a blue  ribbon,  with  the  inscription  Nicaragua  Independiente.  Id.,  161-4;  El 
A' icara<j dense,  Oct.  27,  1855;  Nic.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  Apr.  9,  1856;  Guat.,  Oaccta, 
Nov.  16,  1855;  Stout's  Nic.,  182;  S.  F.  Alta,  Nov.  17,  1855;  Wells'  Walker's 
Exped.,  77-80;  Guat.,  Gaccta,  Nov.  16,  1855. 

23  A plan  had  been  formed  to  proclaim  Martinez  their  general,  and  to 
march  against  Granada,  but  the  principal  chiefs  discountenanced  it.  Corral 
assured  the  troops  that  their  former  enemies  were  now  friends  and  brothers, 
recommending  strict  discipline  ‘ so  pena  de  ser  pasado  por  las  annas  el  que 
de  cualquiera  manera  violase  la  amistad  y ali  anza  prometidas.  ’ Perez,  Mem. 
Hist.  Rev.  Nic.,  166-7. 


33G 


WALKER’S  CAMPAIGN  IN  NICARAGUA. 


protest  declaring  that  the  arrangement  had  been  forced 
upon  him,  and  therefore  void.26  He  called  on  the 
other  governments  to  come,  without  further  invita- 
tion, and  save  the  independence,  sovereign ty,  and  lib- 
erties of  Nicaragua;  and  to  that  effect  appointed 
commissioners  with  unlimited  powers2  to  conclude 
adequate  treaties.  The  fall  of  Cabanas  in  Honduras 
opened  an  opportunity  in  that  direction.  Estrada  dis- 
solved his  government  October  28th,  and  departed  for 
Chontales,  but  soon  after  had  to  take  refuge  in  Hon- 
duras. 

Fermin  Ferrer  and  Valle,  alias  El  Clielon,  were  de- 
spatched as  commissioners  to  obtain  the  assent  of  the 
government  at  Leon  to  the  convention  of  October  23d, 
which,  in  view  of  Walker’s  rebellion,  was  given  only 
after  some  hesitation.23  A commission  was  despatched 
to  Walker  to  thank  him  for  his  services,  which  had 
made  possible  a peace,  and  to  authorize  him  to  ratify 
the  arrangement.  After  which  the  government,  Octo- 
her  28th,  dissolved  itself.  The  commissioners29  arrived 
at  Granada  on  the  31st,  and  found  there  the  provis- 
ional president,  Patricio  Rivas,30  who  had  arrived 
from  San  Juan  del  Norte  on  the  30th,  and  occupied 
the  presidential  chair.  He  had  at  first  appointed 
Corral  minister  of  war,  Walker  general  of  division 
and  in  chief  of  the  forces,  and  Norberto  Ramirez 
minister  of  relations.  Corral  was  pleased  with  this 
arrangement,  as  Rivas  was  disposed  to  rely  on  him;  but 
Walker  became  suspicious,  and  the  result  was  that, 
Corral’s  opposition  notwithstanding,  Rivas  was  made 
a blind  tool  of  Walker,  and  in  obedience  to  orders  ap- 

26  ‘ Cedi  unicamente  al  imperio  de  las  eircimstancias,  Sin  tener  libre  volun- 
\ul  para  ello.  ’ A ir. , Bolclin  OJic.,  May  29,  1856. 

Sacaza,  Duenas,  Pedro  J.  Chamorro,  and  two  others. 

28  Norberto  Ramirez,  who  favored  its  ratification  as  the  least  of  two  evils, 
said  in  the  council:  ‘I  know  that  we  have  before  us  two  abysms;  one  close 
by,  and  the  other  a little  farther  off:  that  the  disapproval  of  the  treaty  car- 
ries us  to  the  nearest  one,  and  its  approval  to  the  other  somewhat  more 
distant.  ’ His  advice  was  followed.  Perez,  Mem . Hist.  Rev.  Nk.,  168. 

29  Maximo  Jerez,  B.  Selva,  A.  Orozco,  Rafael  Jerez,  Justo  Lugo,  P.  Fon- 
seca, and  Jos<5  Salinas. 

;,J  Rivas  was  reputed  an  honorable,  firm,  and  enlightened  man.  He  had 
repeatedly  been  a candidate  of  the  conservatives  for  the  executive  office. 


MURDEROUS  PROCEEDINGS 


337 


pointed  a new  cabinet  with  a majority  of  democrats; 
namely,  Mdximo  Jerez,  of  relations;  Fermin  Ferrer, 
of  public  credit;  Parker  H.  French,  of  the  treasury; 
Corral  retaining  the  war  portfolio.  The  latter  now 
saw  the  abyss  his  weakness  had  thrown  him  into. 
The  man  who,  ignoring  the  duty  he  owed  his  cause, 
threatened  with  death  any  one  proposing  to  him  plans 
against  Walker,  now  writes  Martinez,  comandante  at 
Managua,  that  all  is  lost,  and  he,  Martinez,  must  take 
some  steps  to  save  the  country.  With  this  letter  were 
enclosed  others  to  the  same  effect  addressed  to  generals 
Guardiola  and  Pedro  Xatruch,  who  had  returned  to 
Honduras.31  These  letters  went  into  the  hands  of 
Walker,3’  who  at  once  called  to  his  presence  the  legiti- 
mists then  in  the  city  to  forbid  the  departure  of  any  of 
them,  and  laid  the  letters  before  Rivas  and  his  cabinet. 
Corral  acknowledged  the  authorship,  declaring  that 
he  was  solely  responsible  for  them.  It  was  then  de- 
cided to  confine  in  prison  Corral  and  his  chief  sup- 
porters. This  was  on  the  5th  of  November,  the  day 
after  Corral’s  troops  had  been,  without  any  previous 
notice,  disarmed.33  On  the  6tli,  it  was  decreed  that 
Corral  should  be  dealt  with  as  a traitor  and  tried  by 
court-martial,  which  was  done  in  the  presence  and 
with  the  approval  of  the  government,  notwithstanding 
its  illegality.34  The  trial  took  place,  and  the  prisoner 
was  sentenced  to  death.35  The  prisoner’s  family  used 
the  utmost  exertions  to  have  the  sentence  revoked, 

31  To  Xatruch  he  said,  ‘ Nosotros  estamos  muy  mal,  muy  mal,  muy  mal. 
Acuerdese  de  sus  amigos.  Elios  me  han  dejado  esta  pesada  carga  y espero 
su  socorro.’  To  Guardiola,  Nov.  1st:  ‘It  is  necessary  that  you  write  our 
friends  of  the  peril  we  are  in,  and  that  they  must  go  actively  to  work.  If 
there  is  a delay  of  two  months,  it  will  then  be  too  late.  Think  of  us  and  of 
your  offers.  . .Nicaragua,  Honduras,  San  Salvador,  and  Guatemala  will  be  lost 
if  they  allow  this  to  assume  proportions;  let  them  come  quickly  if  they  ex- 
pect to  find  auxilaries. 

32  Benito  Lagos,  the  man  to  whom  they  were  intrusted  for  delivery,  took 
them  to  Granada  and  gave  them  to  Valle,  who  surrendered  them  to  Walker. 

33  Walker  had,  after  adopting  precautions  against  resistance,  made  them 
stack  their  arms  in  the  plaza,  and  disperse. 

34  It  was  a violation  of  the  constitution  of  1838,  and  of  the  laws.  Corral, 
as  a minister,  could  not  be  tried  without  a prior  impeachment,  and  only  by 
the  senate;  and  as  a private  citizen,  by  the  common  courts. 

30  Hornsby  was  president  of  the  court;  Fry,  auditor  or  judge-advocate; 
French,  counsel  for  the  prisoner;  and  Charles  Thomas,  interpreter. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  22 


338 


WALKERS  CAMPAIGN  IN  NICARAGUA. 


but  Walker  was  inflexible,  and  the  penalty  was  inflicted 
on  the  8th  of  November,36  causing  the  utmost  con- 
sternation in  the  native  community.  The  portfolio 
of  war  was  given  to  Selva  bv  a decree  of  November 
5tli.  Amalie  went  to  Managua  to  place  Pascual  Fon- 
seca in  command,  vice  Alartinez,  and  to  report  if  the 
latter  made  any  resistance,  in  which  event  Walker 
would  have  shot  his  legitimist  prisoners.  But  as  none 
was  offered,  Alartinez  having  had  timely  warning, 
AValker  had  them  released.37 

AValker  was  now  master  of  Nicaragua.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  the  secondary  leaders  were  scattered 
and  powerless,  and  but  for  the  execution  of  Corral, 
and  the  wanton  imprisonment  of  subordinate  officials 
and  private  citizens,  the  conservative  party  would 
have  submitted  with  a good  grace  to  the  new  order  of 
things,  if  pledged  security  of  life  and  property.  It  is 
undeniable  that  the  legitimists  feared  the  Yankees  38 
less  than  they  did  the  native  democrats.  AValker  pre- 
tended a great  respect  for  religion,  without  whose 
support,  he  said,  no  government  could  have  stability.39 
He  succeeded  in  borrowing  from  the  vicar  963  ounces 
of  fine  silver  belonging  to  the  church:  and  it  is  evi- 
dent  that  he  placed  great  reliance  on  a numerous 
foreign  immigration  to  keep  his  ranks  well  filled.40  A 
decree  was  issued  at  this  time  by  the  government, 
and  published  in  its  official  journal,  which  might  be 
called  one  for  the  confiscation  of  the  property  of  ab- 

36  He  died  bravely,  Father  Vigil  attending  him  to  the  scaffold.  He  was 
shot  by  a squad  of  American  riflemen,  commanded  by  Lieut-col  C.  H.  Gil- 
man. Astalmruaga,  Cent.  Am.,  91;  Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Rev.  Nic.,  171-3;  Stout's 
Nic.,  197-8;  Wells’  Walker’s  Exped.,  92-4. 

37  As  opportunity  occurred,  they  all  ran  away,  some  to  the  mountains,  and 
others  to  the  neighboring  states  to  work  in  saving  their  country  from  the 
ruthless  foreign  sway. 

38  Yankees,  so  called,  were  all  foreigners,  of  whatever  nationality,  serving 
with  Walker. 

39  Jose  Hilario  Herdocia,  vicario  capitular,  having  addressed  him  a con- 
gratulatory letter,  he  answered  that  ‘ el  tenior  de  Dios  es  el  fundamento  de 
toda  organizacion  politica  y social.' 

40  His  contract  with  Castellon  authorized  him  only  to  bring  300  immi- 
grants; but  he  soon  obtained  leave  to  augment  his  forces,  and  to  enlist  men 
as  best  he  could.  A decree  published  Nov.  23,  1855,  offered  250  acres  of  land 
to  each  immigrant,  and  100  more  to  each  family.  The  title  deed  was  to  be 
issued  six  months  after  arrival.  Fabens  was  named  director  of  colonization. 


RELATIONS,  DOMESTIC  AND  FOREIGN.  339 

sentees,  who  were  required  to  return  to  their  homes 
under  heavy  pecuniary  penalties,  collectible  without 
any  previous  legal  process.41 

The  exiles  who  reached  Honduras42  endeavored  to 
obtain  help  from  the  government,  but  Guardiola,  now 
chief  of  the  state,  declined  giving  any,  and  in  fact 
permitted  no  hostile  words  against  Walker  or  the 
Yankees.  Cabanas  had  come  to  Granada  for  aid  to 
recover  his  lost  position,43  which  alarmed  Guardiola, 
who  despatched  Manuel  Colindres  with  the  ostensible 
mission  of  negotiating  a treaty  of  frendship  with  the 
government,  but  really  to  watch  Cabanas.  Colindres 
announced  himself  from  Yuscaran,  but  on  reaching 
Leon,  and  ascertaining  that  Cabanas  got  no  assistance, 
went  back  pleading  fear  of  the  cholera,  which  was 
doing  havoc  in  the  foreign  force:  but  the  recognition 
by  his  government  was  already  accomplished.  The 
cabinet  of  San  Salvador  also  returned  a satisfactory 
answer  to  a circular  'from  Nicaragua.44  Guatemala 
apparently  inclined  toward  neutrality,  until  Estrada 
applied  to  Carrera  for  assistance,  and  was  told  that 
he  would  be  recognized  as  the  legitimate  president  of 
Nicaragua,  but  must  first  establish  his  government 
somewhere.45  Estrada,  being  unable  to  set  it  up  in 
Honduras,  asked  for  50  men  to  escort  him  to  Nueva 
Segovia  in  Nicaragua,  but  did  not  get  them,  though 
he  laid  before  Guardiola  the  letters  from  Carrera  and 
Pedro  de  Aycinena  In  Costa  Rica,  the  situation  of 
Nicaragua  was  differently  viewed.  President  Mora 
despatched  Nazario  Toledo  to  Guatemala  to  arrange 


41  Art.  1st  required  the  return  of  those  sojourning  in  the  republic  within 
15  days,  and  of  those  who  were  abroad  within  one  month.  Art.  2d  imposed 
fines  ranging  from  $50  to  $10,000  on  such  as  failed  to  obey.  EL  Niccurayuense, 
Nov.  17,  1855. 

42  Among  them  Pres.  Estrada,  Gen.  Martinez,  and  Col  Fulgencio  Vega. 

43  Hornsby  went  to  Managua  in  the  early  part  of  December,  and  brought 
him  to  Granada,  where  he  was  treated  as  the  guest  of  the  nation. 

44  Diplomatic  correspondence  of  the  Salv.  and  Hond.  govts  Nov.  22  and 
28,  1855,  in  El  Nicaraguense,  Jan.  5,  1856. 

4,1  ‘ Aunque  sea  en  un  rincon  de  Honduras.’  Estrada  well  knew  this  was 
illegal;  but  following  the  advice,  he  applied  to  Guardiola  for  permission,  and 
it  was  refused  him. 


:uo 


WALKER'S  CAMPAIGN  IN  NICARAGUA. 


for  concerted  action  against  Walker.48  Mora  in  an 
energetic  proclamation  asked  the  people  to  prepare  for 
the  defence  of  their  lives  and  property  at  a moment’s 
call.4.  Walker  watched  the  conduct  of  Costa  Rica, 
believing  it  prompted  by  British  influence  mainly 
against  the  United  States.  Rivas’  relations  with  the 
cabinet  of  Washington  wrere  not  encouraging.  It  is  true 
that  Wheeler,  the  American  minister,  had  prematurely 
recognized  him,  but  he  had  not  been  upheld  in  it  by  his 
government.  Parker  H.  French,  being  accredited  in 
November  1855  as  minister  at  Washington  with  pow- 
ers to  negotiate  a treat}r,  was  not  received  in  any  dip- 
lomatic capacity.48  He  was  thereupon  recalled,  and 
diplomatic  relations  were  discontinued  with  Wheeler.49 
President  Pierce  issued  a proclamation  against  the 
departure  from  the  United  States  of  filibustering  expe- 
ditions, which  were  declared  disgraceful  and  criminal. 
Cabanas,  in  whose  behalf  Jerez  had  used  his  best  en- 
deavors, having  been  refused  by  the  government  any 
aid,50  retired  to  Salvador,51  and  Jerez  resigned  his  port- 
folio on  the  8th  of  January,  185G.  Soon  after,  the 
cabinet  was  reduced  to  one,  Fermin  Ferrer,  who 
served  as  ministro  general. 

Walker  now  endeavored  to  gain  the  good-will  and 

© © 

46  Though  the  Costa  Ricans  had  a cordon  sanitaire  to  prevent  intercourse 
with  cholera-stricken  Nic.,  Gen.  Cafias  received  orders  to  furnish  resources  to 
< fen.  Florencio  Xatruch,  and  other  officials  of  the  dept  of  Rivas,  who  fled  to 
Costa  Rica  on  hearing  of  Corral’s  execution. 

47  Bishop  Llorente  also  warned  them  that  their  religion  was  in  peril. 

48  Sec.  of  state  Marcy  wrote  Dec.  21st,  in  answer  to  his  communication  of 
the  12th,  that  the  president  saw  as  yet  no  reason  to  hold  diplomatic  inter- 
course with  the  persons  4 who  now  claim  to  exercise  the  political  power  in  the 
state  of  Nicaragua.’  lie  said  that  the  persons  chiefly  instrumental  in  over- 
throwing the  former  govt  were  not  citizens  of  Nic.,  ‘nor  have  those  citizens, 
or  any  considerable  part  of  them,  so  far  as  is  now  known  here,  freely  expressed 
their  approval  of,  or  acquiescence  in,  the  present  condition  of  political  allairs 
in  Nicaragua.’ 

49  Wheeler  was  told,  however,  by  the  foreign  minister  of  Nic.  that  though 
official  relations  were  suspended,  the  utmost  good  feeling  existed  toward  him. 
El  Nicaragmnse,  Feb.  2,  1856. 

60  The  assistance  would  have  been  given  him  but  for  Walker,  ‘ no  manda- 
ban  los  democraticos,  sino  Walker.’  It  was  not  for  Walker’s  interest  just 
then  to  engage  in  hostilities  against  any  neighboring  power.  Pern,  Mem. 
Camp.  Noe. , 2d  pt,  21. 

51  He  exerted  himself  there  in  promoting  action  for  the  expulsion  of 
Walker  from  Cent.  Am. 


SEIZURE  OF  STEAMSHIP  PROPERTY. 


341 


cooperation  of  the  legitimist  party,  but  his  intrigues, 
cajolings,  and  even  threats  failed  to  secure  the  desired 
effect.5"  The  legitimists  saw  in  Walker’s  disagree- 
ment with  the  democrats  their  opportunity  to  bring 
about  the  fusion  of  all  Nicaraguans  against  the  com- 
mon enemy;  but  both  Walker  and  the  democrats  con- 
cluded that  they  must  work  together  for  their  mutual 
safety;  hence  the  removal  of  the  capital  to  Leon.53 

Walker  now  committed  one  of  the  greatest  blunders 
of  his  life  in  quarrelling  with  the  founders  and  chief 
men  of  the  Accessory  Transit  Company,  whose  ships 
had  brought  him  much  to  recruit  his  needed  men 
and  military  supplies.54  He  and  Edmund  Randolph, 
after  studying  the  company’s  contracts  made  in  1851, 
arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  there  were  good  reasons 
to  revoke  their  charter  and  acts  of  incorporation,  and 
to  make  a grant  to  other  parties.65  This  was  secretly 
done  without  communicating  their  plans  to  President 
Rivas  or  his  cabinet  After  completing  their  arrange- 
ments in  New  York,  Walker  and  Randolph  drew  up 
a decree  suppressing  the  Accessory  Transit  Company, 
which  was  laid  before  Rivas,  who  issued  it  on  the 
18th  of  February,  185G.  On  the  following  day  he,  in 
obedience  to  Walker’s  command,  signed  a new  char- 
ter in  favor  of  Randolph.58  Cleto  Mayorga,  E.  T.  C. 
Kewen.  and  George  F.  Alden  were  appointed  commis- 

52  His  most  influential  opponent  was  a small  club  of  conservatives,  the 
leaders  of  which  were  Fernando  Guzman,  Agustin  AviRs,  and  Ramon  Ale- 
grfa.  Geronimo  Perez  was  also  a member.  Id. , 23-6. 

53  Hcrmenegildo  Zepeda,  G.  Juarez,  and  N.  Ramirez  came  from  Leon  to 
Granada  to  arrange  it  with  Walker,  who  at  once  caused  the  decree  to  be 
issued.  This  journey  brought  Ramirez  to  his  death,  resulting  from  a fall, 
which  broke  a leg.  He  was  an  able,  enlightened  man,  and  had  been  chief  of 
Salvador,  and  also  of  Nicaragua  in  1849. 

54  The  govt  of  Nic.  was  entitled  to  a share  of  the  company’s  receipts,  which 
it  had  never  succeeded  in  getting.  Chamorro  had  taken  measures  to  force 
the  company  to  pay  their  indebtedness,  but  was  precluded  by  the  revolu- 
tion of  1854.  The  company  was  accused  of  aiding  the  revolutionists,  and  of 
having  afterward  encouraged  the  importation  of  the  filibusters  who  over- 
threw the  legitimist  govt. 

53  Randolph,  W.  R.  Garrison,  and  Macdonald  had  arrived  at  Granada 
from  California,  Dec.  17,  1855,  bringing  upwards  of  100  recruits  for  Walker, 
contracted  for  with  Crittenden,  his  friend  and  agent. 

50  This  was  done  by  Rivas,  though  firmly  convinced  that  it  was  tanta- 
mount to  a sale  of  Nicaragua. 


WALKER’S  CAMPAIGN  IN  NICARAGUA. 


342 

sioners  to  ascertain  the  amount  of  the  company’s  in- 
debtedness, and  to  attach  their  property,  all  of  which 
was  done  with  the  utmost  rapidity.67  The  transporta- 
tion men  raised  a loud  cry,  of  course,  calling  upon  the 
U nited  States  government  to  recover  their  lake  steam- 
ers and  other  valuables;  but  the  attempt  was  unsuc- 
cessful. The  company,  however,  had  means  which 
they  brought  into  the  service  of  the  Central  Ameri- 
cans to  compass  the  destruction  of  Walker. 

Costa  Rica  had  failed  to  notice  the  communication 
notifying  her  of  the  new  order  of  things  established 
in  Nicaragua  on  the  23d  of  October,  1855.  Walker 
now  thought  the  time  had  come  to  demand  from  that 
cabinet  a frank  explanation  of  its  course.58  But  it 
persisted  in  leaving  unanswered  the  Nicaraguan  notes, 
and  refused  to  receive  Louis  Schlessinger,  the  envoy 
sent,  who  retired  threatening  war  and  Walker’s  resent- 
ment.59 Costa  Pica  accepted  the  challenge  of  war, 
President  Mora,  with  the  authorization  of  the  legis- 
lative body,  resolving  to  carry  the  arms  of  the  republic 
into  Nicaragua,  and  to  aid  in  driving  out  the  foreigners. 
War  was  accordingly  declared,  the  strength  of  the 
army  raised  to  9,000  men,  and  a loan  levied  for  ex- 
penses.60 After  surrendering  the  executive  office  to 
Vice-president  Oreamuno,  Mora  placed  himself,  on 
the  8th  of  March,  at  the  head  of  an  army  about 
3,000  strong,61  and  in  a few  days  was  in  Bagaccs,  at 


67  The  decrees,  orders,  and  editorial  comments  thereon,  in  the  government’s 
organ.  El  Nicaragiicnse,  Feb.  23,  1856;  A stalmruaga,  Cent.  Am.,  97-8;  Belly, 
Le  Nicaragua,  279-80;  Wells’  Walter’s  Exped.,  208-15;  S.  F.  Bulletin,  March 
22,  April  10,  1856;  S.  F.  Alta,  March  23,  1856;  Sac.  Union,  March  24,  April 
25,  1S56. 

68  ‘ Para  que  recabe  de  aquel  gabinete  una  franca  explicacion  sobre  la  poli- 
tica  que  ha  estado  observando  con  respecto  al  actual  Gobierno  de  Nicaragua.’ 
El  N icaragiiense,  Feb.  16,  1S56. 

69  Joaquin  B.  Calvo,  min.  of  relations  of  Costa  R.,  in  his  report  to  congress, 
Aug.  11,  1856,  speaks  of  that  mission  with  contempt,  ‘porque  desconocida 
aqui  la  mision  del  filibustero,  se  le  hizo  regresar  de  la  irontera.’  Costa  R., 
Mem.  Bel.,  1856,  4. 

60 Laws  of  Feb.  27  and  28,  1S56;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xiv.  7-14,  16;  U.  S. 
Govt  Doc.,  Cong.  34,  Sess.  1,  Sen.  Doc.,  68,  121,  133-49,  vol.  xiii. 

61  Nominally;  the  real  commander  was  a German  officer  named  Baron 
Bulow.  Perez,  Mem.  Camp.  Nac.,  2d  pt,  34;  Costa  R.,  Pap.  Sueltos,  no.  8; 
Wells’  l Fa  Iter’s  Expect.,  169. 


COSTA  RICA  TO  THE  RESCUE. 


343 


the  extreme  end  of  the  gulf  of  Nicoya,  ready  to  cross 
the  frontier  into  Nicaragua.  Walker,  who  seemed 
to  misjudge  Costa  Rican  prowess,  sent  only  500  men 
under  Schlessinger,  who  on  the  20th62  encountered 
the  enemy’s  avant  guard,  and  after  a few  minutes’ 
fighting  were  put  to  flight,  losing  a quantity  of  arms 
and  several  killed  and  wounded.63  A number  of  pris- 
oners captured  by  the  Costa  Ricans  were  at  once  tried 
by  court-martial  and  shot.64  Schlessinger  with  a few 


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Walker’s  Expedition. 


C2  Perez,  quoted  above,  42,  gives  the  21st. 

C3  According  to  Costa  Rican  reports,  only  480  of  their  men  took  part  in 
the  action,  the  enemy’s  defeat  being  the  effect  of  a surprise  and  a bayonet 
charge.  Their  casualties  were  set  down  at  4 officers  and  15  soldiers  killed. 
The  filibusters  had  upwards  of  20  slain.  Id.,  42-5;  Salv.,  Gaceta,  Apr.  3-24, 
1850;  Mir.,  Boletin  Ojic.,  Apr.  9,  10,  1850.  In  California  the  report  received 
was  of  90  killed  in  the  fight  and  19  executed.  S.  F.  Alta,  May  2,  1850;  Belly, 
Le  Nicaragua,  283;  Well?  Walker s Ex  fed. , 153-08. 

64  As  armed  invaders  not  serving  under  the  Hag  of  any  recognized  nation. 
Costa  11.,  Mem.  Bel.,  1850,  4;  Astaburuai/a,  Cent.  Am.,  94.  However  correct 
the  logic,  it  was  an  imprudent  act,  as  Walker  might  retaliate  on  Costa  Rican 
and  other  Cent.  Am.  prisoners.  Wheeler,  without  instructions  from  the 
U.  S.  govt,  took  upon  himself  to  officially  say  to  Mora  that  the  execution  of 


"WALKER'S  CAMPAIGN  IN  NICARAGUA. 


344 

men  reached  Rivas,  where  Walker  had  concentrated 
his  forces,  and  unsuccessfully  tried  to  exculpate  him- 
self.65 

The  Costa  Ricans  inarched  to  Rivas,  and  as  they 
approached  Walker  retired  on  the  Transit  company’s 
lake  steamers  to  Granada.  Two  columns  of  300  each 
dislodged  on  the  7th  of  April  the  Nicaraguan  garri- 
sons left  by  Walker  in  La  Virgen  and  San  Juan  del 
Sur,  and  on  the  following  day  the  rest  of  the  army 
occupied  Rivas.  But  Walker  soon  came  upon  them. 
Under  cover  of  the  thick  plantain  and  cacao  plan- 
tations, he  entered  unperceived  in  the  morning  of 
the  11th.  His  attack  began  about  8:30  and  lasted 

till  night.  He  captured  the  main  plaza,  and  from 
the  church  and  houses  kept  up  a deadly  fire  on 
the  enemy,  stationed  only  two  blocks  away.  The 
latter  fought  desperately,  till  Walker,  finding  himself 
closely  pressed  by  Costa  Rican  reenforcements  from 
La  Virgen  and  San  Juan  del  Sur,66  and  surrounded 
by  burning  buildings,  gave  orders  for  retreat,  which 
was  silently  effected  under  cover  of  the  darkness, 
never  tarrying  till  he  reached  the  Gil  Gonzalez  River. 
He  left  behind  a considerable  number  of  rifles,  revolv- 
ers, and  other  arms,  and  about  50  saddled  horses, 
besides  his  seriously  wounded  in  the  church.  The 
Costa  Rican  victory  was  complete,  though  at  the 
expense  of  heavy  casualties.6.  The  victors  were  re- 

these  men  was  a cold-blooded  murder,  assuming  at  the  same  time  that  the 
men  serving  under  Walker  were  citizens  of  his  own  country.  JFeffs’  Walker's 
Expect.,  170-5.  The  fact  is  that  only  two  or  three  were  natives  of  the  U.  S. 

c'‘  He  was  accused  of  cowardice  and  even  of  treachery,  and  arrested  for 
trial,  but  escaping  afterward  from  prison,  was  sentenced  to  death  as  a deserter. 
He  turned  up  in  Teustepe,  where  he  was  allowed  to  serve  in  the  legitimist 
force.  Wells’  Walker’s  Expcd.,  257-8. 

68  Commanded  respectively  by  majors  Alfaro  Ruiz  and  Ecalante,  and  Col 
Salvador  Mora. 

67‘Triunfo  eompletamente  sobre  ellos,  escarmentandolos,  y poniendolos 
de  nuevo  en  ver  gonzoza  fuga.’  Costa  B.,  Mem,  Eel.,  1856,  5.  According  to 
Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  96,  the  Costa  Ricans  had  120  killed,  and  Walker 
upwards  of  200.  Perez,  Mem.  Camp.  Mac.,  2d  pt,  48,  gives  the  Costa  Rican 
casualties  to  have  been  150  killed  and  300  wounded;  and  Walker’s  60  killed 
and  70  wounded.  Wells,  claiming  a glorious  victory  for  his  hero  Walker, 
says  that  the  Costa  Rican  loss  could  not  have  been  less  than  600  killed;  anil 
that  of  the  wounded  and  deserters  no  precise  estimate  could  be  formed. 
Walker’s  loss  he  sets  down  at  39  killed  and  as  many  wounded.  There  is  no 


UNSTABLE  POWER  OF  THE  PIRATE. 


345 


lentless  toward  the  first  prisoners  that  fell  into  their 
hands.  According  to  Mora’s  report,  the  wounded  in 
the  church  were  bayoneted,  and  seventeen  others 
shot.  Walker  tried  to  make  out  that  ho  had  won  a 
great  victory,  and  the  event  was  celebrated  in  Granada 
with  salutes  and  ringing  of  bells;  and  his  government 
published  that  the  Costa  Ricans  had  been  dispersed 
and  were  in  full  flight.68 

Mora  expected  heavy  reenforcements  from  Punta 
Arenas,  and  had  formed  the  plan,  after  securing 
eastern  Nicaragua  between  the  Pacific  and  the  great 
lake,  and  cutting  oft*  the  transit  communication, 
already  suspended  by  a general  order,  to  assail 
Walker  in  his  stronghold  of  Granada.  He  was  fur- 
ther encouraged  in  this  by  news  that  forces  of  Salva- 
dor and  Honduras  were  already  on  the  western  fron- 
tier, under  Belloso  and  Xatruch,  ready  to  cooperate 
with  him.  But  the  breaking  out  of  cholera  in  his 
army,  with  terrible  havoc  in  its  ranks,  necessitated  the 
abandonment  of  the  project  for  the  time.  And  a re- 
port having  come  of  plottings  in  Costa  Rica  against 
his  authority,  with  his  brother  Jose  Joaquin  and  his 
personal  staff,  he  returned  home,  leaving  General 
Cauas  in  command  of  the  remnants  of  the  army,  with 
orders  to  send  it  back  to  Costa  Rica  in  the  most  con- 
venient manner,  which  was  done,  many  of  the  men 
being  left  dead  or  dying  on  the  march.  Cafias  found 
it  unavoidable  to  leave  his  wounded  and  sick  in  Rivas, 
and  fearing  retaliation  because  of  the  executions  of 
prisoners  at  Santa  Rosa  and  Rivas,  he  wrote  Walker 
on  the  26th  of  April,  recommending  these  men  to  his 
protection,  and  proposing  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  of 

honor  or  profit  in  such  mendacity.  Walker's  Exped.,  175-88,  245-7;  S.  F. 
Bulletin,  June  2,  3,  1856;  S.  F.  Alta,  June  2,  1856;  Sac.  Union,  June  4,  1856. 
Belly,  Le  Nicaragua,  283-4,  states  that  though  the  battle  cost  the  Costa 
Ricans  700  men,  ‘ mais  qui  fit  eprouver  de  telles  pertes  a l’envahisseur,  qua 
dater  de  ce  moment,  il  perdit  confiance  dans  sa  destinee.’  His  letter  of  April 
15th  to  Senator  Weller  of  Cal.  proved  this. 

68  Minister  Salinas’  circular  Apr.  15,  1856.  Nic. , Boletin,  Ofic.,  Apr.  16, 
1856 


346 


WALKER’S  CAMPAIGN  IN  NICARAGUA. 


whom  he  had  twenty,  according  to  the  usages  of  war. 
This  letter  had  the  desired  effect.69 

69 Perez  says:.‘Trato  con  humanidad  a los  soldados  que  le  fueron  encom- 
endados.’  Mem.  Camp.  Mac.,  2d  pt,  49-52.  Jerdnimo  Perez,  Memoriae  para  la 
Historia  de  la  Revolucion  de  Nicaragua,  y de  la  guerra  nacional  contra  los  fili- 
Lusteros,  1854-1857.  Managua,  1865,  Svo,  pp.  173,  2 1.  This  first  part  of  this 
autnor’s  work  is  a historical  account  of  the  civil  war  in  Nicaragua,  in  the  years 
1854^5,  during  which  latter  year  the  filibuster  chief,  William  Walker,  ap- 
peared on  the  scene,  taking  part  with  one  of  the  two  parties  to  the  strife,  and 
temporarily  destroying  the  power  of  the  other.  The  political  and  military 
events  of  this  period  are  concisely  though  vividly  depicted,  so  that  the  reader 
may  become  fully  informed  on  the  mode  of  carrying  on  the  war,  and  on  the 
miserable  condition  of  the  country,  as  well  as  bitter  animosity  exhibited  by 
the  opposing  parties.  Memoriae  para  la  Historia  de  la  Camparia  Nacional 
contra  el  Jilibusterismo,  1856-1857.  Masaya,  1873,  8vo,  i.-iv.,  and  216  p.,  is  a 
sequel  or  second  part  to  the  preceding  by  the  same  author,  in  which  he  fur- 
nishes a detailed  history  of  Walker’s  filibustering  schemes  and  career  in  Nic- 
aragua during  1856-7,  till  his  final  surrender  and  removal  from  the  country; 
ending  with  a short  account  of  Walker’s  two  other  attempts  to  invade  Cen- 
tral America.  Perez  took  a part  in  the  operations  against  Walker,  and  later 
has  occupied  high  positions  in  his  country. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


END  OF  FILIBUSTERING  IN  CENTRAL  AMERICA 
1856-1SG7 

Recognition  of  President  Rivas  by  the  United  States — Walker’s  Hos- 
tile Attitude — Flight  of  Rivas — Walker  Makes  Himself  Presi- 
dent— Alliance  against  Him — Death  of  Estrada — The  Legitimists 
Accept  Rivas — Costa  Ricans  and  Nicaraguans  in  Rivas — Destruc- 
tion of  Granada — It  is  Occupied  by  Allied  Forces — Walker  Reoccu- 
pies Rivas — Where  He  is  Besieged — Successes  of  the  Costa  Ricans 
--Failure  of  Lockridge’s  Expedition — Surrender  of  Walker — 
War  of  Nicaragua  and  Costa  Rica — Commodore  Paulding  and 
Walker's  Second  Attempt— Walker’s  Invasion  of  Honduras,  Cap- 
ture, and  Execution — Government  Reorganized — President  Mar- 
tinez’ Administrations. 


After  the  departure  of  the  Costa  Rican  forces 
from  Rivas,  toward  the  end  of  April  or  beginning  of 
May  185G,  Walker  visited  the  town,  treating  harshly 
the  principal  citizens — men  who  loved  their  country 
better  than  they  loved  designing  interlopers — and  caus- 
ing one  to  be  hanged.1  This  was  done  to  terrify  his 
enemies.  Leaving  Hornsby  as  military  governor,  with 
a garrison,  Walker  went  back  to  Granada.  His  army 
here  was  also  being  decimated  by  the  epidemic, 
but  its  ranks  were  replenished  from  the  passengers 
brought  by  the  steamships,  which  still  were  his  effica- 
cious auxiliaries.  Meanwhile  the  presence  of  the  com- 
bined forces  of  the  other  states  in  the  west  was  felt 
in  the  towns  of  the  western  departments,  chiefly  in 
Chontales  and  Matagalpa,2  the  natives  yearning  for 

1 Francisco  Ugarte,  a legitimist  who  came  with  the  Costa  Ricans,  and  re- 
mained in  concealment. 

Goicouria  was  sent  to  put  down  a rebellion  in  Chontales,  and  had  a num- 
ber of  men  executed.  Perez,  Mem.  Camp.  Mac.,  2d  pt,  55. 


( 347  ) 


348  END  OF  FILIBUSTERING  IN  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 


relief  from  foreign  domination.  A meeting  of  military 
officers  held  on  the  20th  of  April  at  Matagalpa, 
and  presided  over  by  General  Fernando  Chamorro, 
adopted  resolutions  in  favor  of  restoring  Estrada  as 
the  legitimate  president.3  This  movement  came  to 
naught;  Chamorro,  being  defeated,  passed  into  Hon- 
duras. 

The  democratic  party,  desirous  as  much  as  possible 
of  being  away  from  Walker’s  oppressive  influence,  had 
the  government  seat  removed  to  Leon.4  The  general 
started  from  Granada  May  31st  with  his  best  officers 
and  300  infantry,  for  Leon,  where  he  was  greeted  as 
a conquering  hero.5  While  there  he  approved  of,  or 
may  be  prompted,  the  decree  of  June  10th,  convoking 
congress,  and  for  the  election  of  a chief  magistrate. 
He  had  in  view  to  bring  about  his  own  election  as 
president,  intending  after  that  to  throw  off  his  demo- 
cratic friends,  whose  loyalty  he  distrusted.  Ver}^  sat- 
isfactory news,  both  to  him  and  the  government,  came 
at  this  time.  The  government  of  the  United  States 
had  recognized  Father  Agustin  Vigil  as  minister 
plenipotentiary  accredited  at  Washington  by  Jtivas. 
This  recognition  was  of  great  advantage  to  Walker.0 

On  the  11th,  after  Walker  had  departed  on  his 
return  to  Granada,  leaving  Colonel  Bruno  Naztmer 
in  command,  this  officer  ordered  foreign  soldiers  to 
take  the  place  of  the  natives  in  the  steeples  of  the 
cathedral.  Minister  of  war  Jerez  countermanded  it, 
and  being  disobeyed  by  Naztmer, ‘ the  government 

3 1st.  To  recognize  no  other  govt  than  Estrada’s,  declaring  the  convention 
of  Oct.  23,  1855,  void,  and  Rivas’  govt  null;  2d.  To  support  that  govt;  3d. 
Vest  the  executive  office  in  Fernando  Guzinan  till  Estrada’s  return  to  Nic. ; 
4th.  Fernando  Chamorro  recognized  as  provisional  commander  of  the  forces. 

* Walker  discovered  in  Rivas  a letter  from  the  president  to  Mora  treating 
of  peace  negotiations,  of  which  nothing  had  been  hinted  to  him. 

0 He  issued  June  4th  a proclamation  full  of  affected  love  for  the  Nicaragu- 
ans, and  especially  for  the  Leonese,  whom  he  called  illustrious  sons  of  liberty 
and  loversof  progress.  Hie. , BoletinOJic.,  June  5,  1856;  El Hicarajaen.se,  June 
14,  1856. 

6 It  was  followed  by  a change  of  public  opinion  in  the  U.  S.  favorable  to 
him,  and  stopped  the  official  opposition  to  the  rush  of  emigrants  to  Nic.  The 
benefit  was,  however,  retarded  by  the  combined  efforts  of  the  old  Transit  com- 
pany’s agents  in  San  Juan  del  Norte,  and  of  the  opposition  from  various 
sources  to  Walker’s  plans. 

7 Daring  Walkers  stay  in  the  city  he  made  several  demands,  to  which  the 


DISSENSIONS. 


349 


became  much,  alarmed,  Rivas  and  Jerez  starting 
forthwith  for  Chinandega,8  whence  Walker  was  di- 
rected to  concentrate  the  foreign  forces  in  Granada, 
Upon  hearing  at  Masaya  of  the  occurrences  of 
the  lltli  and  12th,  he  countermarched  as  far  as 
Naoarote,  ordering;  Naztmer  to  bring  there  his  com- 
mand;  after  which  he  quartered  his  troops  in  Gra- 
nada, placing,  however,  strong  garrisons  in  Managua 
and  Masaya.  Rivas  thereupon  declared  Walker  a 
usurper,  traitor,  and  enemy  of  the  republic,  depriving 
him  of  his  rank  and  command.9  Walker,  on  his  part, 
deposed  Rivas,  calling  Ferrnin  Ferrer,  minister  of 
hacienda  and  government  at  Granada,  who  had  iden- 
tified himself  with  his  cause,  to  assume  the  executive 
office,  for  the  main  purpose,  it  seemed,  of  decreeing  an 
election  for  supreme  authorities,  pursuant  to  the  con- 
vocation of  June  10th,  though  Rivas  had  revoked  it 
on  the  14th.10 

Under  the  national  constitution,  the  chief  magistrate 
was  not  chosen  by  the  direct  suffrages  of  the  people; 
neither  did  it  permit  a military  officer  in  actual  corn- 

president  refused  his  assent,  which  greatly  angered  him.  It  was  soon  dis- 
covered that  he  had  it  planned  to  dispossess  Rivas  of  the  executive  office. 
Naztmer’s  act  was  in  obedience  to  his  orders.  The  native  soldiers  were  sent 
away,  and  the  capital  was  left  with  a garrison  of  200  foreigners.  Nic.,  Bolet- 
tin  Ofic.,  Aug.  8,  Oct.  24,  1856. 

8 Had  it  not  been  for  an  American  resident,  Dawson,  they  would  have 
been  brought  back  by  Dolan,  commandant  at  Chinandega,  who  had  been 
ordered  with  his  men  to  Leon.  Perez,  Mem.  Camp.  Nac. , 2d  pt,  71.  Gen. 
Mariano  Salazar  and  others  spread  the  report  that  the  filibusters  intended  to 
murder  the  authorities.  Salazar  fell  into  Walker’s  hands  later,  taken  by  De 
Brissot  in  the  gulf  of  Fonseca  July  28th,  and  was  shot  at  Granada  Aug.  3d. 
El  Nicaragiiense,  Aug.  9,  1856;  Nic.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  Aug.  27,  1856;  Sac.  Union, 
Sept.  6,  1856. 

9 Decree  of  June  25th.  Officers  and  men  of  the  foreign  phalanx  were  re- 
quired to  forsake  Walker  and  submit  to  the  government,  when  their  rank 
would  be  recognized,  their  arrears  of  pay  made  good,  and  Nicaraguan  citizen- 
ship conferred  on  them.  Such  as  should  disobey,  whether  native  or  foreign, 
were  to  be  dealt  with  as  traitors.  Members  of  the  foreign  phalanx  wishing 
to  leave  the  country  were  to  be,  under  another  decree  of  the  28th,  permitted 
to  do  so.  Those  who  presented  themselves  with  arms  and  ammunition,  and 
prevailed  on  others  to  do  the  same,  would  be  rewarded.  Previously,  on  the 
20th,  the  colonization  decree  of  Nov.  23,  1855,  was  suspended.  Nic..,  Boletin 
Ofic.,  Aug.  8,  16,  1856. 

10  Walker  assumed  to  act  under  the  clauses  of  the  convention  of  Oct.  23, 
1855.  His  decree  bears  date  of  June  20th,  and  further  declares  Rivas’  acts 
from  the  12th  null.  El  Nicaragiiense,  June  21,  1856;  Nic. , Boletin  Ofic.,  Aug. 
8,  1856. 


350  END  OF  FILIBUSTERING  IN  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 


mand,  much  less  a foreign  one,  to  be  voted  for. 
Nevertheless,  in  disregard  of  that  law,  the  people  of 
the  region  controlled  by  Walker’s  bayonets  were 
made  to  give  him  their  suffrages  for  the  office  of  pres- 
ident, and  15,835  votes  appeared  as  cast  in  his  favor.11 
He  was  declared  elected,  and  on  the  12th  of  July  was 
inducted  into  office  with  much  pomp.12  Wheeler,  the 
American  minister,  recognized  Walker  as  the  legiti- 
mate president,  and  Rivas’  government  protested 
against  it,13  and  declared  all  relations  between  the 
Nicaraguan  government  and  Wheeler  suspended. 

Walker’s  first  act  wa*s  to  appoint  his  cabinet,  the 
chief  of  it  being  Fermin  Ferrer.14  One  of  his  earliest 
decrees  sounds  the  keynote  to  all  this  silly  usurpation 
and  accompanying  infamy;  it  was  the  annulling  of  the 
federal  law  abolishing  slavery.15  Another  infamous 
measure  was  the  confiscation  of  the  estates  of  Nicara- 
guans who  might  take  up  arms  against  him. 

In  a circular  of  July  3d  Rivas  appealed  to  the  other 
Central  American  governments  for  aid  to  drive  out 
the  invaders.  The  call  was  answered,  and  his  gov- 
ernment recognized  by  Guatemala,  Honduras,  and  Sal- 
vador, these  three  powers  agreeing  to  unite  their 
forces  against  Walker.  Costa  Rica  was  invited  to 
cooperate,  and  promptly  did  so.10 


11  The  official  organ  published  the  returns  showing  this  result.  El  Nicara- 
giiense,  July  12,  1856.  Rivas’  minister  in  a circular  exposed  the  whole  as  a 
‘ tejido  de  iinposturas  y supercherias.  ’ Nic.,  Botetin  OJic.,  Aug.  27,  1856. 

12 (S'.  F.  Herald , Aug.  15,  1856;  S.  F.  Alta,  Aug.  15,  1856. 

13  Minister  Salinas’  note  of  Aug.  12th  to  the  secretary  of  state  at  Washing- 
ton. Hie.,  Boletin  OJic.,  Sept.  4,  1856. 

11  The  other  ministers  were  generals  Mateo  Pineda  and  Manuel  Carrascosa. 
El  Nicaragiiense,  July  19,  1856. 

13  This  action  was  said  to  have  been  suggested  to  win  the  sympathies  of 
the  slave-owners  in  the  southern  states  of  the  U.  S.  Perez,  Mem.  Camp.  Nae., 
2d  pt,  79. 

16  The  convention  was  signed  at  Guat.  July  18,  1856.  The  following  is  a 
synopsis  of  the  chief  clauses:  1st.  Previous  treaties  of  alliance  for  defence  of 
their  independence  and  sovereignty  were  confirmed;  2d.  Stipulated  the  union 
of  their  forces  to  expel  the  adventurers;  3d.  Recognized  P.  Rivas  as  the 
head  of  a de  facto  govt  in  Nic.,  promising  aid  and  cooperation;  7th.  Invited 
Costa  R.  to  join  the  others  in  the  enterprise.  Nic.,  Boletin  OJic.,  Aug.  21, 
Sept.  10,  1856;  Guat.,  Becop.  Leg.,  i.  436-9. 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  LEGITIMISTS. 


351 


While  the  events  thus  far  recorded  were  occurring, 
Estracla,  the  legitimist  chief,  entered  Nicaragua,  and 
established  his  government  in  Somotillo,  appointing 
Pedro  Joaquin  Chamorro  his  minister-general,  and 
General  Tomds  Martinez  commander  of  the  army  to 
be  raised.17  On  hearing;  that  Rivas  had  been  recog- 
nized,  it  was  concluded  to  leave  Somotillo,  via  Nueva 
Segovia  to  Matagalpa,  where  Gros  aroused  the  Indians. 
But  on  the  way,  at  Ocotal,  on  the  13th  of  August, 
a party  of  democrats  attached  and  defeated  them. 
Estrada  tried  to  dee,  but  was  overtaken  and  hacked 
to  death.18  The  town  was  plundered,  and  papers  scat- 
tered, after  which  the  assailants  went  away.  After- 
ward an  instrument  was  picked  up  in  which  Nicasio 
del  Castillo  was  named  Estrada’s  successor,  who  at 
once  assumed  the  responsibilities  of  the  position. 
However,  General  Martinez  and  Fernando  Guzman, 
who,  though  respecting  Estrada’s  good  motives,  had 
disapproved  of  his  persistence  in  going  contrary  to  ac- 
complished facts,  after  his  death  held  a consultation 
and  concluded  that  the  best  policy  was  to  cooperate 
with  Rivas’  government,  bearing  in  mind  the  principle 
of  legitimacy,  though  disregarding  means  and  persons. 
Martinez  and. Guzman  went  to  Leon,  and  succeeded 
with  the  assistance  of  the  allied  generals,  and  Gregorio 
Arbizu,  the  commissioner  of  Salvador,  in  making  an 
arrangement  by  which  there  should  be  but  one  gov- 
ernment in  the  republic,  with  certain  legitimists  in  the 
cabinet;11  pursuant  to  which  the  latter  was  organized 

17  Shortly  afterward  they  were  joined  by  Gen.  Fernando  Chamorro,  some 
barefooted  officers  and  soldiers,  and  12  or  14  Frenchmen.  A little  later  came 
the  Hungarian,  Gros,  with  301)  Indians.  The  only  arms  on  hand  were  300 
muskets  with  10  mule-loads  of  ammunition. 

18  Such  was  the  end  of  this  honorable,  enlightened,  and  patriotic  citizen, 
who  had  risen  by  his  virtues,  talents,  and  learning,  from  a lowly  position  to 
the  chief  magistracy  of  his  country.  Perez,  Mem.  Camp.  Mac.,  2d  pt.,  98-100. 

19  The  convention  was  signed  Sept.  12,  1856.  It  contained  among  its 
clauses  that  the  first  legislature  installed  should  convoke  the  constituent  as- 
sembly of  1854,  or  issue  the  bases  for  the  election  of  another;  a gen.  amnesty 
for  past  political  offences;  debts  contracted  or  damages  caused  by  both 
parties  to  be  held  as  indebtedness  of  the  republic.  Id.,  114-17;  Nic.,  Boletin 
Ofic.,  Sept.  20,  1856. 


352  END  OF  FILIBUSTERING  IN  CENTRAL  AMEi.vCA. 


as  stated  below.20  Castillo  accepted  the  arrangement 
and  assumed  the  duties  to  which  he  was  called. 

Tiie  allied  forces,  having  entered  Nicaragua,  occu- 
pied Leon  in  July,  and  in  October  advanced  upon 
Managua,  forcing  Walker,  after  several  encounters 
near  Nindiri  and  Masaya,  to  reconcentrate  in  Grana- 
da.21 Masaya  was  occupied  by  the  allies  October  2d. 
There  was  much  division  among  them,  owing  to  old 
rivalries,  and  the  need  of  an  influential  commander 
was  evident.22  General  Martinez  was  earnestly  re- 
quested to  hasten  his  movements  and  join  the  army. 
He  had  organized  at  Matagalpa  a body  of  troops  that 
subsequently  bore  the  name  of  Ejercito  Setentrional, 
with  which  he  came  on;  but  cholera  having  played 
havoc  among  his  Segovians  at  Tipitapa,  he  had  to  re- 
main in  Nindiri  till  the  scourge  abated,  when  he  joined 
the  allies.23 

Walker’s  forces  consisted  of  about  1,200  effective 
men, mostly  Americans, the  rest  being  English,  French, 
and  Germans.24  The  climate  was  his  worst  enemy. 
A number  of  his  men  succumbed  daily,  victims  of 
cholera  and  fever.25  The  ranks  were  further  depleted 

20  Pedro  Cardenal,  Sebastian  Salinas,  Nicasio  del  Castillo,  and  Francisco 
Baca  were  made  ministers  of  foreign  relations,  government,  war,  and  treasury 
respectively.  Jerez  left  the  cabinet,  preferring  to  serve  in  the  tield. 

21  His  troops  retreated  after  setting  fire  to  the  casa  de  alto,  former  resi- 
dence of  the  chief  magistrates  of  Nic.  The  allied  army  celebrated  in  Mana- 
gua the  victory  of  San  Jacinto,  a hacienda,  north  of  the  plain  of  Oscotal, 
distant  one  day’s  march  from  Granada.  It  was  only  a small  affair  in  reality 
— 1*20  riflemen  under  Byron  Cole  on  one  side,  and  100  natives  under  Col  I). 
Estrada  on  the  other — but  it  was  important  in  its  effects.  Cole  was  captured 
and  killed,  this  being  the  end  of  the  founder  of  filibusterism  in  Nic.  Twenty- 
seven  riflemen  were  slaughtered;  and  the  Nicaraguans  had  55  killed  and 
wounded.  Nic.,  Boletin  Ojic.,  Sept.  20,  185G. 

22 Troubles  between  Salvadorans  and  Nicaraguans  were  common.  The 
former  fraternized  with  the  democratic  Leonese.  The  legitimists  did  the 
same  with  the  Guatemalans,  whose  2d  chief,  Zavala,  by  his  language  and 
actions,  kept  up  a bad  feeling,  not  only  with  the  Salvadorans,  but  with  the 
Nicaraguans.  Perez,  Mem.  Camp.  Nac.,  2d  pt,  pref.  ii.  anti  108. 

23  Meantime  several  fights  had  taken  place  between  the  allied  forces  and 
Walker’s. 

-‘  He  had  also  a small  and  inefficient  Cuban  company,  and  very  few,  if 
any,  Cent.  Americans,  aside  from  his  ministers  Pineda  and  Carrascosa. 

It  has  been  calculated  that  from  first  to  last  he  lost  from  5,000  to  6,000 
men  by  sickness.  Several  of  his  chief  officers  having  died  at  about  the  same 
time,  it  was  imputed  to  the  natives  selling  poisoned  edibles.  A letter  of  Feb. 


THE  BELLIGERENTS  IN  ACTION. 


353 


by  desertions.26  This  was  one  of  the  chief  reasons 
why  Yfalker  abandoned  Managua  and  Masaya  to  con- 
centrate in  Granada,  keeping,  however,  the  transit  line 
from  San  Juan  del  Sur  to  La  Yirgen.  The  filibuster 
chief  now  took  advantage  of  the  division  of  the  allied 
forces- -Belloso  and  Jerez  in  Masaya,  Zavala  and  Es- 
trada in  Diriomo — and  on  the  11th  of  October  made 
a dash  with  800  men  on  Masaya,  which  had  a garri- 
son of  1,000.  He  entered  the  place  at  eight  o’clock 
and  took  positions  in  Monimbd,  south  of  the  town. 
Early  on  the  12th  he  advanced  as  far  as  the  blocks 
contiguous  to  the  plaza,  which  he  would  undoubtedly 
have  taken  but  for  Zavala’s  attack  on  Granada.27  On 
hearing  of  Walker’s  movement,  Zavala  started  to  the 
relief  of  Masaya.  At  Dirid  he  was  informed  that 
Walker  wTas  routed  and  in  full  retreat  to  Granada. 
He  then  charged  his  course,  and  turned  up  at  the 
burying-ground  of  Granada  with  the  view  of  getting 
the  start  of  the  enemy;  but  as  the  latter  did  not 
come,  and  he  had  positive  information  of  the  place 
being  weak,  he  resolved  to  occupy  it  at  once,  though  a 
heavy  rain  somewhat  retarded  the  movement.  He 
might  have  taken  the  town  by  surprise  either  from 


16,  1857,  lias  it  that  Walker  received  4,600  recruits  since  June  1855.  The 
author  sets  down  his  deserters  at  500,  and  his  dead  at  no  less  than  3,600, 
there  being  from  1,500  to  2,000  buried  in  Granada.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald, 
Feb.  17,  1S57;  Hayes'  Scraps,  Angeles,  ii.  255.  However,  an  official  report  of 
P.  R.  Thompson,  Walker’s  adj.-gen.,  dated  Feb.  24,  1857,  has  the  following 
figures,  which  do  not  seem  to  express  the  whole  truth,  as  it  might  have  been 
injudicious  to  have  the  real  facts  made  known.  Original  number  of  men 
enlisted  2,288,  of  whom  61  were  officers.  Totals  of  death,  685,  of  whom  109 
were  officers;  37  resigned;  206  discharged;  9 dropped;  293  deserted,  including 
9 officers;  leaving  a total  of  733  officers  and  men,  with  141  unaccounted  for. 
Stout’s  Kic.,  209. 

26  Four  young  Nicaraguans,  accused  in  Masaya  of  enticing  men  to  desert, 
were  arrested  July  30th,  and  shot  in  a few  hours  as  traitors  to  the  republic! 
El Nicaraguen.se,  Aug.  3,  1856.  Turley  and  25  others  escaped  from  Granada, 
and  attempted  to  reach  Blcwfields  by  way  of  Chontales,  where  the  natives,  not 
believing  them  deserters  from  Walker,  killed  all  but  one  or  two  who  escaped. 
Perez,  Mem.  Camp.  Nac.,  2d  pt,  129;  S.  F.  Alta,  Oct.  20,  1856. 

21  Jerez  distinguished  himself  in  the  defence,  and  the  gen. -in-cliief  of  the 
allies,  Ramon  Belloso,  claimed  a victory  in  his  official  report  of  Oct.  13th, 
adding  that  Walker  ‘liuyo  despavoridamente  a la  oscuridad  de  la  noche,’ 
leaving  about  50  killed,  and  carrying  off  200  wounded.  Hie.,  Boletin  Ofic., 
Oct.  17,  Nov.  7,  1856.  On  the  other  side,  the  victory  was  claimed  for 
Walker.  S.  F.  Alta,  Oct.  31,  1856;  S.  F.  Herald,  Oct.  31.  1856. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  23 


354  END  OF  FILIBUSTERING  IN  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 


the  north  to  south,  but  went  round  by  Jalteva.23  The 
allied  force  had  not  till  then  been  detected  from  the 
city.  But  on  the  officer  of  the  day  descrying  groups, 
he  went  to  ascertain  if  they  where  Walker’s  men,  and 
immediately  giving  the  alarm,  preparations  were  made 
to  meet  the  expected  assault.  Nevertheless,  the  allies 
at  two  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  occupied  the  buildings 
on  the  plaza,  excepting  the  church,  where  the  foreign 
sick  were  intrenched.  Zavala  took  Walker’s  house, 
and  finding1  there  a flag,  rushed  out  waving  it,  until  a 
bullet  struck  the  flag/  and  another  his  surtout,  when 
he  realized  his  danger.  Both  the  Guatemalans  and 
legitimists  gave  themselves  up  to  excesses.29  The 
night  of  the  12th  came  on,  and  the  church  had  not 
been  taken.  Hearing  the  cannonading  or  receiving  a 
report,  early  that  morning  Walker  hurried  back,  it 
being  preferable  to  save  Granada  than  to  take  Masaya. 
In  the  morning  of  the  13th,  Zavala  learned  that  the 
enemy  was  rapidly  approaching,  and  vainly  tried  to 
check  them  at  Jalteva.  Zavala  and  Estrada  fled  in 
the  direction  of  Diriomo,  leaving  a considerable  num- 
ber of  drunken  men  in  the  streets,  who  were  butch- 
ered. Several  Guatemalans  fell  prisoners.30  Zavala’s 
assault  of  the  place  where  Walker  had  his  base  of 
supplies  was  a failure,  but  it  saved  the  allied  army.31 

A Costa  Bican  division  under  General  Jose  M. 
Cafias  started  for  Nicaragua,  November  2d,  and  not- 
withstanding the  enemy’s  efforts  to  hinder  it,  occupied 
San  Juan  del  Sur  and  the  road  to  La  ATrgen,  thus 
cutting  off  Walker’s  communication  with  either  point. 
It  concentrated  at  Rivas  on  the  13th,  and  was  joined 


28  To  look  after  the  arms  which  had  become  wet.  So  says  Perez,  adding 
that  Zavala,  ‘a  mas  de  carecer  de  jnicio,  no  conocia  cl  terreno,’  and  Estrada 
went  entirely  by  his  directions.  Mem.  Camp.  Mac.,  2d  pt,  131. 

29  They  became  intoxicated,  and  scattered  in  the  streets  after  plunder. 
They  discovered  an  American  merchant,  friendly  to  the  filibusters,  and  killed 
him  forthwith. 

30  On  Zavala  and  Estrada  arriving  at  Diriomo,  a young  Cuban  named  F. 
A.  Laine,  who  had  been  sent  by  Goicouria  to  complete  with  Walker  an 
arrangement  to  liberate  Cuba,  was  brought  to  them  as  a prisoner.  He  was 
ordered  shot. 

31 S.  F.  Alta,  Nov.  21,  1856;  Hayes'  Scraps,  Angeles,  ii.  206-7,  222,  232. 


VERY  FAIR  FIGHTING. 


355 


by  Jerez  with  300  Nicaraguans.  It  was  now  in  com- 
munication with  the  main  combined  army,  which  was 
preparing  to  assail  Granada.  Belloso  received  infor- 
mation from  a friend  in  that  city  that  Walker  was  on 
the  point  of  making  another  dash  on  Masaya  with  GOO 
men.  The  allied  army,  in  the  city  and  vicinity,  was 
now  of  about  3,600  men,32  and  leaving  out  wounded, 
sick,  and  servants,  the  effective  force  must  have  been 
no  less  than  3,000.  The  filibusters  came  on  the  15th 
under  Bruno  Von  Naztmer,  a German,  and  were  met 
outside  by  Nicaraguans  and  GOO  Guatemalans  at  three 
o’clock  in  the  afternoon.  The  enemy  opened  fire,  and 
the  Guatemalans  fled  panic-stricken.  However,  the 
first  charge  of  the  filibusters  was  checked,  and  they 
now  assumed  the  defensive.  The  Guatemalans  re- 
turned to  the  charge,  and  heavy  fighting  followed, 
which  lasted  till  night.  The  next  morning  Walker 
took  command,  Naztmer  being  wounded,  and  pushed 
his  operations  into  the  town,  where  the  allies  had  con- 
centrated in  the  night,  burning  a number  of  buildings ; 
but  he  soon  convinced  himself  of  the  impossibility  of 
accomplishing  his  purpose,  and  retreated  to  Granada 
in  the  night  of  the  18th.33  At  a council  of  war,  it  was 
resolved  to  evacuate  the  city,  after  setting  fire  to  the 
buildings,  leaving  a garrison  to  keep  the  enemy  in 
check.  This  work  of  destruction  was  intrusted  to 
Henningsen,  who  at  once  ordered  the  citizens  to  leave 
the  place  within  a few  hours  before  it  was  consigned 
to  the  flames.  And  all  the  time  the  authors  of  this 
vandalism  were  calling  the  Central  American  de- 
fenders of  life,  home,  and  liberty  savages  and  greasers, 

32  Salvadorans,  1,300;  Guatemalans,  1,500  or  more;  Nicaraguans  under  Mar- 
tinez, no  less  than  800.  Perez,  Mem.  Camp.  Mac.,  2d  pt,  134. 

33  The  allies  discovered  his  flight  early  on  the  19th.  Several  of  his  men 
were  found  asleep,  and  butchered.  The  allied  commanders  showed  lack  of 
generalship.  Perez,  Mem.  Camp.  Mac.,  2d  pt,  135-9.  About  this  time  the 
Cent.  Americans  experienced  a serious  blow  hi  the  loss  of  the  Costa  Rican 
schooner  Once  de  Abril.,  which  had  on  board  110  men,  money,  and  a large 
supply  of  arms,  ammunition,  etc.  After  a heavy  gale,  she  encountered  the 
San  Josi,  alias  Granada,  and  after  two  hours’ fighting,  caught  fire  arid  was 
destroyed.  Most  of  the  wrecked  men  were  picked  up  by  the  San  Josi.  S.  F. 
Alla,  Dec.  20,  1856;  S.  F.  Herald,  Dec.  20,  1856;  Sac.  Union,  Dec.  23,  1856. 


356  END  OF  FILIBUSTERING  IN  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 

and  themselves  lovers  of  freedom  and  disseminators  of 
civilization ! 34 

In  the  early  morning  of  the  24th  the  allied  forces 
marched  out  of  Masaya  by  the  Carretas  road;  at  2 
o’clock  in  the  afternoon  they  were  defiling  on  the  low 
hills  of  the  Otra  bancla,  from  which  they  could  see  the 
bonfire,  made  by  the  self-styled  regenerators  of  Latin 
America,  consuming  seven  churches  and  the  public 
building's,  together  with  the  dwellings  of  the  citizens 
of  Granada.  The  same  day  the  allies  had  skirmishes 
with  the  enemy,  and  >vere  defeated.35  Martinez  with 
his  men  from  the  north  next  day  operated  against  the 
San  Francisco  building,  and  the  filibusters  in  fear  of' 
being  cut  off  abandoned  it,  and  concentrated  in  the 
plaza.  The  night  of  the  25th  was  a very  rainy  one. 
The  2Gth  the  filibusters,  being  hard  pressed  in  the 
plaza  and  Guadalupe  street,  kept  up  a constant 
cannonade  to  keep  open  the  way  to  the  lake.  On  the 
27tli  the  filibusters  had  been  driven  from  the  plaza 
and  reduced  to  Guadalupe  street  between  La  Sirena, 
a high  house  on  the  east  of  the  parish  church,  and  the 
ruins  of  the  church.  The  Guatemalans  pressed  them 
from  the  south;  the  Nicaraguans  from  the  north.36 
Henningsen’s  force  was  on  the  1st  of  December  only 
150  men,  out  of  300  that  lie  had  retained  to  hold  the 
position  of  Granada  with,  and  being  invited  by  Za- 
vala to  surrender,  proudly  refused.37 

34  Henningsen  had  been,  it  was  said,  an  officer  of  the  Brit,  army,  an  aide 
of  the  Carlist  chief  Zumalacarregui,  in  Spain,  and  a good  democratic  writer. 
His  report  was  as  follows:  He  had  assumed  command  in  the  afternoon  of 
Nov.  22,  1856,  and  had  carried  out  Walker’s  orders  to  destroy  Granada,  and 
leave  the  place,  taking  away  the  stores,  artillery,  sick,  and  the  American  and 
native  families.  Some  of  the  church  jewelry  was  saved  by  a priest.  Gen.  D. 
Sousa  saw  a filibuster  urinate  into  a chalice,  and  then  throw  the  contents  at 
some  women  who  were  also  witnesses  of  the  act.  Perez,  Mem.  Camp.  Nac., 

2 1 pt,  p.  ii.  150-1,  161-3;  Nic. , Gaceta,  May  2,  1868;  Id.,  TeUg.  Seten.,  March 
7,  28,  1857;  Id.,  Eoletin  OJic.,  Apr.  15,  22,  1857;  S.  F.  Alta,  Dec.  20,  1856; 
Belly,  Le  Fie.,  i.  285-6;  Sguier's  Cent.  Am.,  372. 

3j  At  6:30  they  had  upwards  of  40  wounded,  and  no  surgeons  to  attend  to 
them.  During  the  night  it  rained  heavily. 

36  During  the  operations,  the  Guatemalan  generals  Paredes,  ex-president, 
and  Joaquin  Solares  died,  the  latter  of  fever  on  the  28th  of  November,  and 
the  former  of  cholera  on  the  2d  of  December. 

37  Several  deserters  from  his  camp  in  the  plantain  grove  of  Dona  Sabina 
had  made  their  appearance  among  the  allies,  so  completely  famished  that  they 
could  hardly  speak. 


WALKER  WORSTED 


357 


Walker  had  occupied  San  Jorge,  distant  three  miies 
from  Rivas,  where  Cahas  and  Jerez  were  intrenched, 
leaving  his  sick  and  wounded  with  a small  guard  on 
the  island  of  Ometepec,33  where  he  thought  they 
would  be  safe ; but  a party  of  Indians  with  their  priest 
Tijerino  captured  them  on  the  1st  of  December,  and 
destroyed  everything  on  the  island  that  could  be  of 
use  to  the  enemy.  Walker  did  not  lose  sight  of  his 
lieutenant  Henningsen,  to  whom  he  finally  sent  relief 
on  the  steamboat  Virgen , with  which  Henningsen 
captured  the  small  fort  that  had  so  harassed  him, 
and  then,  December  13th,  left  on  the  boat,  taking  with 
him  the  115  emaciated  men  that  remained  of  his 
original  force.  The  site  of  Granada  was  now  fully  in 
possession  of  the  allies,39  who  discovered  in  the  woods 
a number  of  wounded  filibusters,  and  treated  them 
humanely,  excepting  one  whom  they  put  to  death. 

December  11th  had  been  a day  of  joy  in  the  allied 
camp,  owing  to  the  arrival  of  General  Florencio 
Xatrucli  with  the  first  contingent  of  Honduran 
troops;40  but  they  were  cut  up  in  the  attack  of  the 
13th  by  Henningsen.  This  officer’s  success  in  extri- 
cating himself  with  so  much  loss  to  his  opponents 
caused  a panic  among  the  allied  leaders,  and  the 
breaking  out  anew  of  dissension.  Belloso  and  his 
Salvadorans  went  back  to  Masaya,  reporting  the  dis- 
comfiture of  the  army.  Whether  out  of  spite,  or 
from  ignorance  of  the  state  of  affairs,  the  general 
ordered  Cahas  to  refxirn  to  Costa  Rica,  and  Jerez  to 
retreat  to  Masaya.  The  latter,  as  a subordinate,  had 
to  obey;  but  Cahas,  having  come  to  fight  the  filibus- 
ters, would  not  go  back,  and  accompanied  Jerez  to 

38  In  the  southern  part  of  Lake  Nicaragua,  eight  or  nine  miles  from  the 
coast  of  Rivas.  A large  and  productive  island  having  two  towns  distant  1 2 
miles  from  one  another. 

38  Oct.  13,  1855,  Walker  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Granada.  Dec.  13,  1850, 
he  left  these  shores  never  to  see  them  again.  In  the  small  fort,  known  as  El 
Fuertecito,  his  men  left  a pole  with  an  inscription  as  a record  that  Granada 
had  existed  there. 

40  Xatruch  was  not  credited  with  much  ability;  but  he  was  patriotic  and 
brave,  and  to  his  exertions  was  measurably  due  the  cooperation  of  Hond.  for 
the  campaign. 


35S  EXI)  OF  FILIBUSTERING  IN  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 


Masaya.  Thus  was  Rivas  evacuated  by  the  allies, 
and  reoccupied  by  Walker  without  firing  a shot. 

The  lake  steamers  were  of  great  advantage  to 
Walker  for  the  quick  transportation  of  men  and  sup- 
plies, and  on  the  other  hand,  made  it  necessary  that 
the  allied  chiefs  should  have  strong  garrisons  in 
Granada  and  Masaya,  preventing  a movement  on  La 
Virgen  and  Rivas.  The  president  of  Costa  Rica 
determined  to  deprive  Walker  of  those  facilities.  To 
this  end  he  despatched  his  brother,  General  Jose 
Joaquin  Mora,  with  troops  to  the  confluence  of  the 
San  Carlos  and  San  Juan  rivers,  who  reached  it  on 
the  19th  of  December,  and  then  going  down  in  ca- 
noes  to  San  Juan  del  Xorte,  without  encountering 
much  resistance,  captured  on  the  24th  four  steamers.41 
They  then  went  up  the  San  Juan  with  the  steamers, 
two  of  which  were  left  at  the  junction  with  the  Sara- 
piqui,  and  on  the  28th  took  the  Castillo  Viejo  with 
the  steamboat  Virgen,  laden  with  artillery,  rifles,  and 
ammunition.  They  next  possessed  themselves  of  Fort 
San  Cdrlos,  and  soon  after  of  the  steamboat  of  the 
same  name,  which  had  incautiously  approached  the 
fort.  All  this  being  accomplished,  Mora  was  placed 
in  communication  with  the  allied  forces  of  Granada, 
and  left  W alker  without  means  of  transportation  by 
water,  or  to  communicate  with  the  northern  sea-coast. 
ITad  the  allies  acted  with  reasonable  promptness,  both 
on  land  and  water,  Walker’s  end  would  have  been  a 
matter  of  only  a few  days.  But  it  was  retarded  by 
their  lack  of  union  and  generalship.42  His  situation 

41  This  expedition  was  promoted  by  Cornelius  Vanderbilt,  president  of 
the  Accessory  Transit  Co.,  through  his  agent  Webster,  as  appeared  in  a letter 
from  the  commander  of  the  Brit,  naval  force  to  the  American  consul.  It 
was  carried  out,  with  the  assistance  of  Spencer,  an  Am.  engineer,  who  had 
been  in  the  service  of  the  company  and  was  a pilot  on  the  San  Juan.  The 
steamers  thus  taken  were  the  Wheeler,  Morgan,  Machuca,  and  Bulicer.  Perez, 
Mem.  Camp.  Mac.,  2d  pt,  176-9;  Mir. , TeUg.  Seten.,  Feb.  28,  1857;  Axtabu- 
ruaga,  Cent.  Am.,  100-1;  S.  F.  Herald,  Jan.  31,  1857;  S.  F.  Alla,  Jan.  31, 
1357.  Official  reports  and  Mora’s  proclamation  in  Nic.,  Boletin  OJic.,  Jan.  9, 
1 3,  1S57. 

This  is  recognized  with  shame  in  the  Teltg.  Seten.,  June  6,  1S57.  Mean- 
time Mora  had,  on  the  10th  of  Dec.,  tendered  Walker’s  officers  and  soldiers 
a free  passage  to  San  Juan  del  Norte  and  New  York;  and  the  govt  at  Leon 


THE  INVADERS  BESIEGED. 


359 


was  now  critical.  Desertions,  which  were  frequent, 
sickness,  and  scarcity  of  food,  daily  decreased  his 
force.  For  all  that,  he  resisted  in  Rivas  several 
assaults  from  both  the  land  and  lake  till  the  23d  of 
February,  and  struck  some  heavy  blows  to  the  be- 
siegers in  San  Jorge.43 

The  allied  leaders  had,  after  a council  of  war  on 
the  23d  of  January,  at  Nandaime,  appointed  a general- 
in-chief,  and  heads  of  the  several  departments.  The 
chief  command  was  conferred  on  Florencio  Xatrueh.44 
His  tenure  lasted  but  a few  days,  Jose  Joaquin  Mora 
being  finally  selected  by  the  governments  commander- 
in-chief,  when  he  was  recognized  as  such  in  general 
orders  of  February  19th  and  20th. 4u 

The  allies  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  ad- 
visable to  closely  besiege  the  enemy  rather  than  to 
attempt  further  assaults.  Xatrueh  occupied  and  held, 
March  26tli,  the  barrio  de  la  Puebla,  south  of  the  city, 
which  was  the  only  means  of  free  ingress  and  egress 
for  the  filibusters.  Thus  was  Walker  penned.  But  his 

friends  abroad  had  not  foro-otten  him.  Three  Ameri- 

© 

cans,  Lockridge,  Anderson,  and  Wheat,  brought  500 
men  to  San  Juan  del  Norte  in  March,  and  undertook 
to  ascend  the  river.  Lockridge  occupied  La  Trinidad, 
but  Titus  was  repulsed  at  the  fort.  They  then  con- 
cluded to  invade  Costa  Rica,  as  was  then  supposed, 
for  they  essayed  to  go  up  the  Sarapiquf;  but  soon 
after  entering  the  river  their  steamer  blew  up,  and 
the  expedition  came  to  naught.46 

had,  oa  the  22d,  annulled  the  acts  of  the  administration  from  Nov.  4,  1855, 
to  June  12,  1856,  with  a few  exceptions.  A decree  to  close  the  transit  be- 
tween the  two  oceans  was  also  issued.  A te.,  Boletin  OJic.,  Dec.  29,  1856;  Jan. 
9,  23,  1857. 

43  Two  assaults  in  force,  one  by  Henningsen  with  600  men,  and  another  by 
Walker  himself  with  450,  failed.  Another  was  made  on  the  Castillo  Viejo, 
defended  by  Cauty,  met  with  the  same  result,  though  the  assailants  took  the 
steamboat  Scott,  and  Cauty  had  to  destroy  the  Machucci.  Mora’s  rept,  Feb. 
24,  1857,  in  Perez,  Mem.  Camp.  Mac.,  2d  pt,  184-94. 

44  This  selection  was  unfavorably  received  by  the  government,  and  was 
accorded  but  a temporary  recognition  till  the  allied  governments  should  press 
their  wishes.  Id.,  182-4;  Nic.,  Boletin  OJic.,  Feb.  18,  1857. 

45 The  following  appointments  were  also  made:  Canas,  2d  in  command; 
Zavala,  adj.  -gen. ; Xatrueh,  inspector-gen. ; Chamorro,  quartermaster-gen. 

46  The  casualties  were  CO  killed  and  130  wounded.  The  survivors  returned 


360  END  OF  FILIBUSTERING  IN  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 


The  besieged,  on  hearing  of  the  arrival,  April  3d, 
with  reenforcements,  of  General  Martinez,  whose  prow- 
ess they  had  learned  to  respect,  became  alarmed,  and 
the  next  day  eighty  deserters  entered  the  allied  lines. 
An  assault  in  force  was  made  April  11th,  which  failed. 
Walker’s  casualties  were  quite  small,  while  those  of  the 
assailants  were  heavy.4.  The  latter  secured  possession 
of  San  Juan  del  Sur,  in  order  that  Walker  should  re- 
ceive no  further  aid  from  that  quarter.  It  was  now 
evident  that  the  filibusters  could  not  hold  out  much 
longer.  The  original  force  of  1,000,  though  more  or 
less  augmented  with  the  arrival  of  every  steamer,  had 
become  reduced  to  about  one  half  that  number.  The 
garrison  had  an  abundance  of  plantains,  but  no  meat 
other  than  that  of  asses,  mules,  and  horses. 

An  officer  of  the  United  States  corvette  Saint 
Mary's,  which  had  been  some  time  lying  at  San 
Juan,  came  on  the  24th  to  Mora’s  headquarters  to 
solicit  in  the  name  of  Commander  Charles  H.  Davis 
a truce  of  six  hours,  which  was  granted,  for  the  re- 
moval from  Rivas  of  the  women,  children,  and  other 
non-combatants.  Walker,  becoming  apprised  by  that 
officer  of  the  failure  of  Lockridge’s  attempt  to  succor 
him,  signified  a willingness  to  capitulate,  not  to  the 
general-in-chief  of  the  besieging  forces,  as  was  nat- 
ural, but  to  commander  Davis.  To  this  Mora  as- 
sented, in  order  to  bring  the  war  to  an  end  at  once, 
and  save  himself  from  certain  complications  he  appre- 
hended.48 The  capitulation  being  signed  and  carried 

to  Punta  da  Castilla,  refusing  to  go  on.  Lockridge  accused  them  of  cowardice, 
and  took  away  their  arms.  But  the  men  claimed  the  protection  of  the  Brit- 
ish naval  commander.  Cauty  went  down  in  a steamer  to  the  bay  April  12th, 
and  after  conferring  with  the  Brit,  officer,  occupied  Punta  de  Castilla,  secur- 
ing the  war  material.  He  then  tendered  the  men  a passage  to  the  U.  S.  at 
the  expense  of  Costa  R.  This  was  the  end  of  the  famous  Lockridge  expedi- 
tion. Perez,  Mem.  Camp.  Mac.,  2d  pt;  Mic.,  Teleg.  Seten.,  April  11,  1857; 
S.  F.  Herald,  April  21,  May  16,  1857;  S.  F.  Bulletin,  April  21,  1857;  S.  F. 
Alta,  May  16,  1857;  Pan.  El  Centinela,  April  22,  1857;  Nic.,  Boldin  Ofic., 
April  29,  1857. 

4!  Upwards  of  300  killed,  wounded,  and  missing. 

48  He  did  so,  even  though  he  agreed  with  Xatruch,  Martinez,  and  Cha- 
morro that  the  capitulation  should  not  be  accepted  unless  Walker  pledged 
himself  not  to  commit  hostilities  in  future  against  any  of  the  allied  states. 
He  also  wished  to  be  away  before  the  arrival,  then  expected,  of  Gen.  Barrios 


CAPITULATION  OF  WALKER. 


301 


out,  Walker  and  sixteen  officers,  after  bidding  adieu 
to  the  army  on  the  1st  of  May,  departed  under  the 
escort  of  Zavala,  for  San  Juan  del  Sur,  where  they 
embarked  on  the  Saint  Mary's M Davis  then  deliv- 


Walker’s  men,  about  400  in  number,  were  trans- 
ported to  the  United  States.50 

The  war  being  ended,  the  allied  troops  retired  to 
their  respective  states.  But  prior  to  their  departure 
there  was  an  affair  which  might  have  ended  in  a san- 
guinary conflict  had  it  not  been  for  the  prudent  course 
pursued  by  most  of  the  generals.  The  trouble  arose 
from  the  hot-headedness  of  Zavala,  the  commander 
of  the  Guatemalans,  who  had  been  led  to  believe,  by 

with  large  reenforcements  of  Guatemalans  and  Salvadorans,  who  would 
doubtless  claim  the  glory  of  ending  the  war.  Perez,  Mem.  Camp.  Mac.,  2d  pt, 
209. 

49  The  terms  agreed  upon  between  Walker  and  Davis  were:  1st.  Walker  and 
the  16  officers  of  his  staff  were  to  leave  Rivas  with  side-arms,  pistols,  horses,  and 
other  personal  effects,  under  Davis’  guaranty  that  they  should  not  be  molested 
by  the  enemy,  but  allowed  to  embark  on  the  Saint  Mary's  at  San  Juan  del 
Sur,  whence  she  should  convey  them  to  Panama;  2d.  The  other  officers  of 
Walker’s  army  would  leave  Rivas,  with  their  arms,  under  the  same  guaranty, 
and  be  sent  by  Davis  to  Panama  in  charge  of  an  officer  of  the  U.  S. ; 3d.  The 
rank  and  file,  citizens  and  officials,  both  the  wounded  and  well,  were  to  sur- 
render their  arms  to  Davis  on  a vessel  apart  from  the  deserters,  so  that  there 
should  bo  no  contact  between  the  former  and  the  latter;  4th.  Davis  pledged 
himself  to  obtain  for  Central  Americans  then  in  Rivas  permission  to  remain 
in  their  country  with  protection  of  life,  liberty,  and  property;  5th.  The  officers 
should  be  allowed  to  remain  at  San  Juan  del  Sur,  under  the  protection  of  the 
U.  S.  consul,  until  an  opportunity  offered  to  leave  for  Panama  or  San  Fran- 
cisco. The  instrument  bears  also  the  signatures  of  C.  F.  Henningsen,  P. 
Waters,  J.  W.  Taylor,  and  P.  R.  Thompson.  Id.,  216-12;  Nic. , Boletin  Ofic., 
May  6,  17,  2S,  1857;  Id. , Telig.  Seten.,  May  9,  16,  23,  1857;  Sac.  Union,  June 
16-18,  1857;  S.  F.  Alta,  June  17,  18,  July  1,  2,  1857;  S.  F.  Herald,  June  16, 
1857;  Belly,  Le  Nic.,  i.  287;  Pineda  de  Mont,  Notas,  in  Guat.,  Becop.  Ley.,  ii. 
350,  745-6;  Democ.  Rev.,  July  1857,  117-23;  A staburuaga.  Cent.  Am.,  102-3. 
Francisco  S.  Astaburuaga,  Republican  de  Centro- America,  6 Idea  de  su  I Us  for  hi 
y de  su  Estado  actual.  Santiago  (Chile),  1857,  8vo,  map,  dedic.,  and  116  pp. 
The  author  of  this  work  held  a diplomatic  mission  from  Chile  to  Costa  Rica, 
and  being  desirous  of  furnishing  his  countrymen  some  information  on  Central 
America,  prepared  his  material,  originally  for  the  Revista  de  Ciencias  y Lctras 
of  Santiago;  succinctly  giving  the  physical  peculiarities,  agriculture,  com- 
merce, an  i other  resources  of  the  country,  together  with  a sufficiently  instruct- 
ive sketch  of  the  history  of  Central  America  in  general,  as  well  as  of  each 
state  comprised  in  that  term,  in  readable  form.  At  the  end  is  added  his 
official  correspondence  with  the  several  governments  of  Central  America  on 
the  projected  union  of  the  Spanish  American  republics. 

59  The  official  correspondence  between  Mora  and  the  govt  of  Nic.  shows 
the  high  appreciation  given  by  the  latter  to  the  service  rendered  by  Davis. 
Nic.,  Boletin  OJic.,  May  6,  1857. 


362  END  OF  FILIBUSTERING  IN  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 

an  evil  counsellor,  that  the  government  would  not 
return  him  some  arms  he  had  lent,  nor  furnish  him 
transportation,  nor  even  pay  him  the  honors  due  his 
rank.  All  this  was  unfounded,  hut  he  maltreated  the 
officer  of  the  guard  at  the  government  house,  and 
grossly  insulted  the  president,  his  ministers,  and 
others,  threatening  to  hang  them  on  the  church  of 
La  Merced.  His  conduct  was  violent  and  scandal- 
ous.51 Maximo  Jerez  and  hundreds  of  soldiers  rushed 
to  the  government's  defence,  and  there  would  have 
been  bloodshed  but  for  Barrios  of  Salvador,  who  had 
command  of  1,800  men,  and  prevailed  on  Zavala  to 
go  back  to  Chinandega,  whence  he  marched  to  Guate- 
mala, where  he  was  received  with  the  honors  he  had 
fairly  won. 

Mora  returned  to  Costa  Rica,  leaving  the  command 
in  charge  of  Caiias.  It  is  said  that  he  had  planned 
to  extend  the  boundaries  of  Costa  Rica  to  the  lake, 
which  he  deemed  an  easy  undertaking,  as  the  Costa 
Ricans  had  the  lake  steamers,  and  the  Nicaraguans 
would  be  sure  to  break  out  into  civil  war.  2 War  was 
declared  by  Costa  Rica  against  Nicaragua  on  the  19th 
of  October,  1857,  and  accepted  by  the  latter  in  de- 
fence of  her  territory.53  But  upon  a second  invasion 
by  Walker,  peace  was  concluded  on  the  lGth  of  Jan- 
uary, 185  8. 54 

Walker  arrived  safely  in  his  own  country.  But  he 

51 A full  account  of  the  affair  was  published  in  the  government’s  organ. 
Nic.,  Boktin  Ojic.,  May  2S,  1857. 

62  He  had  furnished  war  material  to  both  parties,  and  tendered  Costa 
Rica’s  aid  to  Martinez.  His  own  words  at  embarking  expressed  the  Machia- 
vellian plot:  ‘Esta  repdblica  estara  pronto  en  guerra;  dejo  las  navajas 
amarradas  a los  gallos.’  Caiias  disapproved  in  toto  of  those  plans.  Perez, 
Mem.  Camp.  Mac.,  2d  pt,  212-13. 

53 Pres.  Martinez  of  Nic.  pronounced  it  a ‘guerra  injusta  y traidora.’ 
Nic.,  Discurso. . . . Inagur.,  1. 

51  Full  particulars  on  this  war  and  the  terms  of  peace,  in  Costa  R.,  In - 
forme  Rcl.,  1858,  2-3;  Id.,  Expos.  Mot.  del  Cambio,  38-7;  Nic. , Dec.  y Amer- 
a’os,  1857-8,  10-12,  30-1,  135-6;  Nic. , Manif.  Dies.  Inaug.,  no.  5,  3;  Rocha, 
Cod.  Nic.,  i.  92;  Ayon,  Consid.  Llmites,  30-2.  Perez,  while  reverting  to 
Costa  Rica’s  plan  to  rob  Nic.  of  the  River  San  Juan,  and  a portion  of  the 
lake,  mentions  what  Nic.  had  to  suffer  from  the  allied  forces  during  the  war. 

‘ Cuantas  exigencias,  cuantos  insultos,  cuantas  cosas  teniamos  que  sufrir. 
The  allies  appropriated  as  booty  Nicaraguan  movable  property  that  was  taken 
from  the  filibusters.  Mem.  Camp.  Nac.,  2d  pt  Carta  (Pref.),  p.  ii. 


SECOND  AND  THIRD  EXPEDITIONS. 


303 


was  not  yet  satisfied  with  the  misery  and  desolation 
lie  had  wrought  upon  a foreign  and  unoffending  people. 
He  must  play  the  vampire  further;  he  must  conquer 
Nicaragua  and  be  a great  man.  Taking  advantage  of 
the  rupture  between  this  republic  and  Costa  Rica,  he 
prepared  another  expedition,  with  which,  eluding  the 
vigilance  of  the  United  States  authorities,  he  sailed 
from  New  Orleans  for  San  Juan  del  Norte.  He  was 
arrested,  however,  at  Punta  de  Castilla,  December 
8th,  and  sent  back  by  Commodore  Paulding,  com- 
manding the  American  home  squadron.55  This  offi- 
cer’s course  obtained  the  highest  commendation  and 
gratitude  in  Central  America,  and  particularly  in 
Costa  Rica  and  Nicaragua,  the  latter  conferring  upon 
him  high  honors.  Loyal  men  who  took  up  arms  in 
the  country’s  defence  were  also  rewarded.56  But  like 
a wild  beast  maddened  by  its  wounds,  Walker  was 
still  bent  on  blood,  if  blood  were  necessary  to  subju- 
gate Central  America  to  his  will.  He  fitted  out  a 
third  expedition,  and  landing  with  its  avant  guard 
at  Trujillo  on  the  6tli  of  August,  1860,  seized  the 
funds  of  the  custom-house,  which  were  pledged  to  the 
British  government  for  the  payment  of  Honduras’  in- 
debtedness to  its  subjects.67  The  British  war  vessel 
Icarus  entered  the  port  on  the  20th,  and  her  com- 
manding officer,  Norwell  Salmon,  demanded  that 
Walker  should  forthwith  leave  the  place,  which  ho 
did,  fleeing  to  the  eastern  coast,  where  he  and  his 

55  The  official  documents  connected  with  the  affair  clearly  prove  that  the 
U.  S.  govtwa3  desirous  of  maintaining  an  honorable  position  before  the  world. 
U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  Cong.  35,  Sess.  1,  vol.  vii.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  no.  24,  1-82.,  no. 
23,  1;  Id.,  Id.,  H.  Jour.,  1G5-73,  1302,  1368;  Id.,  Cong.  35,  Sess.  1,  vol.  i.,  Sen. 
Ex.  Doc.,  no.  13;  Id.,  Id.,  vol.  xiii.,  Sen.  Doc.,  no.  63;  Id.,  Cong.  35,  Sess. 
2,  vol.  vii.,  no.  10;  Cony.  Globe,  1857-8,  185S-9.  Index  ‘Cent.  Am.,’  ‘Pauld- 
i lg,  ’ ‘Walker,’  ‘Neutrality  Laws,’  ‘ Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty,’  etc.;  Stout's 
Nic.,  211-21;  Belly,  Le  Hie. , i.  294-7;  S.  F.  Bulletin,  Dec.  29,  1857;  S.  F. 
Alta,  Jan.  14,  1858;  Sac.  Union,  Feb.  3,  1858. 

56  To  Pauiding  were  voted  thanks,  a sword  of  honor,  and  20  caballerias 
of  land.  Nic.,  Boletin  OJic.,  Aug.  2,  1862;  Id.,  Leyes  Emit.,  I860,  3-5;  Bochi , 
C6d.  Nic.,  i.  217-20;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xv.  3;  Id.,  Informe  Bel.,  1858,  1-2. 

57  His  ultimate  destination  was  Nicaragua,  whose  government  hastened 
preparations  for  the  defence  of  her  territory,  as  well  as  to  aid  Hond.  in  the 
event  of  her  needing  assistance.  Nic.,  Mem.  Gobern.,  1861,  9;  Id..  Mensajo 
del  Presid.,  Jan.  16,  1861. 


364  END  OF  FILIBUSTERING  IN  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 

men  underwent  the  utmost  suffering  in  that  unin- 
habited  marshy  region.  A party  of  Hondurans  har- 
assed them,  and  Walker  was  wounded  in  the  face 
and  leg.  Finally,  General  Mariano  Alvarez  arrived 
with  a Honduran  force  at  Trujillo,  and  together  with 
Salmon  proceeded  to  the  mouth  of  Rio  Tinto,  arriv- 
ing there  on  the  3d  of  September.  Walker  surren- 
dered to  the  Icarus,  and  was  turned  over  to  Alvarez, 
who  had  him  tried  at  Trujillo  by  court-martial.  He 
was  sentenced  to  d^ath,  and  executed  on  the  12tli  of 
September.  Thus  ended  on  the  scaffold  the  career  of 
William  Walker,  filibuster,  pirate,  or  what  you  will.58 

The  provisional  government  of  Nicaragua  on  the 
14th  of  January,  1857,  organized  a consultive  council 
of  five  members  and  three  substitutes,59  which  was 
installed  on  the  20th.  To  that  body  were  referred 
the  strictures  of  ministers  Cardenal  and  Castillo, 
upheld  by  General  Martinez,  the  two  former  having 
resigned  their  portfolios  because  the  president  had 
declined  to  transfer  the  seat  of  government  to  the 
eastern  department.60  The  council  did  not  approve  of 
their  course,  and  suggested  that  Martinez,  under  a 
clause  in  the  agreement  of  September  12,  1856,  should 
summon  R.  Cortes  and  P.  J.  Chamorro  to  fill  the 
vacancies  in  the  cabinet.  It  does  not  appear,  how- 
ever, that  Martinez  took  any  steps  in  that  direction. 

The  old  dissensions  which  Walker’s  war  had  kept 
in  abeyance  now  threatened  to  break  out  afresh. 


58  He  received  the  consolation  of  religion  from  a catholic  priest,  having 
joined  that  faith  to  become  president  of  Nic.  His  remains  were  buried  in 
Trujillo.  Among  his  effects  was  found  the  seal  of  Nicaragua,  which  with 
his  sword  the  government  of  Hond.  transmitted  to  that  of  the  former.  La 
Union,  de  Nic.,  Jan.  12,  Sept.  28,  1861;  Nic. , Informe  Gobern.,  no.  ii.  7 9;  El 
Nacional,  Sept.  8-0ct.  27,  1S60;  Perez,  Mem.  Camp.  Nac.,  2d  pt,  215-16; 
Belly,  Le  Nic.,  i.  3S2;  Eco,  Ilisp.-Am.,  Sept.  15-Xov.  15,  I860-  Diarto  de 
Avisos,  Oct.  4,  1830;  Pirn's  Gate  of  the  Par.,  49-50;  Harper  s Mag.,  xxi.  693, 
836;  S.  F.  Bulletin,  Sept.  3,  8,  17,  19,  Oct.  3,  29,  Nov.  12,  1860. 

59The  members  were:  Vicario  capitular,  J.  H Herdocia,  J.  de  la  Rocha, 
II.  Zepeda,  Gregorio  Juarez,  and  G.  Lacayo;  substitutes,  J.  Baca,  F Diaz 
Zapata,  and  Joaquin  Perez.  Nic.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  Jan.  23,  1857. 

69  The  legitimists  claimed  it  to  be  for  the  public  weal,  whereas  the  demo- 
crats thought  it  would  damage  them.  Perez,  Mem.  Camp.  Nac.,  2d  pt,  170-6. 


REORGANIZATION  OK  GOVERN  MEN  T. 


3C5 


Legitimists  and  democrats  alike  saw  in  bloodshed  and 
desolation  the  only  means  to  settle  their  differences. 
Martinez  and  Jerez,  with  some  of  their  friends  from 
the  east  and  west,  and  assisted  by  General  Gerardo 
Barrios,  commissioner  of  Salvador,  labored  in  vain  to 
effect  an  amicable  arrangement.61  Jerez  concluded 
that  the  only  recourse  now  left  to  avert  a war  was  for 
himself  and  Martinez  to  assume  the  responsibility  of 
jointly  governing  the  country  dictatorially  until  it 
could  be  again  placed  under  a constitutional  regime. 
This  plan  being  accepted,  the  two  leaders  organized 
themselves,  on  the  24th  of  June,  into  a junta  de 
gobierno,  otherwise  called  Gobierno  Binario,  which 
was  recognized  by  both  parties,  and  the  dreaded 
calamity  of  war  was  avoided.  The  organization  was 
completed  with  the  appointment  of  Gregorio  Juarez 
and  Rosalfo  Cortes  as  the  cabinet.  Martinez  and 
Jerez  continued  at  the  head  of  affairs  until  the  19th 
of  October,  when  war  with  Costa  Rica  having  been 
accepted,  they  resolved  to  assume  personal  direction 
of  military  operations,  and  resigned  the  executive 
office  into  the  hands  of  the  ministers.  Martinez  was 
then  made  general-in-chief  of  the  forces,  with  ample 
powers,  and  Jerez  second  in  command.62 

The  first  acts  of  the  new  government  were  to  recon- 
stitute  the  supreme  and  other  courts,  and  to  summon 
the  people  to  choose  a constituent  assembly  for  fram- 
ing a constitution,65  and  a president  of  the  republic. 
At  the  suggestion  of  Cortes,  and  with  the  assent  of 
Jerez,  Tomds  Martinez  was  named  to  the  people  as  a 
proper  person  for  the  executive  office,  and  he  was 
elected  almost  unanimously.64  He  took  the  oath  of 

61  But  for  arbitrary  measures,  on  the  12th  of  June,  the  state  would  have 
divided  into  two  parts,  each  following  its  own  bent,  even  to  incorporation 
with  other  states,  which  would  have  been  the  death  of  the  republic.  Nic., 
Mensaje  del  Podcr  Ejer.,  1857,  2-3. 

62 Nic.,  Dec.  y Acuerdos,  1857,  135-8. 

63  In  the  decree  of  convocation  the  members  of  the  executive  and  the  min- 
isters were  made  ineligible  for  seats  in  that  body. 

64  Only  two  electoral  votes  were  not  cast  for  him.  The  constituent  assem- 
bly, which  had  been  installed  Nov.  8th,  declared  him  to  have  been  the  people’s 
choice.  Nic. , Gaceta,  Apr.  18,  18G3. 


366  END  OF  FILIBUSTERING  IN  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 


office  on  the  15th  of  November,  promising  to  pursue  a 
policy  of  peace  and  conciliation,65  and  appointing 
Juarez,  Macario  Alvarez,  and  Cortes,  his  ministers 
respectively  for  foreign  relations,  treasury,  and  gov- 
ernment.66 During  his  first  term  there  were  several 
changes  in  the  personnel  of  the  cabinet.67 

Martinez’  administration  not  only  gave  Nicaragua 
the  longest  period  of  internal  peace  she  had  ever  had, 
but  promoted  ?her  prosperity  in  every  branch,  and 
notably  in  finances.  At  the  time  of  its  inauguration, 
the  government  had  not  one  hundred  dollars  in  the 
treasury.  The  liberating  army  had  not  been  paid  dur- 
ing the  late  war,  and  the  only  way  to  adjust  the  arrears 
was  by  issuing  warrants,  which  the  merchants  soon 
got  possession  of  at  sixty  to  eighty  per  cent  discount, 
and  returned  to  the  treasury  at  par  in  payment  of 
import  duties  on  merchandise,  thus  greatly  reducing 
the  revenue  from  that  source.  The  government  also 
adopted  the  unusual  course  of  assuming  to  indemnify 
private  persons  for  the  losses  they  had  sustained  dur- 
ing the  civil  war,  those  resulting  from  the  burning  of 
Granada  included.63  And  yet  Martinez,  after  his  vic- 

65  Discurso  Tnaug.,  3.  Tomas  Martinez  was  a native  of  Leon,  and  had  been 
engaged  in  trade  and  mining  without  taking  part  in  the  political  agitations 
of  his  native  place  until  the  revolution  of  18o4,  which  did  not  meet  his  ap- 
proval. It  is  believed  that  his  reserve  had  made  him  an  object  of  suspicion 
on  the  part  of  the  democrats,  which  circumstance  forced  him  to  seek  a refuge 
in  the  ranks  of  the  conservatives,  and  to  embrace,  much  against  his  liking, 
the  military  profession.  Martinez  was  a lineal  descendant  of  an  heroic  woman, 
Rafaela  Mora,  who  in  17S0  distinguished  herself  in  the  defence  of  San  Juan 
del  Norte  against  Nelson’s  attack.  He  was  in  1857  about  45  years  old,  tall 
of  stature,  and  of  reserved  deportment.  Self-instructed,  plain,  and  unam- 
bitious of  popularity,  he  cared  not  for  honors  or  display,  and  abhorred  syco- 
phancy. He  never  used  more  words  than  were  necessary  to  express  his 
thoughts,  and  his  whole  aim,  after  he  entered  public  life,  was  to  serve  his 
country.  Moreover,  he  possessed  a kindly  disposition,  and  in  his  family  re- 
lations was  affectionate. 

“During  the  war  with  Costa  Rica  he  commanded  the  forces  in  the  field; 
meantime  the  executive  office  was  in  charge  of  Deputy  Agustin  Aviles.  He 
resumed  the  latter  Jan.  25,  1858.  In  the  course  of  his  term  he  several  times 
provisionally  surrendered  the  office  into  the  charge  of  others,  on  account  of 
illness.  A7c.,  Dec.  y Acuerdos,  1858,  3-7,  32;  1859,  ii.  136,  137;  1860,  iii.  71, 
83-4,  177. 

01  The  several  portfolios  were  also  for  more  or  less  time  in  charge  of  Pedro 
Zeledon,  J.  de  la  Rocha,  Eduardo  Castillo,  Geronimo  Perez,  Miguel  Cdrdenas, 
Nicasio  del  Castillo,  and  H.  Zepeda. 

08  A number  of  decrees  acknowledging  the  indebtedness  appear  in  Atjc., 
Dec.  y Acuerdos,  1859,  ii.  132-54. 


NEW  CONSTITUTION. 


-3G7 


tory  of  April  29,  1863,  against  tlie  united  forces  of  Sal- 
vador and  Honduras,  succeeded  within  six  years  in 
doubling  the  amount  of  public  revenues,  and  in  ar- 
ranging for  the  payment  of  the  foreign  debt. 

The  constituent  assembly,  on  the  19th  of  August, 
1858,  adopted  a new  constitution,  declaring  Nicaragua 
to  be  a sovereign,  free,  and  independent  republic  under 
a popular  representative  government.*50  Two  days  later 
the  assembly  resolved  to  continue  acting  as  an  ordinary 
legislature,  and  decreed  that  all  public  functionaries 
should  retain  their  respective  offices  until  the  new 
constitutional  reo  ime  should  have  been  installed.  Prior 

o 

to  this,  on  the  30th  of  January,  that  body  had  declared 
illegitimate  all  the  provisional  administrations  which 
had  ruled  Nicaragua  from  1854  till  the  8th  of  Novem- 
ber, 1857,  excepting  only  the  gobierno  binario  from 
June  24,  1857. 70 

During  the  first  years  of  Martinez’  rule,  the  most 

69  The  catholic  religion  was  placed  under  state  protection.  The  govern- 
ment was  constituted  in  three  branches;  namely,  executive,  legislative,  and 
judicial.  The  executive  authority  was  vested  in  a president  for  four  years, 
without  reelection  for  the  next  term.  In  his  absence  or  inability,  the  office 
was  to  go  into  the  hands  of  the  senator  called  by  congress  to  fill  it.  The 
president  was  to  be  a native  and  resident  of  Nic. , 30  years  of  age  or  upwards, 
not  having  lost  the  rights  of  citizenship  within  five  years  of  the  election,  and 
possessing  real  estate  valued  at  no  less  than  $4,000.  The  legislative  power  was 
to  consist  of  a senate  and  house  of  deputies.  The  senators’  term  was  to  be  of 
six  years;  they  were  to  be  at  least  30  years  old,  and  to  possess  no  less  than 
$2,000  in  real  estate,  one  third  of  their  number  to  be  renewed  every  two  years. 
The  deputies  were  to  be  upwards  of  25  years  old,  and  hold  for  four  years,  one 
half  their  number  being  renewed  every  two  years.  The  natives  of  the  other 
Central  American  states  were  eligible  to  the  senate  or  house,  after  a residence 
in  Nic.  of  ten  or  five  years  respectively.  No  churchman  could  be  chosen  presi- 
dent, senator,  or  deputy.  The  justices  of  the  supreme  court  had  to  be  law- 
yers of  recognized  ability  and  integrity.  They  were  to  hold  office  four  years, 
the  members  being  renewed  every  two  years.  The  court  was  divided  into 
two  sections  with  at  least  four  justices  each.  The  constitution  recognized 
liberty  of  thought,  speech,  writing,  and  the  press;  also  the  rights  of  property 
and  emigration.  Torture  in  any  form,  cruel  punishments,  confiscation  of  prop- 
erty, invasion  of  private  domicile,  and  establishment  of  special  courts  were 
strictly  forbidden.  It  was  promulgated  Sept.  15,  1858.  Rocha,  Odd.  Legis. 
Nic.,  i.  25-42;  Levy,  Nic.,  309-27;  El  Porvenir  Nic.,  Feb.  11,  1S72;  Nic. , Mem. 
Gobem.  y Guerra,  i859,  3.  The  bishop  and  his  chapter  took  the  oath  to  obey 
it  on  the  15th  of  Apr.,  18G1.  La  Union  de  Nic.,  May  11,  1801. 

70  Because  its  acts  tended  to  the  organization  of  the  country.  But  on  the 
25th  of  June,  1858,  the  government  of  Jose  M.  Estrada  was  also  exempted 
from  that  annulment.  Rocha,  C6d.  Legis.  Nic.,  i.  S2,  89-90. 


3G8  END  OF  FILIBUSTERING  IN  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 


friendly  relations  seemed  to  exist  between  him  and 
the  leaders  of  the  two  political  parties.  Jerez  was 
intrusted  with  important  diplomatic  duties.71  At  the 
beginning  of  1861,  the  president  in  his  message  to 
congress  stated  that  the  country  was  at  peace  at  home 
and  abroad,  Salvador  being  the  only  nation  that 
had  suspended  diplomatic  relations  with  Nicaragua.72 
Again,  in  January  1863,  the  president  congratulated 
congress  that  peace  reigned,  and  the  country  was  pros- 
pering. lie  said  with  pleasure  that  no  Nicaraguan 
was  undergoing  penalty  for  political  causes.73  The 
country  was  at  the  same  time  an  asylum  for  the  perse- 
cuted and  exiles  of  other  states.  However,  this  hospi- 
tality extended  to  exiles  gave  rise  to  serious  differences 
with  Salvador,  whose  demands  were  invariably  disre- 
garded, until  Barrios  threatened  to  blockade  the  port 
of  Realejo.'4  The  consequence  was,  that  Nicaragua 
and  Guatemala,  pursuant  to  the  treaty  made  Septem- 
ber 20,  1862, 75  became  allies  in  the  bloody  war  that 
broke  out  this  year  against  Salvador  and  Honduras, 
details  of  which  have  been  given  in  the  history  of 
Salvador  for  this  period.'8  Martinez  having  been  re- 
elected president  for  the  quadrennial  term  from  March 
1,  1863, 77  offered  his  resignation  on  the  ground  that 


71  lie  was  appointed  minister  plenipotentiary,  first  in  Costa  Rica,  next  in 
Washington,  and  was  empowered  to  negotiate  a treaty  with  the  Spanish 
minister  at  the  latter  place.  Nic.,  Dec.  y Acuerdos,  1857-S,  117,  243,  ii.  21. 

72  Presid.  Barrios  of  Salv.  complained  of  the  plots  carried  on  against  him 
in  Nic.  by  refugees,  and  made  demands,  such  as  their  being  denied  the  use 
of  the  press,  to  which  the  Nic.  govt  could  not  accede.  Nic.,  Mens,  del  Presid., 
in  La  Union  dc  Nic.,  Jan.  19,  1861;  Id.,  Mem.  Pel.,  in  Id.,  March  2,  1861. 

73  ‘Ningun  Nicaragtiense  preso,  ni  confinado,  ni  expulso  por  causas  politi- 
cos; todos  son  libres,  sin  rcstriccion  alguna.’  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Jan.  24,  1SG3. 

77  Official  corresp.  in  Id.,  Feb.  7,  1863. 

75 Treaty  of  amity,  defensive  alliance,  commerce,  etc.,  duly  ratified.  Id., 
April  18,  IS 63. 

70  Jerez,  Fernando  Chamorro,  and  J.  D.  Estrada,  for  taking  part  against 
their  government,  were  degraded  to  the  ranks.  Id.,  May  23,  30,  1863. 

77  Congress,  Feb.  14,  18G3,  approved  all  his  administrative  acts  to  date.  It 
had  been  represented  to  the  people  that  Martinez,  notwithstanding  the  clause 
in  the  constitution  forbidding  reelection,  could  he  reelected,  because  the 
powers  he  had  exercised  in  the  past  years  had  come  to  him,  not  under  the 
constitution  which  was  of  subsequent  date,  but  from  the  convocation  decree 
of  Aug.  26,  1857,  and  his  choice  was  approved  by  the  constituent  assembly. 


PRESIDENT  MARTINEZ. 


3C9 


there  might  be  opposition  to  his  holding  the  office  a 
second  term.  But  congress,  on  the  5tli  of  February, 
1863,  declined  to  accept  it,  and  requested  that  he 
should  continue  at  the  head  of  affairs  at  least  for  a 
time.  During  the  war  with  Salvador  and  Honduras, 
Martinez  commanded  the  army  in  the  field,  and  Nica- 
sio  del  Castillo  acted  as  president.  At  the  end  of  the 
campaign,  Martinez  and  the  troops  were  rewarded  for 
their  services,  he  being  raised  to  the  rank  of  captain- 
general.78  He  resumed  the  executive  office  August 

o o 

31,  18 63. 79  The  most  stringent  orders  were  issued 
against  Jerez  and  others,  declaring  them  traitors,  and 
decreeing  that  revolutionists  were  severally  answerable 
with  their  property  for  the  expenses  the  government 
had  been  put  to  by  their  acts.  However,  on  the  20th 
of  April,  1864,  an  amnesty  law  was  passed,  though  not 
including  the  chief  leaders.80 

Toward  the  end  of  Martinez’  second  term  some 
attempts  at  revolution  were  made,  and  easily  quelled. 
They  arose  from  a representation  that  Martinez  con- 
templated retaining  power  for  life;  but  in  a proclama- 
tion of  April  24,  1866,  he  pronounced  the  statements 
false.81  Following  the  example  of  Washington,  he  in- 
sisted on  his  countrymen  calling  another  citizen  to  the 
executive  chair,  and  Fernando  Guzman  having  been 
chosen,82  he  surrendered  his  authority  to  him  on  March 
1,  1867.  His  rank  as  captain-general  had  been  con- 
firmed, and  upon  his  tendering  a resignation,  congress 

78 Ale.,  Decretos,  1867-S,  pt  ii.  10-11;  Rocha,  C6d.  Leg.  Nic.,  i.  220.  The 
cong.  of  Salv.  voted  him  a sword  of  honor  for  aiding  to  defeat  Barrios  and 
the  federalists.  Nic.,  Gaceta,  June  17,  24,  1805. 

79  During  his  second  term  the  following  persons  acted  as  his  ministers: 
E.  Castillo,  B.  Selva,  B.  Salinas,  B.  Portocarrero,  R.  Alegria,  R.  Corte.,, 
P.  Zeledon,  J.  F.  Aguilar,  J.  J.  Lescano,  and  Antonio  Silva.  Nic.,  Sernanal 
Nic.,  April  24,  1873. 

89  ‘ Quedan  fuera  de  la  amnistla  todos  aquellos  que  como  autores  princi- 
pales.’  Nic. , Gaceta,  April  29,  May  28,  1864. 

61  Congress  had  not  only  approved  his  acts,  but  gave  him  two  votes  of 
thanks,  March  11,  1805,  and  Jan.  19,  1867.  Nic.,  Gaceta,  March  18,  1865;  Id., 
Dec.  Legist.,  1865-6,  21-2;  1867-8,  5. 

82  By  433  electoral  votes  against  139  cast  for  Juan  B.  Sacasa;  necessary  for 
a choice,  285.  Id.,  Oct.  27,  1866;  Id.,  Decretos,  1867-8,  pt  ii.  4—5;  Pan.  Star 
and  Herald,  Feb.  19,  1867. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  Ill  24 


370  END  OF  FILIBUSTERING  IN  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 


refused  to  accept  it.83  However,  scarcely  one  year 
later,  congress  suppressed  the  rank  altogether.84  Ex- 
president Martinez’  death  occurred  on  the  12th  of 
March,  1873,  and  his  remains  were  buried  with  high 
honors  on  the  20th.85 

83  Decrees  of  Jan.  22  and  Feb.  28,  1867.  Nic.,  Dec.  Legisl.,  1867,  10-11,  25-6. 

84  ‘ Por  estar  en  oposicion  con  las  atribuciones  del  Poder  Ejecutivo.  ’ De- 
cree of  Jan.  20,  1868.  Id.,  1868,  3. 

toiV7c.,  Gaceta,  March  15,  1873;  Id.,  Serna ruil  Nic.,  March  27,  1873. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


POLITICAL  EVENTS  IN  COSTA  RICA. 

1856-1886. 

Rewards  to  Walker’s  Conquerors — Reelection  of  Mora — His  Downfall 
and  Exile — His  Return,  Capture,  and  Execution — Montealegre’s 
Administration — Violence  of  Parties — Compromise  on  Jesus  Jimenez 
— His  Peaceful  Rule — President  Jos£  M.  Castro — Charges  against 
Him — His  Overthrow— Several  New  Constitutions — Jimenez  again 
President — His  Arbitrary  Acts — How  He  was  Deposed — President 
Carranza — Other  Temporary  Rulers — President  Guardia’s  Des- 
potism— Failure  of  his  Warlike  Plans — His  Death — Administration 
of  Prospero  Fernandez — Preparations  to  Defend  Independence — 
His  Sudden  Death — Bernardo  Soto’s  Peaceful  Rule. 


In  describing  the  early  operations  of  the  Costa 
Ricans  in  Nicaragua  against  Walker  in  185G,  I alluded 
to  the  sudden  departure  of  President  Mora  and  his 
brother  from  Rivas  for  Costa  Rica,  because  of  tidings 
received  of  an  attempted  insurrection  against  the  gov- 
ernment, then  temporarily  in  charge  of  Vice-president 
Oreamuno.  This  revolt  was  soon  quelled,  and  the 
leaders  and  officers  connected  therewith  were  arrested 
and  expatriated.  Oreamuno  having  died,  Vicente 
Aguilar  was  chosen  vice-president  on  the  17th  of 
September,  but  resigned  the  position  the  next  month.1 
A change  of  ministry  took  place  on  the  26th  of  Sep- 
tember, the  distinguished  statesman  taking  charge  of 
the  portfolio  of  foreign  relations.2  The  president, 
owing  to  war  against  the  filibusters,  suspended  the 

1 Oct.  22d.  Album  Semanal,  Sept.  26,  1856;  Costa  I!.,  Col.  Ley.,  xiv.  41-2, 
51-2. 

3 The  other  ministers  were  Joaquin  B.  Calvo,  of  government  and  eccles. 
affairs;  and  Rafael  G.  Escalante,  of  treasury  and  war. 


(371) 


372 


POLITICAL  EVENTS  IN  COSTA  RICA. 


action  of  the  constitution  on  the  15th  of  November, 
but  repealed  the  decree  a few  days  later.3 

The  successful  termination  of  the  war  was  hailed  in 
Costa  Rica  with  great  joy,  and  the  men  who  gave 
this  glorious  page  to  her  history  were  highly  honored. 
The  president  was  made  a captain-general,4  and  the 
officers,  as  well  as  the  rank  and  file,  were  promoted 
and  otherwise  rewarded.5 

The  elections  for  president  and  vice-president  of  the 
republic  took  place,  and  congress  on  the  4th  of  May, 
1859,  declared  that  Juan  Rafael  Mora  had  been  re- 
elected, and  Rafael  G.  Escalante  chosen  for  the  second 
position.6 

Mora’s  administration  had  initiated  a number  of 
measures  tending  to  the  advancement  of  the  country. 
Among  other  improvements  was  that  of  the  fine  na- 
tional palace  in  San  Jose.  Costa  Rica  had  enjoyed  a 
long  period  of  internal  peace  with  an  increasing  pros- 
perity. Mora  was  quite  popular  with  the  masses,  but 
encountered  opposition  from  the  property  owners, 
merchants,  and  army  men.  For  this  reason  he  could 
not  strengthen  his  government,  and  found  himself  at 
the  mercy. of  a coup  de  main  the  moment  the  people 
thought  their  interests  were  jeopardized  by  his  power.7 

3 Dec.  11,  1S5C.  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Gohern.,  1857,  2-3. 

4 In  1854  the  pope  bestowed  on  him  the  honor  of  Knight  grand  cross  of  the 
order  of  Gregory  the  Great,  and  the  Costa  Rican  congress  authorized  him  to 
accept  it.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xiii.  28;  xiv.  147-9. 

5 Dec.  29,  1857,  a medal  was  voted.  Again,  Feb.  26,  1858,  across  of  honor 
was  decreed  to  the  generals  and  field-officers.  Id.,  207;  xv.  3. 

6 Escalante  had  been  vice-president  since  Oct.  1857,  and  at  the  present 
time  was  temporarily  in  charge  of  the  executive  office.  Id.,  xvi.  30-1. 

7 Political  grievances  and  private  animosities  were  brought  into  action  for 
his  overthrow.  He  was  accused  of  intending  to  keep  himself  in  power  for 
life,  like  Carrera  in  Guatemala,  as  was  evidenced  by  his  second  reelection, 
which  violated  both  the  spirit  and  letter  of  the  national  institutions;  of  his 
having  imposed  the  weight  of  his  own  will  on  the  financial  department,  the 
judiciary,  and  even  the  legislature,  with  the  view  of  settingup  the  rule  of  one 
family  over  the  ruins  of  republican  liberty;  of  his  having  usurped  the  property 
and  labor  of  others  for  his  own  benefit.  Even  the  organization  of  an  army, 
and  his  campaign  against  Walker,  were  made  to  appear  as  intended  to  im- 
prove his  own  pecuniary  interests,  which  were  said  to  be  in  a very  bad  state. 
The  charge  of  assumption  of  dictatorial  powers  does  not  seem  to  be  sustained 
by  facts.  The  opposition  journal,  the  A lbum  Sematuil,  freely  published  strong 
articles  against  his  administration.  Pamphlets  filled  with  vituperation,  an  l 
traducing  his  character,  circulated  without  hindrance;  one  of  the  publica- 
tions called  him  the  tzar  of  Costa  Rica.  This  opposition  was  fanne  1 by  the 


VICENTE  AGUILAR 


37:5 

Hence  the  revolutionary  movement  that  hurled  him 
from  his  executive  office  in  the  night  of  August  14, 
1859.  A provisional  government,  composed  of  his 
political  enemies,  was  at  once  organized,  meeting  with 
no  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  people.  It  was  a 
palace  revolution,  and  no  blood  was  spilt.  Mora  was 
kept  in  confinement,  though  otherwise  well  treated, 
during  three  days  at  the  end  of  which  he  was  taken 
to  Puntarenas,  and  sent  out  of  the  country  on  an 
American  steamer.  He  settled  with  his  family  in 
Salvador,  where  he  introduced  the  cultivation  of 
coffee. 

The  new  government  now  took  steps  to  have  itself 
confirmed  by  a constituent  assembly,  and  to  cause  its 
provisional  president,  Josb  Marfa  Montealegre,  regu- 
larly elected.  The  influential  man  of  the  administra- 
tion was  Aucente  Aguilar,  ex-vice-president,  a wealthy 
man,  and  the  deadly  enemy  of  Mora.  He  was  the 
minister  of  the  treasury  and  of  war,  and  by  his  insti- 
gation some  reactionary  and  despotic  measures  were 
adopted,  thereby  increasing  the  general  uneasiness. 
The  country  was  henceforth  divided  into  two  political 
parties,  each  claiming  to  be  the  representative  of  law 
and  order.8 

hatred  of  persons  who  had  private  grudges  against  Mora.  Among  them 
Vicente  Aguilar,  his  former  partner,  who  had  been  made  to  disgorge  si 00, 00.) 
or  more,  of  which  lie  had  wrongfully  deprived  Mora.  Capitalists  were  hostile 
because  the  president  had  chartered  a bank.  The  sale  of  a tract  of  public 
land  near  San  Jose,  upon  which  many  persons  had  settled,  was  made  the  sub- 
ject for  much  trouble.  The  exile  of  the  bishop  did  not  fail  to  have  a power- 
ful influence.  Bishop  Llorente  had  refused  to  pay,  or  to  allow  his  clergy  to 
pay,  an  equitable  tax  decreed  by  congress  Sept.  29,  1858,  for  the  support  of 
hospitals.  He  not  only  refused  compliance,  but  incited  the  populace  to  revolt. 
For  this  he  was  expelled.  He  was,  however,  after  Mora’s  overthrow,  recalled 
by  the  provisional  government,  and  ruled  the  diocese  till  his  death,  which 
took  place  Sept.  23,  1871.  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Interior,  1859,  9;  18(50,  4;  Id.,  Col. 
Ley.,  xvi.  87-8;  Nic.,  Gacela,  Oct.  7,  1871;  El  National,  Jan.  15,  1859;  Belly, 
Le  Nicaragua,  i.  379-81.  One  of  the  publications  which  came  out  after  Mora’s 
downfall,  not  only  charged  him  with  abuse  of  power,  peculation,  and  almost 
every  conceivable  offence,  but  of  his  having  brought  himself  into  political 
prominence  by  intrigue,  and  by  treachery  to  Morazan,  and  to  his  relations 
and  friends,  who,  it  was  asserted,  had  been  ruined  by  him.  This  publication 
is  dated  San  Jose,  April  2,  1SG0,  but  is  anonymous.  Costa  It. , Expos..  . .Mo- 
tivos.  . .Cambio  Polit.,  37  pp.  and  1 1. 

B The  provisional  administration  claimed  that  the  revolution  had  not  merely 
changed  the  personnel,  but  also  the  principles  on  which  the  government  was 
based,  the  people  demanding  greater  freedom  with  clearly  defined  rights  and 


374 


POLITICAL  EVENTS  IN  COSTA  RICA. 


The  constituent  assembly,  pursuant  to  convocation, 
met  on  the  16th  of  October,  and  on  the  2Gth  of  De- 
cember adopted  a new  constitution  in  142  articles, 
which  was  promulgated  the  next  day.  This  funda- 
mental law  was  liberal  except  in  the  matter  of  religion, 
as  it  neither  recognized  nor  tolerated  any  form  of  faith 
but  the  Roman  catholic.  All  other  rights  of  man 
were  conceded.9  The  constituent  congress  adjourned 
sine  die  on  the  27th  of  December,  and  the  ordinary 
congress  opened  its  session  on  the  22d  of  April,  I860, 
cn  the  next  day  declaring  that  Jos^  Maria  Montea- 
legre  had  obtained  a popular  majority  for  the  office 
of  president  of  the  republic,  and  appointing  the  29tli 
for  his  inauguration  On  the  24th  that  body  desig- 
nated the  persons  who  were  to  fill  the  executive  chair 
in  the  temporary  or  absolute  absence  of  the  presi- 
dent.10 

Before  many  months  had  passed,  Costa  Rica  wit- 
nessed a catastrophe  which  filled  the  whole  of  Central 
America  with  sorrow,  indignation,  and  shame.  Mora, 
the  deposed  president,  had  solemnly  protested  against 
the  revolutionary  acts  which  deprived  him  of  his  office. 
There  were  not  wanting  men,  who,  either  honestly  or 
with  evil  intent,  beguiled  him  into  the  belief  that  he 
was  wanted  back,  and  would  meet  with  a cordial  recep- 
tion and  support.  He  allowed  himself  to  be  thus 


duties,  and  a more  extended  suffrage.  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Interior,  1860,  4; 
1863,  2. 

9 The  govt  was  divided  into  three  branches — legislative,  executive,  and 
judicial — each  independent  of  the  others.  The  legislative  was  vested  in  a 
congress  of  two  chambers,  the  senate  and  house  of  representatives,  and  was 
to  meet  once  a year  in  ordinary  session,  and  also  to  hold  extraordinary  ses- 
sions when  called  for  specified  purposes.  The  senate  was  composed  of  two 
senators  for  each  province;  the  house  was  composed  of  deputies  chosen  by 
the  provinces  in  the  ratio  of  population.  The  term  of  the  members  of  both 
houses  was  fixed  at  four  years.  The  executive  authority  was  vested  in  a 
president  for  three  years,  without  reelection  for  the  immediate  following 
term.  He  had  a council  of  state  to  deliberate  upon  such  affairs  as  the  execu- 
tive referred  to  it  for  advice.  The  judiciary  consisted  of  a supreme  court, 
and  such  other  lower  courts  as  might  be  established  by  law.  None  but  a 
native  citizen,  in  full  possession  of  his  civil  and  political  rights,  could  be  presi- 
dent, or  member  of  the  supreme  court.  Churchmen  were  ineligible.  Costa 
R. , Constiluc.  Polit.,  1-35;  Id.,  Col.  Ley.,  xvi.  110-45. 

10  First  designado,  Francisco  Montealegre;  second,  Vicente  Aguilar.  Id., 
xvi.  169-71. 


DEATH  OF  MORA. 


375 


deceived,  and  committed  the  error  of  going  against  an 
accomplished  fact,  in  an  attempt  to  recover  by  force 
the  executive  authority,  which  was  now  legitimately 
held  by  Montealegre.  He  landed  in  September  at 
Puntarenas  with  a few  friends,  was  received  with  ap- 
parent enthusiasm,  and  got  together  about  300  or  400 
men  j11  but  believing  it  safer  to  increase  his  force  be- 
fore marching  to  the  capital,  he  tarried  behind,  thus 
allowing  the  government  an  opportunity  to  organize 
superior  forces,  and  to  issue  relentless  decrees.  The 
government’s  forces  assailed  Mora  on  the  28th  of 
September  at  La  Angostura,12  and  defeated  him.  He 
soon  found  himself  forsaken  by  his  men,  and  though 
aware  that  stringent  orders  for  his  arrest  had  been 
issued,  he  surrendered  to  his  enemies  on  the  30th, 
when  he  was  tried  by  a drum-head  court-martial,  and 
shot  three  hours  after.13  This  judicial  murder  of  this 
honorable,  just,  and  progressive  man,  who  had  ren- 
dered such  great  services  in  saving  national  indepen- 
dence, caused  general  consternation  and  displeasure. 
His  invasion  was  not  approved  of,  but  no  one  had 
imagined  that  his  life  could  be  in  peril  if  he  were 
captured.  Public  opinion  was  pronounced  against 
such  relentless  vengeance.  Even  Nicaragua,  which 
had  grievances  against  Mora,  and  had  excluded  his 
supporters  from  her  territory,  regretted  his  untimely 
end.14  In  Costa  Rica  his  death  was  attributed  to  bit- 

11  In  January,  Prudencio  Blanco  and  others  attempted  a revolution  in 
Uuanacaste,  now  called  Moracia,  and  failed.  A decree  of  outlawry  was 
issued  against  them  Jan.  20,  1SG0,  and  their  property  was  made  amenable  for 
the  government’s  expenses.  Another  insurrection  took  place  in  Esparza  with 
the  same  result,  the  govt  issuing  a decree  of  similar  nature  Sept.  16th,  and 
on  the  ISth  another,  suspending  the  constitution.  This  last  decree  was  re- 
voked March  18,  1861.  Id.,  xvi.  153^4,  188,  218-21;  xvii.  9. 

12  This  place  had  been  heavily  intrenched,  and  a battery  mounted  in  it, 
which  was  protected  on  both  flanks  by  armed  boats  in  the  estuary,  etc. 

1J  Belly,  Le  Nic.,  i.  382;  El  National,  Oct.  13,  27,  Nov.  10,  1860;  Eco 
Hisp.-Am.,  Oct.  31,  1860;  S.  F.  Bulletin,  Oct.  24,  25,  29,  Nov.  14,  27,  1860; 
S.  F.  Herald,  Oct.  29,  1860;  Harpers  Monthly  Mag.,  xxii.  113;  Laferri&re,  De 
Paris  a Guatemala,  59-60. 

uThe  Gaceta  OJicial,  evidently  inspired  by  President  Martinez,  forgot  past 
grievances,  only  to  bear  in  mind  affectionately  the  promoter  of  the  holy  war 
for  independence.  In  fact,  Mora  was  in  the  eyes  of  both  foreigners  and  natives 
the  personification  of  Central  American  patriotism. 


376 


POLITICAL  EVENTS  IN  COSTA  RICA. 


ter  personal  and  sordid  animosity.  Public  opinion 
was  not  at  fault.  Mora  wrote  his  wife,  one  hour  be- 
fore his  execution,  on  his  faith  as  a Christian,  that 
Vicente  Aguilar  justly  owed  him  upwards  of  §200,000 ; 
and  if  he  ever  expected  to  die  in  peace  with  his  God, 
he  should  make  restitution  of  that  sum  to  Mora’s 
family.  Aguilar,  as  minister  of  war,  signed  the  orders 
for  the  execution,  and  was  responsible  for  Mora’s 
death.  These  orders  included  the  execution  of  two 
others,  namely,  General  J.  M.  Canas,  and  Manuel 
Argiiello,  a young  lawyer.  The  latter  was  saved  by 
General  Maximo  Blanco,  but  Cahas  was  shot  two  days 
after  Mora.10 

The  penalty  of  death  was  doubtless  intended  by 
Aguilar  to  be  a settlement  of  accounts  with  the  man 
he  detested;  but  it  did  not  satisfy  him;  he  added  con- 
fiscation, and  to  the  end  showed  himself  relentless  in 
his  animosity  to  Mora’s  family  and  supporters.  But 
he  did  not  long  survive  his  victims,  dying  on  the  2Gth 
of  April,  18G1,  of  ossification  of  the  heart.  After  his 
death,  a milder  policy  was  inaugurated.  A general 
amnesty,  from  which  were  excluded  only  a few  mili- 
tary men  who  while  in  active  service  had  joined  re- 
volts, was  issued;16  exiles  returned  to  their  coun- 
try, and  regularity  in  affairs  was  restored.  The  gov- 
ernment gained  in  popular  esteem  by  a scrupulous 
observance  of  the  promises  made  at  the  time  of  its  cre- 
ation, restoring  internal  peace  based  on  constitutional 
liberty  and  a proper  economy.17  However,  Mora’s 
friends,  though  disposed  to  do  justice  to  Montealegre’s 
administration,  never  would  forgive  its  origin  and  early 
acts.  They  and  their  political  conferes  brought  on  a 
reaction  against  it.  Party  excitement  became  great, 
and  there  was  danger  of  civil  war.  Two  presidential 
candidates  for  the  next  term,  namely,  Aniceto  Esquivel 

15  It  will  be  remembered  that  Canas  served  with  distinction  in  the  war 
against  Walker. 

‘“Apr.  29,  18C0.  Costa  It.,  Col.  Ley.,  xvi.  172-3;  xvii.  87.  A more  gen. 
one  was  decreed  May  1,  1862. 

17  During  this  administration  national  industries  were  developed,  and  the 
country  became  more  prosperous  than  ever.  Belly,  Le  Nic.,  i.  383-6. 


JIMENEZ  AND  CASTRO. 


377 


and  Julian  Yolio,  were  in  the  field,  the  former  being  a 
warm  friend  of  the  administration,  and  the  latter  inde- 
pendent. Montealegre  was  the  first  to  suggest  a com- 
promise. There  was  in  Cartago  a former  minister  of 
Mora,  Jesus  Jimenez,  who  was  finally  agreed  upon  by 
all  parties  for  the  executive  office,  and  was  accordingly 
elected.18  He  took  possession  of  the  chair  on  the  7th 
of  May,  Montealegre  surrendering  it  with  greater 
alacrity  than  he  had  occupied  it  in  1859. 19 

Jimenez,  during  his  administration,  fully  answered 
expectations.  He  maintained  peace  by  pursuing  a 
just  and  conciliatory  policy.  The  country  kept  on 
its  career  of  progress  and  prosperity.20  The  next 
president  duly  chosen  was  the  founder  of  the  republic, 
Jose  Maria  Castro,  for  the  term  from  May  8,  1866. 21 
The  number  of  ministers  of  state  having  been  reduced  , 
to  two,  the  president  decreed  the  organization  of  a 
privy  council  whose  members  were  to  serve  without 
pay.22  Castro’s  government  was  a strictly  economical 
one.  It  diminished  the  number  of  officials,  and  sup- 
pressed the  president’s  guard  of  honor.  The  result 
was  that  the  treasury  was  enabled  to  meet  obligations 
contracted  for  the  development  of  education,  and  of 
the  interests  of  the  country.23 

During  the  presidential  election  in  1868,  party  agita- 
tion jeopardized  the  public  peace.  The  press  became 
virulent,  not  sparing  even  the  families  of  prominent 

18  May  1,  1863.  Men  of  all  parties  voted  for  him.  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Min. 
Interior , 1863,  1;  Id.,  Col.  Ley.  xviii,  15-16. 

19  Congress  afterward  decreed  that  Montealegre’s  portrait  should  he  placed 
in  the  office  of  the  president.  Belly,  Le  Nic.,  i.  386-7;  Costa  It.,  Informe  Min. 
Interior,  1864,  4;  Id.,  Discurso,  Dr  J.  M.  Montealegre,  1863,  1. 

93  Costa  It.,  Programa  Admin.,  1863,  1.  Jimenez  adopted  the  high-handed 
measure  of  dissolving  congress.  In  a proclamation  to  the  people  he  stated 
that  a majority  of  the  members  had  established  a systematic  opposition  to 
his  government,  and  usurped  all  power  in  direct  violation  of  the  constitution. 
Id.,  Prod,  del  Presid.,  Ag.  1,  1863. 

21  Ending  May  8,  1869.  Id.,  Col.  Ley.,  1876,  111-12;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Feb.  17, 
Apr.  21,  May  26,  1866.  Castro  in  his  inaugural  address  used  these  words: 

‘ Quiero  que  mi  patria,  ya  que  no  pueda  sertemida  por  su  fuerza,  sea  con- 
siderada  por  su  justification  y cordura. . . .No  tenemos  escuadras;  tengamos  la 
simpatla  de  las  naciones.’  Costa  R.,  Discurso  Inaug.,  Presid.  J.  M.  Castro,  1-3. 

22  May  15,  1866.  They  were  2 for  each  department,  making  together  16, 
besides  the  ministers.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Rey.,  1866,  114-16. 

23 Nic.,  Gaceta,  May  25,  1867. 


378 


POLITICAL  EVENTS  IN  COSTA  RICA. 


men.  The  government  was  accused  of  making  no 
effort  to  cheek  such  abuses,  or  to  restore  harmony. 
There  would  certainly  have  been  a resort  to  arms  but 
for  the  moderation  of  the  two  chief  officers  of  the 
army,  generals  Lorenzo  Salazar  and  Mdximo  Blanco.24 
These  officers  and  others  placed  themselves  at  the 
head  of  a pronun ciamien to  which  took  place  at  San 
Josh  on  the  1st  of  November  to  depose  Castro  and  sus- 
pend the  constitution  of  December  27,  1859.  Jesus 
Jimenez,  the  first  designado,  was  then  called  to  assume 
the  executive  office,  with  ample  powers  to  call  a con- 
stituent assembly.  He  accordingly  placed  himself  at 
the  head  of  affairs,  and  convoked  the  assembly,  to 
meet  on  the  1st  of  January,  summoning  the  people 
also  to  choose  the  next  president,  together  with  sena- 
tors and  representatives  for  the  next  constitutional 
term  to  begin  May  1,  I860.25 

The  new  constitution  was  framed  on  the  18tli  of 
Februaiy,  and  promulgated  in  April  1869,  consisting 
of  149  articles,  and  containing  very  liberal  principles.20 

24  Castro’s  enemies  averred  that  his  course  was  very  mysterious,  and  some 
even  suspected  an  intention  on  his  part  to  retain  power  in  his  hands,  though 
lie  supported  the  candidacy  of  his  minister,  Julian  Volio.  They  said  that  the 
barracks  assumed  a menacing  attitude,  and  Castro  was  on  the  point  of  decree- 
ing several  military  promotions  of  members  of  his  own  family,  and  concen- 
trating all  the  forces  of  the  republic  in  and  about  his  own  residence.  It 
came  to  be  believed  that  he  intended  to  nullify  Salazar  first,  and  Blanco 
next.  But  the  former  had  in  his  favor  most  of  the  wealthy  families,  as  well 
as  a large  support  in  Alajuela,  Heredia,  and  Cartago.  To  make  the  story 
short,  Salazar  and  Blanco  concluded  to  act  together.  El  Quincenal  Josefi.no, 
no.  32,  in  Star  and  Herald,  Dec.  24,  2G,  1SG8.  The  editor  of  this  publication 
was  Lorenzo  Month  far.  Whatever  may  be  asserted  against  Castro,  he  had 
proved  himself  a liberal,  enlightened,  and  upright  ruler.  His  administration 
had  given  conclusive  proof  that  the  president  valued  liberty  of  the  press  and 
speech  as  necessary  to  the  existence  of  a republican  government.  The  coun- 
try had  been  enjoying  those  privileges,  and  prospering  as  it  had  never  done 
before.  U.  S.  Minister  J.  B.  Blair,  to  Sec.  Fish,  June  23,  1S73. 

25  The  troops  and  people  seemed  to  acquiesce  in  the  new  order  of  things. 
There  was  no  bloodshed.  Castro  was  left  perfectly  free  in  his  own  house. 
Hie. , Gaccta,  Nov.  28,  Dec.  5,  18G8;  Jan.  23,  March  20,  18G9;  Pan.  Star  and 
Herald,  Nov.  17,  1SG8;  Costa  B.,  Col.  Ley.,  xvii.  202-9;  U.  S.  Mess,  and  Doc. 
(Dept  of  State,  pt  ii. ),  p.  xii.;  Lafcrrikre,  De  Paris  a Guatem.,  60-2. 

2GArt.  5th,  after  declaring  the  Roman  catholic  religion  to  be  that  of  the 
state,  recognizes  toleration  of  other  forms  of  worship;  6th,  makes  primary 
education  of  both  sexes  obligatory,  free,  and  to  be  provided  by  the  nation, 
placing  it  under  the  direction  of  the  municipal  authorities;  17th,  declares  the 
military  subordinate  to  the  civil  authority,  strictly  passive,  and  forbidden  to 
deliberate  on  political  affairs;  72d,  grants  eligibility  for  the  position  of  deputy 
to  naturalized  citizens  after  four  years’  residence  from  the  date  of  the  certifi- 


REVOLUTION. 


379 


The  ordinary  congress  met,  and  declared  Jimenez 
• to  be  the  constitutional  president  for  the  next  term, 
and  he  was  inducted  into  office  with  the  usual  formal- 
ities.'27 But  owing  to  congress  having  refused  to  pass 
a railroad  bill,  Jimenez  lost  his  temper,  resigned  his 
office,  and  left  the  capital.  But  the  resignation  was 
not  accepted,  and  he  was  induced  to  return.  Subse- 
quently, on  his  representing  that  the  country  was 
in  danger  from  internal  disturbances  due  to  party 
violence,  that  body  decreed  a suspension  of  the  consti- 
tution.28 This  order  of  things  lasted  until  the  27th 
of  April,  1870,  on  which  day  sixteen  men,  among 
whom  were  Tom&s  and  Arictor  Guardia,  Pedro  and 
Pablo  Quiroz,  and  Prospero  Fernandez,  captured  the 
artillery  barracks  of  San  Jose  by  a coup  de  main. 
There  were  a few  killed  and  wounded,  among  the 
former  being  the  commander,  Colonel  A.  Biscoubi,  a 
French  officer  who  distinguished  himself  in  the  defence 
of  San  Salvador  in  18G3.'20 

After  the  capture  of  the  barracks  the  president  was 
seized,  and  kept  a prisoner  about  twenty-four  hours. 
Bruno  Carranza  was  then  proclaimed  provisional  presi- 
dent, and  assumed  the  duties  on  the  28th.  Jimenez  and 
his  ministers  were  detained  to  answer  charges  that 
would  be  preferred  against  them.30  Jimenez  was  al- 
lowed to  reside  in  Cartago  under  surveillance;  but 
fearing  for  his  life,  as  he  alleged,  escaped.31  The  men 


cate  of  naturalization.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  1SG9,  24-59.  Art  31st  recognized 
freedom  of  the  press,  and  yet  it  was  considerably  modified  by  a press  law 
issued  by  the  provisional  govt.  Nic.,  Gaceta,  May  8,  1SG9. 

27  Costa  R.,  Informe  Gobem.,  etc.,  1869,  12-15,  26-7;  Id.,  Informe  Ilac.,  ReL 
etc.,  18G9,  1-2.  J.  M.  Montealegre  had  been  the  other  candidate.  Pan.  Star 
and  Herald,  Dec.  19,  18G8. 

23  May  29,  18G9.  The  action  of  the  courts  was  restored  May  31st.  But 
the  president  had  now  unrestricted  powers.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  18G9,  94-5, 
100-1,  103.  Nic.,  Gaceta,  June  19,  18G9. 

29  Those  men  drove  to  the  barracks  in  an  ox  cart,  covered  by  grass,  and 
dashed  in.  It  looks  as  if  there  must  have  been  connivance  on  the  part  of  the 
guard.  Biscoubi  had  been,  it  is  understood,  invited  to  join  the  movement, 
but  refused  to  lend  himself. 

30  Among  the  charges  contemplated  were  that  they  had  appropriated  iarge 
sums  out  of  the  public  treasury  for  personal  purposes,  and  that  upwards  of 
82  J,000  had  been  given  Eusebio  Figueroa  to  go  on  a trip  of  pleasure  to  Europe. 

31  The  ministers  were  then  placed  under  bonds.  Id.,  June  18,  July  9,  1870s. 


380 


POLITICAL  EVENTS  IN  COSTA  RICA. 


who  brought  about  the  overthrow  of  the  oppressive 
government  of  Jimenez  were  not  left  unrewarded/2 
All  proscriptive  orders  which  had  emanated  from  it 
were  revoked,  and  persons  in  exile  were  enabled  to 
come  back. 

The  people  were  again  summoned  to  elect  a con- 
stituent assembly  to  meet  on  the  8th  of  August, 
which  took  place;  it  declared  the  constitution  of 
1869  no  longer  in  force,  and  temporarily  revived 
that  of  December  1859.  Carranza  resigned  on  the 
same  day  that  the  convention  assembled,  and  Tom&s 
Guardia33  was  appointed  his  successor  on  the  10  th. 
One  of  Carranza’s  last  acts,  July  30th,  was  to  sus- 
pend the  treaty  of  friendship  with  Guatemala  of  1848, 
because  the  latter  had  closed  diplomatic  relations 
with  Costa  Rica.3i  It  is  to  be  said  to  the  credit  of 
Carranza’s  short  rule  that  though  clothed  with  dicta- 
torial powers  they  were  used  very  sparingly.30 

Public  tranquillity  was  constantly  menaced,  till 
finally  a number  of  assemblages  passed  resolutions  to 
rescind  the  powers  conferred  on  the  constituent  assem- 
bly, and  granted  the  authority  of  a dictator  to  Tomds 
Guardia,  whereupon  on  the  10th  of  October  that  body 
was  dissolved  by  him.36  That  same  day  he  decreed  a 
full  amnesty  to  Ex-president  Jimenez  and  his  minis- 
ters Agapito  Jimenez  and  Eusebio  Figueroa.  lie 
next,  on  the  13th,  created  a council  of  state  with  promi- 

32  April  29,  1870,  Tomas  Guardia  was  promoted  to  gen.  of  division,  and 
Victor  Guardia  to’gen.  of  brigade.  The  two  Quirozes  and  Prdspero  Fernandez 
were  made  colonels.  Other  officers  also  rose  in  rank.  Costa  It.,  Col.  Ley.,  xix. 
41-4,  50  1. 

33  This  person  was  a captain  early  in  1856,  and  went  as  Gen.  Canas’  aide- 
de-camp  to  the  Nic.  campaign  against  Walker.  On  his  return  he  was  made 
a maj.  As  comandante  of  Alajuela  he  revolted  against  Presid.  Castro  Nov. 
1,  1868.  We  have  seen  how  he  came  to  be  made  a general  of  division. 

34  Guat.  had  several  times  attempted  interference  in  Costa  Rican  affairs, 
insisting  on  the  suppression  of  liberty  of  the  press,  and  on  other  violations  of 
law,  allot'  which  had  been  refused.  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  27,  1870. 

33  Report,  Aug.  22,  1S70,  by  Minister  Lorenzo  Montiifar  to  the  national 
constituent  assembly.  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Rel.,  1870,  1. 

36  llis  ministers  who  countersigned  that  decree  were  B.  Carazo,  Pedro  Gar- 
cia, Lorenzo  Montdfar,  and  in  the  absence  of  J.  Lizano,  sec.  of  the  treasury, 
Salvador  Gonzalez  as  under-secretary.  Garcia  and  Carazo  were  made  briga- 
diers. Garcia  resigned  Oct.  28th,  and  was  succeeded  by  Josd  Antonio  Pinto. 
Costa  ll.,  Col.  Ley.,  xix.  124-6,  150. 


TOMAS  GUARDI  A. 


381 


nent  political  men,37  assumed  personal  command  of  the 
forces,  and  appointed  Rafael  Barroeta  his  substitute. 
In  May  1871,  several  prominent  citizens  were  ordered 
to  reside  on  the  Gulfo  Dulce.38 

A constituent  assembly  was  convoked  on  the  12th 
of  August,39  and  met  on  the  15th  of  October,  which 
adopted  another  fundamental  law  for  the  republic  on 
the  7th  of  December.  It  was  a most  liberal  constitu- 
tion, recognizing1  all  the  rights  of  man.  On  religion 
it  accepted  the  Roman  catholic  as  the  only  one  to  be 
supported,  but  tolerated  other  forms.  Foreigners 
were  allowed  the  privilege  of  trading  and  other  law- 
ful industries,  including  navigation  of  rivers  and  coasts, 
of  holding  property,  marrying,  and  testating.  They 
could  not  be  compelled  to  become  citizens,  but  if  they 
wished  it,  one  year’s  residence  sufficed  to  obtain  nat- 
uralization. The  government  was  declared  to  be  pop- 
ular, representative,  alternative,  and  responsible.  It 
was  divided  into  three  branches;  namely,  legislative, 
executive,  and  judicial.40 

The  national  congress  being  installed  May  1,  1872, 
on  the  30th  declared  Tonnls  Guardia  duly  elected 
president,  and  on  the  same  date  appointed  Jose  An- 
tonio Pinto  and  Rafael  Barroeta  first  and  second  vice- 

37  Vicente  Herrera,  Aniceto  Esquivel,  Jesus  Salazar,  Carlos  Sancho,  and 
Rafael  Barroeta.  Id.,  127-31. 

38  For  supposed  revolutionary  schemes.  It  was  even  alleged  that  there 
was  a plot  to  murder  Guardia.  Costa  R.,  Gac.  OJic.,  May  12,  1871;  Nic. , One. , 
May  27,  June  3,  1871. 

39  Excluding  the  president,  his  ministers,  and  the  bishop  from  being 
electors.  Costa,  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xx.  118-22. 

40  The  legislative  consisted  of  a chamber  of  deputies  chosen  for  four  years. 
During  recess  it  was  to  he  represented  near  the  executive  by  a comision  per- 
manente  of  five  deputies.  All  citizens  able  to  read  and  write,  and  possessing 
property  to  the  value  of  $500,  or  an  occupation  yielding  $200  a year,  could  be 
chosen  deputies,  excepting  the  president,  his  ministers,  members  of  the  supreme 
court,  and  governors.  Deputies  could  accept  no  offices  except  ministerial  or 
diplomatic,  and  then  they  must  resign  the  elections.  The  executive  was 
vested  in  a president  for  four  years,  who  must  be  a native,  thirty  years  and 
upwards,  and  could  not  be  reelected  for  the  next  immediate  term.  He  was 
allowed  a council  of  state,  composed  of  his  ministers,  the  members  of  the 
comision  permanente,  and  others  that  he  might  invite  to  join  the  delibera- 
tions. The  judicial  authority  was  vested  in  a supreme  court,  whose  members 
must  be  natives  of  the  country,  and  such  other  courts  as  might  be  established 
by  law.  Id.,  xx.  171-20G;  El  Porvenir  de  Nic.,  Jan.  14,  1872;  Nic.,  Gaceta, 
Jan.  13,  1872. 


382 


POLITICAL  EVENTS  IN  COSTA  RICA. 


president  respectively.  The  same  body  June  20th 
granted  Guardia  leave  of  absence,  with  permission  to 
visit  foreign  countries  for  the  benefit  of  his  health, 
and  authorized  the  government  to  appropriate  out  of 
the  treasurv  a sum  not  exceeding  $25,000  for  his 
travelling  expenses.  Jose  A.  Pinto  had  charge  of  the 
executive  in  his  absence.41  Guardia  reassumed  his 
office  on  the  26th  of  January,  1873. 

The  policy  Guardia’s  government  had  pursued 
toward  Guatemala,  Salvador,  and  Nicaragua  caused 
these  three  powers  to  prepare  for  any  emergency 
which  might  arise.  They  accordingly  entered  into 
a treaty  of  alliance  on  the  26th  of  August,  1873. 42 
Minister  Montu far  had  been  the  only  one  to  endeavor 
to  check  Guardia’s  hare-brained  plans ; but  he  was  de- 
spatched to  Europe  with  the  intent  of  dismissing  him 
in  his  absence.  Costa  Rica,  on  the  24th  of  October, 
addressed  a circular  to  other  governments  remonstrat- 
ing against  that  treaty.43  Her  government  implied 
that  the  treaty  had  been  prompted  by  private  animos- 
ity, which  the  others  indignantly  denied.44 

This  state  of  affairs  created  much  alarm  in  Costa 
Rica,  as  well  as  elsewhere  in  Central  America,  and 
Guardia,  professing  to  give  way  to  the  demands  of 
public  opinion,  which  pointed  to  him  as  the  sole  pro- 
moter of  war,  temporarily  resigned  the  executive 

41  Guardia  went  to  Europe,  where  he  was  treated  with  marked  considera- 
tion. Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xxi.  48-51;  xxii.  (5.  During  his  absence  there  was 
no  harmony  between  the  acting  president  and  the  chief  of  the  forces,  Victor 
Guardia,  nor  between  the  latter  and  the  commandant  of  artillery.  Nie.,  Sema- 
nalNic.,  Oct.  17,  1S72. 

>2  Guardia  was  accused  of  affording  aid  to  the  supporters  of  retrogression 
against  the  liberal  governments  existing  in  those  states;  and  of  openly  per- 
mitting an  expedition  to  sail  on  the  Sherman  to  commit  hostilities  against  the 
other  Cent.  Am.  states.  El  Porvenir  de  Nic.,  Aug.  10,  1873;  Aguirre,  Recortes 
deun  Peri6d.,  5-6.  Circular  of  Nic.  Foreign  Min.,  Sept.  5,  187G,  in  Salv., 
Gaccti  OJic.,  Oct.  26,  1S76. 

4:5  As  an  open  infringement  of  previous  conventions,  international  law,  and 
Costa  Rica’s  rights.  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  II.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  43,  Sess.  2,  i.  113, 
116. 

44  A.  H.  Rivas,  foreign  minister  of  Nic.,  Nov.  11th,  in  doing  so,  added 
that  they  were  guarding  their  interests  against  Costa  Rica’s  insidious  pro- 
jects, in  gathering  large  quantities  of  war  material  to  favor  disgruntled  Nica- 
raguans, which  his  govt  well  knew,  though  not  officially.  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Nov. 
15,  1873;  Id.,  Informe  Min.  Delgadillo,  1-14;  Nic. , Mem.  Gobern.,  1875,  6-7. 


MORE  PRESIDENTS. 


383 


office  into  the  hands  of  the  first  designado,  Salva- 
dor Gonzalez,  on  the  21st  of  November.45  Gonzalez 
formed  a new  cabinet,  with  Jose  M.  Castro  as  minis- 
ter of  foreign  affairs,  and  fixed  upon  a policy  that 
would  secure  public  confidence  at  home  and  peace 
with  the  other  states.46  Gonzalez  and  his  ministers 
had  believed  in  Guardia’s  sincerity,  b.ut  they  soon  dis- 
covered that  he  had  been  playing  a hypocritical  role. 
Pretending  indignation  at  what  he  called  lowering  the 
country’s  honor,  and  trailing  its  flag  in  the  dust,4'  he 
resumed  the  presidential  office  on  the  1st  of  Decem- 
ber, and  the  next  day  placed  it  in  charge  of  Rafael 
Barroeta,46  who  held  it  till  the  28th  of  February, 
1874,  when  Guardia  resumed  it.  The  latter  was  again 
granted  a leave  of  absence  May  19,  1875,  and  was 
absent  several  months.49 

Some  further  correspondence  passed  between  the 
governments  of  Costa  Rica  and  Nicaragua,  resulting 
from  an  abortive  attempt  at  revolution  in  Guanacaste, 
when  the  insurgents,  being  defeated,  escaped  into 
Nicaragua.  A force  of  Costa  Ricans  landed  from  a 
steamer,  killed  some  persons  and  arrested  others  in 
territory  claimed  to  be  within  the  neutral  district, 
under  the  boundary  treaty  of  1858,  which  both  parties 
had  bound  themselves  to  respect  till  the  question  of 
limits  should  be  finally  settled.50  Congress,  in  March 
1876,  authorized  the  executive  to  station  troops  in 

45  Nic.,  Gaceta,  App.,  Dec.  3,  1873;  Nic. , Semanal  Nic. , Nov.  29,  1873. 

46  It  passed  a decree  on  the  29tli  of  November  to  check  all  violations  of 
neutrality,  and  in  a note  to  the  other  governments  expressed  itself  in  terms 
of  conciliation,  tantamount  to  a withdrawal  of  the  circular  of  Oct.  24th.  Id. , 
suppl.,  Dec.  2,  13,  1873;  El  Porvenir  de  Nic.,  Dec.  I1  1 873;  Nic.,  Semanal 
Nic.,  Dec.  11,  1873. 

47  As  stated  in  his  organ,  El  Costaricense,  no.  17,  suppl. 

48  A number  of  persons  who  had  promoted  the  new  policy,  particularly 
some  members  of  the  cabinet,  for  their  credulity  and  good  intentions  became 
the  victims  of  Guardia’s  wrath,  and  were  banished  from  their  homes.  Gon- 
zalez had  been  let  down  easy,  as  having  declined  to  continue  in  charge  of  the 
executive.  Costa  JR.,  Pap.  Sueltos,  nos.  11,  12;  Id.,  Col.  Ley.,  xxii.  194,  197, 
200;  1874,  34-5,  53;  Nic. , Gaceta,  Dec.  20,  1873;  Nic.,  Semanal  Nic.,  Dec.  11, 
20,  1873. 

49  He  resumed  control  of  the  govt  Nov.  4-5,  1875.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley., 
xxiii.  75-6,  275. 

53  Costa  R.,  Pap.  Sueltos,  nos.  13,  14;  Id.,  Informe  Gobcm.,  1875,  app.  10- 
21;  Nic.,  Correspond,  sobre  Reel.,  3—17 ; Nic. , Mens.  Preshl.,  1875,  5-6. 


384 


POLITICAL  EVENTS  IN  COSTA  PJCA. 


Guanacaste,  on  tlie  frontier  of  Nicaragua,  and  defend 
the  country’s  honor,  if  assailed.  He  was  also  to 
arrange,  if  possible,  the  troubles  with  that  republic. 
Guardia  visited  the  frontier,  where  General  Maximo 
Jerez  and  a number  of  officers  also  went  via  Punta- 
renas.51 

On  the  27th  of  March  a general  amnesty  was  issued 
to  all  political  offenders,  which  implied  that  the  gov- 
ernment was  confident  the  public  peace  would  not  be 
disturbed.52 

Congress  declared,  May  3d,  that  Aniceto  Esquivel 
had  been  constitutionally  chosen  president  of  the  re- 
public,53 and  on  the  9th  appointed  Tomds  Guardia  and 
Vicente  Herrera  first  and  second  designados  in  the 
order  named.  On  the  8th  Guardia  took  the  chief 
command  of  the  forces;  and  as  the  constitution  did 
not  allow  of  his  reelection  to  the  presidential  chair,  he 
could  reoccupy  it  at  pleasure  by  virtue  of  his  position 
as  first  design  ado. 64 

o 

51  El  Costaricense,  March  24th,  said  that  the  mission  of  Jerez  was  from  Bar- 
rios, president  of  Guat.,  to  Guardia.  The  Quincenal  Josejino,  March  20th,  gave 
it  as  a certainty  that  Nic.  would  propose  the  withdrawal  of  both  forces  from 
the  frontier  as  a conciliatory  measure.  The  whole  trouble  arose  from  the 
boundary  dispute.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Apr.  4,  1876. 

52  Costa  R.,  Mensaje,  1876,  2;  Id.,  Col.  Ley.,  xxiv.  24—5. 

63 He  assumed  the  office  on  the  8th,  and  formed  his  cabinet  with  Juan  R. 
Mata,  S.  Lizano,  M.  Carazo  Peralta,  and  B.  Morales.  Id.,  36-8;  Id.,  Discurso 
. . .Preaid.,  1876,  1-4;  Salv.,  Gaceta  OJic.,  May  22,  1876. 

5*  He  had  been  declared  a benemerito,  and  given  a vote  of  thanks.  Costa 
P.,  Col.  Ley.,  xxiv.  62.  Guardia’s  administration  during  the  past  six  years 
was  highly  extolled  in  the  Gaceta  Oficial  of  San  Jose.  It  said  that  his  surren- 
der of  jjower  proved  the  falsity  of  the  charge  that  he  had  intended  holding  it 
for  life.  We  shall  see  how  much  this  statement  was  worth.  It  claimed  for 
him  that  he  had  at  all  times  blended  leniency  with  firmness,  which  facts  fail 
to  establish.  He  was  equally  credited  with  increasing  the  revenues  by  his 
successful  measures  to  repress  smuggling;  with  protecting  industry  and  labor; 
endeavoring  to  provide  the  country  with  a railroad  between  the  two  oceans; 
improving  the  morale  of  the  country;  spreading  public  education;  promoting 
political  and  commercial  relations  with  other  countries;  forwarding  public 
works;  and  lastly,  vigorously  defending  Costa  Rica’s  rights  against  Nicara- 
gua’s pretensions.  Salv.,  Gaceta  OJic.,  May  22,  1876.  On  the  other  hand,  we 
a.e  told  that  Costa  Rica’s  revenues  were  squandered  in  keeping  2,000  men  on 
the  frontier  as  a menace  to  Nicaragua.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  June  1,  1S76. 
Guardia  has  been  justly  called  a tyrant,  because  of  his  arbitrary  acts  and  vio- 
lations of  the  constitution.  Electoral  and  parliamentary  freedom,  under  his 
rule,  was  a fafee;  results  at  elections  being  what  his  will  dictated,  and  con- 
gress being  mostly  made  up  of  his  immediate  friends  and  a number  of  puppets. 
There  were  some  honorable  exceptions,  like  that  of  Zacarfas  Garcia,  who,  for 
acting  as  a real  representative  of  the  people,  was  imprisoned  without  protest 


MORE  REVOLUTIONS. 


385 


Esquivel  inaugurated  his  administration  under  favor- 
able circumstances.  He  pledged  himself  to  pursue  a 
conciliatory  policy,  at  home  and  abroad,  though  never 
failing  to  uphold  the  rights  of  Costa  Ricans  in  foreign 
lands.  Discord,  however,  broke  out,  and  the  oppo- 
nents of  Guardia  vented  their  hostility  by  the  press. 
A revolt,  with  bloodshed,  occurred  in  Cartago,  July 
29th,  and  30th,  to  depose  Esquivel,55  which  movement 
proved  successful.  V icente  Herrera,  second  desig- 
nado,  was  called  to  occupy  the  executive  seat.56  The 
new  ruler  made  Saturnino  Lizano  his  minister-gen- 
eral, closed  diplomatic  and  commercial  relations  with 
Nicaragua,67  and  on  the  11th  of  August  established 

on  the  part  of  his  colleagues.  The  independence  of  the  three  powers,  per- 
sonal rights,  freedom  of  the  press,  and  other  constitutional  guaranties,  were 
repeatedly  trampled  upon  by  Guardia,  by  his  favorite,  Pedro  Quiroz,  and  by 
other  satellites.  Justices  of  the  supreme  court  and  numerous  other  promi- 
nent citizens  were  either  imprisoned,  banished,  or  mulcted  in  heavy  sums  of 
money,  without  any  form  of  trial  having  preceded.  Jose  M.  Castro,  chief 
justice,  and  Salvador  Jimenez,  justice  of  the  supreme  court,  were  by  Guardia ’s 
autocratic  command  made  to  live  for  a time  on  the  Pacific  coast.  Even  his 
brother,  Victor  Guardia,  was  harshly  treated  for  showing  an  independent 
spirit;  and  his  brother-in-law,  Leon  Fernandez,  was  several  months  kept  in 
irons  for  some  mysterious  offence  that  was  never  brought  to  trial,  and  after- 
ward transferred  to  a horrible  dungeon  in  Limon,  where  he  was  cruelly  treated 
until  he  succeeded  in  effecting  his  escape.  Other  infringements  of  the  laws 
are  also  mentioned,  and  not  a few  cases  of  brutality,  even  the  use  of  the  lash 
on  respectable  citizens,  which  Guardia  and  his  myrmidons  were  challenged  to 
contradict  to  the  face  of  Costa  Ricans.  Aijuirre,  J.  M.,  Recortes. . .Corresp. 
Hist.  Polit.,  1-21.  This  is  a letter  dated  and  published  at  Panama  May  1, 
1876,  and  addressed  to  Francisco  Chavez  C.,  editor  of  El  Costaricense,  Guardia ’s 
press  organ,  whom  he  handles  without  gloves  for  his  defence  of  Guardia’s 
acts  and  abuse  of  Guardia’s  opponents.  The  writer  had  been  one  of  the  vic- 
tims of  both,  and  was  evidently  well  posted  on  the  history  of  Guardia’s  rule. 
Mailing  allowance  for  exaggeration  in  some  instances,  the  conclusion  to  be 
arrived  at  is  that  Guardia  acted  like  an  autocrat  who  would  brook  no  opposi- 
tion. It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  he  was  sanguinary. 

•’■’The  people  took  no  part.  It  was  a result  of  the  abuse  by  the  salaried 
press  of  the  government,  of  the  violation  of  pledges,  and  the  tacit  authoriza- 
tion of  crimes  against  good  and  loyal  servants  of  the  country.  Salv. , Gac.  OJic. , 
Aug.  20,  1S76.  Nepotism  was  also  probably  a cause.  Esquivel’s  min.  of 
pub.  works,  and  the  superintendent  of  the  railroad  were  brothers-in-law  of 
his.  Incompetency,  mismanagement,  and  waste  were  said  to  prevail.  Pan. 
Star  awl  Herald,  June  1,  Aug.  18,  1876.  The  government  of  Nic.  attributed 
Esquivel’s  downfall  mainly  to  his  friendly  policy  toward  her,  which  did  not 
suit  Guardia.  Circular  of  Nic.  Foreign  Min.,  Sept.  5,  1875,  in  Salv.,  Gaceta 
OJic.,  Oct  26,  1876. 

- Ii  He  represented  himself  as  free  from  political  animosities,  and  promised  to 
maintain  order,  and  to  push  the  work  of  the  railroad.  He  created  a council 
of  state  of  five  members,  one  of  whom  was  Victor  Guardia.  El  Costaricenxe, 
Aug.  4,  10,  1876;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xxiv.  145. 

Because  her  govt  had  refused  him  recognition.  Costa  R.,  Informe  Red., 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  You  III.  25 


3S6 


POLITICAL  EVENTS  IN  COSTA  RICA. 


censorship  of  the  press  as  a necessity  for  the  preser- 
vation of  order. 

Herrera’s  administration  was  noted  for  its  iillber- 
ality  toward  foreigners,  and  for  religious  bigotry.  ' 
The  press  was  gagged ; capitalists  and  merchants 
were  heavily  mulcted  on  the  pretext  of  their  being 
malecontents ; men  of  reputation  and  standing  were 
driven  from  their  homes  upon  the  reports  of  paid 
spies;  and  other  outrages  were  committed. 

1 A revolutionary  movement  on  the  11th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1877,  forced  Herrera  to  surrender  the  executive 
office59  to  Tomds  Guardia,  who  assumed  the  duties, 
the  municipal  governments  recognizing  him  as  provis- 
ional president  with  unlimited  powers.60  On  the  24th 
lie  called  on  the  people  to  choose  a constituent  assem- 
bly to  meet  on  the  23d  of  December.  The  same  day 
lie  created  a gran  consejo  nacional,  delegating  the 
choice  of  the  majority  of  its  members  to  the  munici- 
palities. That  body,  under  its  constitution,  had  de- 
volved upon  it  several  important  duties.61  A general 
amnesty  law  for  political  offences  was  decreed  October 
15th,  and  on  the  17th  the  gran  consejo  nacional  issued 
a ley  de  garantias,  declaring  life,  liberty,  and  property 

1877,  1-3.  Guardia  had  been  appointed  plenipotentiary  to  Guat.  andSalv.  He 
visited  Guat.  first,  and  arrived  at  San  Salvador  Aug.  3d.  In  presenting  his 
credentials  he  said  that  he  had  been  instructed  to  pave  the  way  for  the  fusion 
of  the  positive  interests  of  Cent.  Am.  The  real  object  of  his  mission  seems, 
however,  to  have  been  to  enlist  the  two  governments  in  his  projects  of  war 
against  Nic.  Both  failed  him.  Salv.,  Gac.  OJic.,  Aug.  5,  If),  Dec.  7,  1876; 
Feb.  25,  1877;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Jan.  17,  1877;  Nic.,  Mem.  Pel.,  1879,  p. 
iii.-iv.  23-5.  Relations  with  Nic.  were  not  restored  till  June  30,  1878.  Costa 
P.,  Col.  Ley.,  xxiv.  168-9;  xxv.  97-8. 

58  Almost  his  first  act  was  to  dismiss  from  the  educational  establishments 
the  able  teachers  who  had  been  brought  out  at  great  expense,  replacing  them 
with  jesuits.  For  this  act  he  was  rewarded  with  an  autograph  letter  from 
the  pope.  He  removed  the  competent  foreigners  from  the  management  of  the 
railroad  on  the  plea  of  economy,  employing  in  their  places  inefficient,  because 
inexperienced,  natives;  the  result  being  deterioration  of  rolling  stock,  and 
general  mismanagement.  He  forbade  cutting  rubber  on  the  waste  lands,  and 
i nposed  a duty  of  3 cents  per  lb.  He  tried  to  force  Great  Britain  to  recall 
one  of  her  consular  agents.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Jan.  20,  1877. 

:’9  He  pretended  to  temporarily  do  so  on  the  plea  of  ill  health. 

88  He  chose  Pedro  Quiroz  and  Rafael  Barroeta  his  substitutes.  Costa  P., 
Informe  Gobern.,  1878,  2. 

81  Appointing  members  of  the  supreme  court,  enacting  laws,  and  discharg- 
ing the  functions  of  a consultive  council.  Id.,  1878,  1-2;  Salv.,  Diario  OJic., 
Sept.  25,  Oct.  11,  1878. 


ARBITRARY  RULE. 


387 


inviolable.62  This  law  was  in  force  only  about  three 
months. 

Costa  Rica  was  not,  it  seemed,  to  be  free  from 
actual  or  impending  trouble.  Guatemala  refused  to 
recognize  Guardia’s  government,  and  the  latter  closed 
relations  with  her  as  long  as  Barrios  should  be  her 
ruler.63  Early  in  the  following  January  rumors  came 
that  the  republic  would  soon  be  invaded  by  a party  of 
men  who  had  in  Nicaragua  organized  a government, 
and  purposed  establishing  it  in  Costa  Rica  by  force  of 
arms,  if  necessary.  The  invasion  took  place  through 
Limon,  under  the  leadership  of  Federico  Mora,  who 
called  himself  provisional  president.  In  consequence 
of  this  the  law  of  guaranties,  and  the  elections  for 
the  constituent  assembly,  were  suspended,  and  a de- 
cree issued  for  the  punishment  of  the  invaders  when 
taken.64  Tim  attempt  to  overthrow  Guardia  failed, 
Mora  being  defeated  at  El  Zapote  and  Matina,  and 
fleeing  to  Nicaragua.  The  campaign  lasted  only  eight 
days.6'1  Quiet  having  been  restored  for  a time,  an 
amnesty  was  granted  to  political  offenders.66 

Very  little  worth  mentioning  occurred  in  1879,  ex- 
cept that  in  October  Costa  Rica  suspended  relations 
with  Salvador.  Guardia  on  the  10th  of  July,  1880, 
restored  the  law  of  guaranties,  and  repeated  those  of 
January  21  and  February  1,  1878,  appointing  August 
1st  for  the  election  of  deputies,  and  the  29th  of  the 
same  month  for  the  instalment  of  the  constituent  as- 
sembly. This  body  met  on  the  appointed  day,6'  but 
had  been  in  session  only  about  three  weeks,  when  from 
the  liberal  views  introduced  and  discussed,  and  likely 


“Promulgated  the  18th  by  Guardia.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xxv.  186-7,  210- 
11,  217-19,  228-30;  Id.,  Col.  Disp.  Leyis.,  1878,  16-17. 

“Decree  of  Dec.  19,  1877.  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  45th  Cong., 
3d  Sess.,  i.  76-9.  Relations  with  Hond.  were  also  interrupted  in  1878.  Costa 
R.,  Informe  Min.  Rel.,  1879,  2;  Id.,  Col.  Ley.,  xxv.  237. 

u Costa  R.,  Col.  Disp.  Legis.,  1878,  19-20,  25-6;  Id.,  Procl.,  Jan.  24,  1878; 
Id..  Informe  Gobern.,  1878,  2-3;  Id.,  Inf.  Guerra  y Marina,  1878,  2. 

66  Finally  Mora  was  forbidden  by  the  Nicaraguan  government  to  reside 
within  the  eastern  and  southern  departments.  Nic.,  Mem.  Rel.,  1879,  p.  iv. 

66  Sept.  12,  1878.  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Oct.  11,  1878. 

67  Costa  R.,  Instal.  Asamblea  Leyis.,  1880,  7 f. 


3SS 


POLITICAL  EVENTS  IN  COSTA  RICA. 


to  be  incorporated  in  the  new  constitution,  it  became 
apparent  that  Guardia  would  not  be  the  popular  choice 
for  the  next  presidential  term.  The  last  day’s  pro- 
ceedings were  an  indication  of  the  doom  of  despotism.63 
Guardia  and  his  satellites,  alarmed  at  their  impend- 
ing downfall,  resolved  that  their  safety  lay  in  dissolv- 
ing the  assembly,  suspending  the  law  of  guaranties, 
and  imposing  on  the  people  anew  the  dictatorship. 
This  was  done  at  once  on  the  pretext  of  suppressing 
an  imaginary  revolution.  The  military  being  all  pow- 
erful, Guardia  on  the  28th  of  September  revived  the 
gran  consejo  nacional  to  meet  at  San  Jose  on  the  16th 
of  October.  He  continued  his  usual  arbitrary  prac- 
tices of  imprisoning  and  exiling  such  persons  as  made 
themselves  obnoxious  to  him.69  In  1881  he  revisited 
Europe,  and  in  his  absence  Salvador  Lara  acted  as 
president.  A constituent  assembly  was  convoked, 
which  adopted  a constitution  containing  very  liberal 
clauses,  on  the  7th  of  December.  This  constitution 
Guardia  suspended  on  his  return  to  power,  early  in 
1882,  but  restored  with  amendments  by  his  decree  of 
April  26th.  Guardia’ s health  had  not  been  much 
benefited  by  his  journey  to  Europe,  and  death  over- 
took him  at  Alajuela  in  the  evening  of  July  6,  1882. 
The  highest  honors  were  paid  to  his  remains,  such  as 
were  never  seen  in  Central  America  before  or  after 
the  independence.  They  were  buried  in  San  Jose.'0 

Saturnino  Lizano  had  charge  of  the  executive  office 
until  the  20th  of  July,  when  he  surrendered  it  to  the 
designado  General  Prospero  Fernandez,  who  being 
subsequently  elected  president  was  inducted  into  office 
on  the  lOtli  of  August.71  The  new  administration 

68  Abolition  of  capital  punishment  adopted;  also  the  following  clauses: 
1 tws  to  have  no  retroactive  effect;  all  persons,  not  convicted  of  crime,  were 
tree,  and  to  have  the  privilege  of  entering  and  leaving  the  republic;  right  of 
congregating  unarmed  to  discuss  public  affairs,  and  the  conduct  of  officials,  of 
petitioning  individually  or  collectively,  and  of  expressing  political  opinions, 
together  with  freedom  of  the  press  fully  recognized.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald, 
Oct.  1 G,  1880. 

69 Free  expressions  of  opinion  were  an  open  road  to  persecution,  hi.,  Nov. 
0,  1880. 

7J  Conti.  /?. , Honored  Fan.,  1882.  1-50;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  July  20,  1882. 

71  Fernandez  was  born  in  San  Jose  July  18,  1834.  He  received  a portion 


CHURCH  AFFAIRS. 


339 


soon  restored  diplomatic  intercourse  with  Guate- 
mala, Salvador,  and  Honduras.'2 

The  relations  of  the  government  with  the  church 
became  strained  in  1883.  Early  that  year  a decree 
was  issued  forbidding  the  entry  of  members  of  the 
society  of  Jesus  into  the  republic,  though  a few 
who  had  charge  of  a college  at  Cartago  were  allowed 
to  remain.  The  clergy  began  an  agitation,  and  had 
to  be  advised  by  the  government,  and  the  bishop  as 
well,  to  moderate  their  zeal.'3  But  the  trouble  did 
not  end.  The  old  struggle  between  the  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  powers  was  revived.  Bishop  Thiel,  with 
the  aid  of  the  jesuits,  attempted  to  interfere  with  and 
to  place  himself  above  the  government,  which,  on  its 
part,  under  the  authority  conferred  by  congress,  re- 
solved to  uphold  its  supreme  authority  at  all  hazards. 
Hence  a decree  of  July  18,  1884,  expelling  the  bishop 
and  the  jesuits  from  the  country.'4  Other  important 
measures  affecting  the  clergy  were  also  adopted  at 
this  time.'5  The  bishop  was  recalled  in  the  following 
year. 

The  republic  was  at  peace,  when  a measure  of  the 
legislative  assembly  of  Guatemala  came  to  create 
a great  alarm.  I refer  to  the  decree  of  February 
28,  1885,  declaring  the  union  of  Central  America  in 
the  form  of  a single  republic,  to  carry  out  which 


of  his  education  in  Gnat. , and  at  18  years  of  age  entered  the  Costa  Rican 
army.  In  1854  he  was  a sub-lieutenant,  and  in  1856  served  in  Nic.  against 
Walker.  In  1860  he  fought  against  the  invaders  under  Ex-presid.  Mora  at 
Angostura.  In  1870  he  was  one  of  the  few  men  that  captured  the  artillery 
barracks,  thereby  causing  the  overthrow  of  Presid.  Jimenez.  During  Guar- 
dia’s  rule  he  held  several  positions  of  trust  and  rose  to  gen.  of  division.  His 
wife  was  named  Cristina  Guardia.  Costa  It.,  Boletin  OJic.,  March  14,  1885;  Id., 
Qaccta,  April  30,  1885. 

72  Aug.  11,  1882,  a gen.  amnesty  for  political  offences  to  date  was  decreed. 

73  A sort  of  compromise  was  agreed  to;  a few  officials  were  removed,  and 
the  Quincenal  Josef.no,  Montufar’s  journal,  ceased  publication.  Pan.  Star 
and  Herald,  Feb.  24,  1883. 

74  They  were  embarked  the  19th  atLimon;  and  the  fact  was  telegraphed 
the  same  day  to  the  other  Cent.  Am.  governments  by  Sec.  of  State  Castro. 
El  Guatemalteco,  July  30,  1884;  Costa  It.,  Informe  Eel.,  1885,  17,  89-91;  Pan. 
Star  and  Herald,  Sept.  18,  1885. 

75  July  19th,  cemeteries  were  secularized.  July  22d,  religious  orders 
were  suppressed.  All  these  executive  decrees  were  countersigned  by  Minis- 
ter Bernardo  Soto,  who  later  became  president.  Costa  It.,  Gaceta,  June  9,  1885. 


390 


POLITICAL  EVENTS  IN  COSTA  RICA. 


scheme  President  Barrios  assumed  military  command 
over  Central  America.  The  news  of  this  was  re- 
ceived by  President  Fernandez  from  Barrios  himself 
in  a telegram  on  the  7th  of  March.76  The  national 
congress  was  then  summoned  to  meet  on  Sunday  the 
8th,  and  the  president  called  on  the  people  to  prepare 
for  the  defence  of  Costa  Bican  independence.  The 
call  was  responded  to  with  much  enthusiasm.  Con- 
gress clothed  the  executive  with  extraordinary  pow- 
ers.7, But  fate  had  decreed  that  Fernandez  should  be 
saved  the  vexation  of  spirit  and  anxiety  which  the 
situation  must  have  caused  him.  He  died  suddenly  in 
Atenas  between  3 and  4 o’clock  in  the  morning  of 
March  12th.  Fernandez  was  greatly  esteemed  both 
as  a private  and  public  man.  His  funeral  took  place 
from  the  presidential  mansion  on  the  next  day,  with 
the  honors  due  his  position  as  the  national  chief 
magistrate.78 

The  first  designado,  General  and  Licentiate  Ber- 
nardo Soto,  immediately  assumed  the  duties  of  presi- 
dent, as  well  as  of  commander  of  the  forces,'9  and  at 
once  called  to  form  his  cabinet  Jose  M.  Castro,  Mauro 
Fernandez,  and  Santiago  de  la  Guardia.80  Prepara- 
tions for  war  were  continued,  and  other  nations  ad- 

7CThe  federation  plan  had  been  opposed  in  1883  by  Costa  Rica  refusing  to 
accredit  delegates.  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  Feb.  3,  1885;  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  II.  Ex. 
Doc.,  Cong.  48,  Sess.  1,  pt  1,  54. 

77  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  March  9-12,  1885. 

78  Further  honors  to  his  memory  at  a later  date.  Aug.  3,  1S85,  it  was 
ordered  that  his  bust  should  be  placed  in  the  public  square  of  San  Jose.  Id., 
March  13,  14,  Aug.  5,  1885;  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  March  28,  1885;  El  Uni- 
versal (Pan.),  March  17,  1885;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March  23,  Sept.  9, 
18S5. 

79  Soto  is  a native  of  Alajuela,  Feb.  12,  1854;  his  parents  being  (Jen. 
Apolinar  de  J.  Soto,  and  Joaquina  Alfaro.  He  was  educated  in  Costa  Rica, 
and  in  1877  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  practised  the  legal  profession  till 
1880,  when  he  travelled  in  the  U.  S.  On  his  return  he  was  made  governor 
of  the  province  of  Alajuela,  in  which  position  he  exerted  himself  for  the  ad- 
vancement of  the  province.  lie  did  not  complete  his  term,  having  to  make 
a visit  to  Europe.  On  his  return  in  April  1882,  he  was  again  appointed  gov- 
ernor of  Alajuela,  and  in  August  of  the  same  year  the  executive  called  him  to 
till  a position  in  his  cabinet  as  minister  of  government,  police,  and  public 
works.  Apr.  19,  1885,  he  married  Pacifica,  a daughter  of  Ex-president  Fer- 
nandez; and  May  15th,  congress  declared  him  a benemerito,  and  gen.  of 
division.  Costa  It.,  Gaceta,  May  16,  June  9,  1885. 

80  The  first  named  was  given  the  portfolio  of  foreign  affairs.  Id.,  March 
13,  14,  1885. 


FEACE  AND  WAR. 


391 


vised  of  Costa  Rica’s  disapproval  of  Guatemala’s 
action.81  Peace  was  proclaimed  on  the  19th  of  April, 
and  the  president  on  the  30th  called  congress  to  meet 
on  the  8th  of  May,  when  he  would  surrender  the 
extraordinary  powers  it  had  clothed  him  with. 

General  Fadrique  Gutierrez  attempted  a revolution 
in  August,  which  failed.  He  was  taken  prisoner,  tried 
by  court-martial,  and  cashiered.82 

81  Circular  of  March  17,  1885.  It  also  explained  the  motives  prompting 
Costa  R.,  Salv.,  and  Nic.  to  resist  Barrios’ projects.  Id. , Manlf.  del  Gob., 
1885-6.  Costa  R.  sent  a contingent  of  troops  to  Nic.,  Hond.,  and  Salv. 
Her  troops,  however,  had  no  opportunity  to  fight.  Presid.  Soto  tendered  his 
resignation  on  the  5th  of  June,  hut  it  was  not  accepted,  and  extraordinary 
powers  were  conferred  on  him  for  sixty  days.  Id.,  Gaceta,  May  22,  23,  June 
8,  1885. 

He  was  also  deprived  of  his  political  rights,  ' por  el  delito  de  conspira- 
ciou  para  rebelion,  coinetido  en  servieio  activo  de  las  armas.’  Costa  II.,  Gaceta. 
Nor.  27,  1885. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


DEMOCRATIC  INSTITUTIONS  IN  S ARY  ADO 
1865-1885. 

Rule  of  President  Duenas — His  Conservatism — Quarrel  with  Hondu- 
ras— The  Latter  Allied  with  Salvadoran  Liberals — Battle  of 
Santa  Ana — Duenas  Deposed — His  Impeachment,  Release,  and 
Temporary  Exile — Santiago  Gonzalez  Provisional  President — 
Gonzalez  Elected  Chief  Magistrate — Guatemala  and  Salvador  at 
War  with  Honduras — Murder  of  Vice-president  Mendez — Earth- 
quakes— President  Valle — Trouble  with  Guatemala  — Exeunt 
Valle  and  Gonzalez  — Zaldivar’s  Long  Rule  — Constitutional 
Changes — Alliance  with  Nicaragua  and  Costa  Rica — Resistance 
to  Barrios’  Plan  of  Conquest — Salvador  Victorious — Restored 
Peace  — Zaldivar  Eliminated  — Revolution  — F.  Menendez  Made 
President. 


Francisco  Duenas,  called  to  preside  over  the  des- 
tinies of  Salvador  in  18G5,  by  the  grace  of  President 
Carrera  of  Guatemala,  was  a member  of  the  legal  pro- 
fession, and  had  already  figured  in  public  affairs.  He 
was  from  early  youth  destined  for  the  cloister,  and  in 
due  time  took  the  vows  as  a Dominican.  But  being 
of  an  ardent  temperament,  he  came  after  a while  to 
think  himself  adapted  for  a political  leader  rather  than 
to  serve  God  under  a monk’s  habit.1  He  accordingly 
entered  the  political  field,  and  soon  attained  promi- 
nence. In  1845  he  was  a minister  of  state,  and  had 
previously  been  a deputy  to  the  federal  congress, 
wherein  for  lack  of  eloquence  he  made  no  display; 
but  in  committees  and  private  conversations  with  his 

1 In  1829,  when  convents  were  closed  in  Guat.,  he  had  to  leave  the  cloister, 
and  afterward  obtained  a papal  dispensation  from  his  vows.  He  then  studied 
law,  and  received  the  degree  of  licentiate  in  1836. 


v392) 


PRESIDENT  DUENAS. 


393 


colleagues,  he  often  managed  to  have  his  ideas  ac- 
cepted.  He  was  one  of  the  deputies  who  voted 
against  the  fatal  decree  leaving  the  states  free  to  con- 
stitute themselves.  He  was  then  a friend  of  Central 
American  nationality,  and  often  defended  it  almost  as 
warmly  as  Barrundia.  Pretending  to  follow  public 
opinion,  he  was  affiliated  with  the  liberals.  But  his 
chief  aim  was  even  then  the  furtherance  of  his  own 
political  advancement.  Thus  we  see  him  join  the  oli- 
garchic clique,  and  ally  himself  with  Carrera  of  Gua- 
temala, from  which  time  he  discountenanced  every 
attempt  to  restore  true  democracy.  The  republic 
became  one  in  name  only,  for  his  government  was 
persona]  and  absolute.2  With  the  aid  of  the  oligarchs 
he  managed  to  sustain  himself  for  years,  the  country 
enjoying  peace  and  material  prosperity,  for  which,  as 
well  as  for  his  not  neglecting  public  education,  he 
should  have  some  credit.3 

In  December  18G8,  he  was  elected  president  for 
the  next  term,  and  public  affairs  continued  in  a nominal 
condition  for  some  time,  the  most  friendly  relations 
being  maintained  with  foreign  powers,  and  specially 
with  the  other  Central  American  states.  But  in  the 
latter  part  of  1870  serious  differences  occurred  with 
the  government  of  Honduras,  the  latter  imputing  to 
Salvador  marked  favors  to  Honduran  and  Nicaraguan 
refugees,  who  were  constantly  plotting  to  overthrow 
the  administration  of  President  Medina.  At  last  the 
Honduran  government  accredited  two  commissioners, 
namely  Celeo  Arias,  and  Teodoro  Aguiluz,  in  San  Sal- 
vador, with  the  view  of  settling  those  differences, 
if  possible,  in  a friendly  manner.  Salvador  on  her 
part  named  Bafael  Zaldivar  her  commissioner  to  treat 
with  them,  and  their  conferences  began  on  the  16th 


2 Slowness  and  procrastination  ruled  supreme.  A citizen  of  Salvador  said 
of  Duenas  to  describe  liis  policy:  ‘ El  mejor  caballo  para  Duenas  es  el  que  no 
anda.  ’ 

3 In  Jan.  1866  he  married  a wealthy  widow,  who  had  been  educated  in 
the  U.  S.  That  same  year  the  university  conferred  on  him  the  degree  of  doc- 
tor of  laws.  Nic.,  Gaccta,  Feb.  3,  March  3,  1S3G. 


394 


DEMOCRATIC  INSTITUTIONS  IN  SALVADOR. 


of  January,  1871,  but  they  led  to  no  satisfactory  re. 
suit.4  At  the  fourth  and  last  conference,  on  the  21st 
of  January,  the  Honduran  commissioners,  after  pro- 
testing against  Salvador’s  course  in  rejecting  their 
demands,  proposed  as  a last  resort  to  preserve  friend- 
ship— in  view  of  the  fact  that  all  hope  of  arriving  at 
an  understanding  had  disappeared,  as  confidence  be- 
tween the  two  governments  no  longer  existed-  -that 
the  legislatures  of  both  states  should  be  convoked  to 
meet  on  the  12th  of  March,  and  the  two  presidents, 
Medina  and  Duehas,  resign  their  offices.  After  which 
elections  for  chief  magistrates  should  be  held,  with 
the  express  condition  that  during  those  elections  both 
Medina  and  Duehas  should  reside  out  of  their  coun- 
tries. Four  days  having  elapsed  without  any  answer 
having  been  returned  to  that  proposition,  the  Hondu- 
ran commissioners  on  the  25th  renewed  their  protest, 
declared  the  conferences  closed,  and  demanded  their 
passports.  However,  after  this,  Zaldfvar  signified  to 
them  an  acceptance  of  the  proposal  concerning  the 

4 The  Hondurans  claimed  on  the  strength  of  art.  8th  of  the  treaty  concluded 
at  Santa  Rosa  on  the  25th  of  March,  1802,  the  concentration  in  the  interior 
of  Salvador  of  Gen.  Florencio  Xatruch,  the  priest  Miguel  Bustillo,  and  Jose 
Manuel  Selva,  Hondurans;  and  also  of  certain  Nicaraguans,  who  after  their 
rebellion  against  the  government  of  Fernando  Guzman  in  their  own  country, 
had  found  a refuge  in  Salvador,  and  made  common  cause  with  the  enemies 
of  President  Medina,  because  he  had  supported  Guzman  with  the  moral  and 
diplomatic  influence  of  his  government.  The  Salvadoran  negotiator  denied 
that  Xatruch  was  a political  refugee.  He  was  sent  by  Nic.  in  1803  to  Salv. 
at  the  head  of  an  auxiliary  force.  Later  with  Nicaragua’s  permission  he  was 
employed  by  Salv.,  he  being  since  1858  a general  of  division  of  her  army,  a 
rank  conferred  on  him  for  his  services  against  Walker  and  his  filibusters;  and 
was  therefore  entitled  to  all  the  rights  of  a Salvadoran  citizen.  Salv.  pledged, 
however,  that  he  would  do  no  hostile  act  against  Hond.  As  to  adopting  any 
action  against  the  Nicaraguans,  the  demand  could  not  bo  acceded  to,  because 
they  did  not  come  under  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  with  Honduras,  nor 
were  they  political  refugees  at  all.  The  commissioner  of  Salv.  made  counter- 
charges: 1st.  Hond.  had  violated  art.  9 of  the  treaty  of  Santa  Rosa,  in  that 
her  legislature  had  empowered  the  executive  to  declare  war  against  Salv. 
without  first  complying  with  the  terms  of  that  clause.  2d.  She  had  allowed 
asylum  to  Salvadoran  refugees,  giving  them  employment  on  the  frontier  of 
Salv. , where  they  had  been  constantly  plotting  and  uttering  menaces  against 
their  govt,  using  arms  obtained  from  Honduran  govt  warehouses.  All  re- 
monstrances against  such  proceedings  had  been  disregarded.  3d.  Hond., 
heeding  false  reports,  had  raised  1,500  men,  keeping  a portion  on  the  Salv. 
frontier,  and  maintaining  a warlike  attitude.  The  Honduran  commissioners 
denied  the  correctness  of  the  charges,  and  quoted  instances  in  which  their 
government  had  given  proofs  of  deference  anti  friendship  toward  its  neighbor. 
iSale.,  Protocolo  dc  las  Couf , 1-16. 


HOSTILITIES  WITH  HONDURAS. 


395 


resignation.  This  inspired  some  hope  that  peace  might 
yet  be  consolidated.  But  it  proved  to  be  a vain  hope ; 
for  the  government  of  Honduras  on  the  7th  of  Feb- 
ruary suspended  all  treaty  stipulations  between  the 
two  republics,  and  Salvador  despatched  in  the  same 
month  a body  of  troops  to  invade  her  neighbor’s  terri- 
tory;5 in  consequence  of  which  President  Medina  on 
the  5th  of  March  declared  war  against  Salvador,  or 
rather  against  Duenas’  government.6 

The  liberal  party  took  advantage  of  the  situation  to 
adopt  active  measures  for  the  overthrow  of  despotism, 
and  the  restoration  of  democratic  principles.  General 
Santiago  Gonzalez,  who  had  been  called  to  head  a 
movement,  made  an  address  to  the  people,  which  pro- 
duced a great  excitement.  Duenas  tried  to  strengthen 
himself  by  means  of  a so-called  plebiscit,  but  this  only 
served  to  show  that  a revolution  was  impending. 
Gonzalez  applied  for  aid  to  the  government  of  Hon- 
duras,7 which,  being  then  on  the  point  of  waging  war 
against  Duenas,  was  prevailed  on  to  place  under  com- 
mand of  that  officer  the  forces  he  had  organized  to 
invade  Salvador  through  Sensuntepeque.  With  his 
Salvadorans  and  Honduran  allies  Gonzalez  made  him- 
self master  of  the  departments  of  Santa  Ana  and 
Sonsonate,8  from  which  he  could  procure  abundant 
supplies.  The  government  forces,  which  had  been 
kept  in  suspense,  not  knowing  which  would  be  the 
invaders’  objective  point,  attacked  them  at  Santa 
Ana,  and  after  four  days’  hard  fighting,  though  much 

5Nic.  had  mediated  on  behalf  of  peace,  accrediting  H.  Zepeda  and  M. 
Montealegre  as  commissioners  at  Amapala.  But  an  alfair  of  arms  at  Pasa- 
quina  frustrated  the  efforts  of  the  legation.  Circular  of  Nic.  Foreign  Min., 
Sept.  5,  1876,  in  Snlv.,  Gaceta  OJic.,  Oct.  26,  1876. 

uThe  oligarchs  pretended  contempt  for  Medina’s  action;  some  said,  ‘Me- 
dina es  un  loco,  y Honduras  un  esqueleto;’  others,  ‘La  quijotesca  aetitud  de 
Honduras  alianzara  mas  nunstro  poder.’  Uriarte,  Observ. ..  .Union  Jicp.  Cent. 
Am.,  3. 

7 It  was  said  that  Medina  was  enticed  into  assisting  the  liberals,  under  the 
delusion  that  they  would  call  him  to  rule  over  the  united  states  of  Guat., 
Sale  ami  Hond. 

6 San  Salvador,  the  capital,  had  been  several  days  fortified  awaiting  an 

assault,  but  the  invaders,  not  knowing  how  much  force  there  might  be  at 

hand  for  i.ts  defence,  preferred  to  inarch  on  to  Santa  Ana, 


39G 


DEMOCRATIC  INSTITUTIONS  IN  SALVADOR. 


superior  in  numbers,  were  utterly  routed  on  the  10th 
of  April,  with  heavy  casualties;  the  main  army  was 
put  to  flight,  and  the  reserve  forsook  their  standard/ 
Gonzalez  was  then  proclaimed  provisional  president, 
and  Duenas’  government  collapsed,  he,  together  with 
Tomds  Martinez,  ex-president  of  Nicaragua,  who  com- 
manded in  chief  the  government’s  army,  and  others, 
seeking  a place  of  safety  in  the  United  States  legation, 
then  in  charge  of  General  A.  T.  A.  Torbert,  minister 
resident.  The  next  day  Gonzalez  and  his  army 
marched  into  the  capital  amid  the  most  enthusiastic 
acclamations.  His  first  step  was  to  protect  the  per- 
son of  Duenas  against  possible  violence  from  his  exas- 
perated enemies,  among  whom  were  the  friends  of  the 
never-forgotten  Gerardo  Barrios,  whom  Duenas  had 
caused  to  be  shot  in  cold  blood,  and  to  obtain  his  sur- 
render that  he  might  answer  before  the  nation  for  his 
alleged  illegal  acts.10  Both  Duenas  and  Martinez  were 
surrendered  to  the  provisional  government  on  its  giv- 
ing a pledge  that  their  lives  would  not  be  imperilled. 
The  surrender  of  Duenas  was  made  on  the  20th  of 
April,  with  his  own  acquiescence;  he  was  then  trans- 
ferred as  a state  prisoner  to  the  military  school  build- 
ing.11 Martinez  was  released  and  permitted  to  leave 
the  republic.12 

Ex-president  Duenas  was,  on  the  13th  of  April, 
1872,  declared  by  the  senate  legally  deposed,  and 
amenable  to  the  laws  for  acts  of  usurpation.  Murders, 
among  which  was  reckoned  the  execution  of  Ex-presi- 
dcnt  Barrios,  unjustifiable  executions,  and  imprison- 
ments of  citizens,  incendiarism,  misappropriation  of 

9 Hond.,  BoletinOfic.,  no.  2,  contains  the  official  report  of  the  action,  copied 
in  Nic.,  Gaceta,  March  13,  1S71. 

10  A guard  was  kept  around  the  minister’s  house  as  long  as  Duenas  was 

his  guest. 

11  He  was  kept  there,  treated  with  respect  and  consideration  till  after  his 
trial.  The  particulars  of  his  surrender  appear  in  the  official  correspondence 
of  Min.  Torbert  with  both  his  own  and  the  Salvadoran  governments.  U.  S. 
Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  42,  Sess.  2,  i.  693-5. 

12  There  was  no  reason  to  keep  him  a prisoner.  He  could  no  longer  injure 
Medina,  and  moreover,  the  government  took  into  account  his  valuable  ser- 
vices to  Cent.  Am.  in  1856  7 against  Walker.  Laferriere,  De  Paris  a Gua'e- 
tnaJa,  197  -8. 


NEW  CONSTITUTION. 


397 


public  moneys,  and  other  misdemeanors.  It  was  fur- 
ther ordered  that  the  accused  should  be  turned  over 
to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  courts  for  trial,  pursuant  to 
article  71  of  the  constitution.13  In  July  of  the  same 
year,  while  the  constitution  was  in  suspense,  during  a 
temporary  internal  disturbance,  the  supreme  court  set 
him  at  liberty,  which  caused  much  agitation  in  Salva- 
dor. He  left  the  country  after  giving  bonds  in  $100,- 
000  that  he  would  not  land  in  any  port  of  Central 
America.  He  went  to  and  remained  in  Europe 
some  time,  then  returned  to  America,  residing  a while 
in  New  York,  and  afterward  in  San  Francisco,  Cali- 
fornia. Subsequently  he  was  permitted  free  access 
to  his  country,  and  was  treated  with  high  considera- 
tion both  in  Salvador  and  Guatemala. 


The  constituent  assembly,  which  had  been  convoked 
by  the  provisional  government,  was  installed  July 
28,  1871,  and  began  its  labors  on  the  31st,  when  the 
provisional  president  gave  an  account  of  his  official 
acts,  all  of  which  were  legalized  at  once.14  The  fol- 
lowing persons  were,  in  the  order  named,  designated 
to  take  charge  of  the  executive,  provisionally,  in  the 
event  of  disability  of  Gonzalez;  namely,  Rafael  Campo, 
Manuel  Gallardo,  and  Cruz  Ulloa. 

On  the  16th  of  October,  the  assembly  adopted  a 
new  fundamental  law  in  twelve  titles,  which  may  be 
said  to  have  been  in  perfect  accord  with  democratic 
principles.1'1  This  constitution  was  amended  on  the 

13  The  process  was  accordingly  passed  to  the  camara  de  2d  instancia.  El  Por- 
venir  de  Nic.,  June  2,  1872. 

14  The  revolution  was  declared  one  for  the  restoration  of  the  people’s  rights, 
Gonzalez  being  recognized  as  provisional  president.  His  recall  of  the  supreme 
court  was  approved  of. 

13  Freedom  to  meet  peaceably  for  the  discussion  of  public  affairs  and  the 
conduct  of  the  rulers;  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press  were  fully  recog- 
nized and  established,  as  also  the  inviolability  of  life,  personal  liberty,  prop- 
erty, and  honor,  which  no  man  could  be  deprived  of  except  for  cause  after 
undergoing  a fair  trial.  A citizen’s  domicile  and  private  papers  were  also 
declared  inviolable.  Primary  instruction  was  to  be  uniform,  gratuitous,  and 
obligatory.  Secondary  and  superior  education  were  to  be  free,  though  subject 
to  the  supervision  of  the  civil  authorities.  Passports  were  abolished.  The 
Roman  catholic  was  declared  to  be  the  state  religion,  but  other  Christian  sects 
not  repugnant  to  morality  and  good  order  were  tolerated.  Foreigners  could 


398 


DEMOCRATIC  INSTITUTIONS  IN  SALVADOR. 


9th  of  November,  1872,  in  a few  particulars  by  a con 
stituent  assembly,  the  presidential  term  being  made 
of  four  j^ears  instead  of  two.  He  could  neither  be 
reelected  for  the  next  immediate  term,  nor  act  as 
president  even  a single  day  beyond  the  time  for 
which  he  was  chosen.115  This  same  assembly  in  1872 
enacted  several  secondary  laws  of  importance,  to  wit: 
on  freedom  of  the  press;  trial  by  jury  in  criminal  and 
libel  cases;  use  of  martial  law;  elections  by  universal 
suffrage;  public  instruction;  codification  of  the  laws 
in  force  since  1821;  and  appropriation  of  private 
property  for  great  public  uses. 

The  presidential  election  under  the  new  charter  of 
1871  resulted  in  Gonzalez,  the  provisional  president, 
being  chosen  the  constitutional  chief  magistrate,  his 
term  to  begin  on  the  1st  of  February  the  following 
year.  The  amendment  to  the  constitution  of  Novem- 
ber 9,  1872,  extended  it  to  February  1,  1876. 

The  political  relations  of  the  governments  of  Sal- 
vador and  Guatemala  with  Honduras  had,  early  in 
1872,  become  so  unfriendly  that  a war  was  unavoid- 
able. Salvadoran  and  Guatemala  forces  invaded  Hon- 
duras, and  were  successful  in  their  operations,  the 
details  of  which  will  be  given  in  connection  with  the 
history  of  the  latter  country.1'  President  Gonzalez 

become  naturalized  after  two  years’  residence,  and  Spanish  Americans  after 
one  year.  All  Salvadorans  of  21  years  or  upwards,  and  of  good  moral  char- 
acter, were  citizens,  provided  they  had  either  one  of  the  following  qualifica- 
tions: being  father  of  a family,  or  head  of  a household;  knowing  how  to  read 
and  write;  possessing  an  independent  livelihood.  Those  of  only  18  years  of 
age  having  a literary  degree  were  also  voters.  The  military  in  active  sendee 
could  neither  vote  nor  be  voted  for.  The  government  was  vested  in  three 
distinct  powers:  legislative,  composed  of  a senate,  renewable  yearly  by  thirds, 
each  senator  owning  at  least  $2,000  in  real  estate,  and  a house  of  deputies,  the 
whole  renewed  yearly;  the  executive,  vested  in  a president  owing  at  least 
$10,000  in  real  estate,  his  term  being  for  only  two  years;  and  the  judiciary, 
consisting  of  the  supreme  and  lower  courts.  No  ecclesiastic  was  eligible. 
The  president,  vice-president,  and  members  of  both  houses  of  congress  were 
to  be  chosen  by  electoral  colleges.  Laferri&re,  De  Paris  d Guatemala,  199- 
2J2;  El  Porvenir  de  Nic.,  Nov.  20,  1871;  Jan.  7,  1872;  Ruiz,  Calend.  Salv.,  70. 

16  Full  Sp.  text  in  Laferrikre,  De  Paris  d Guatemala,  343-82;  U.  S.  Govt 
Doc.,  II.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  43,  Sess.  1,  For.  Rcl.,  ii.  788-94,  8 1 1—20;  Nic., 
Gaceta,  Nov.  30,  1872;  Nic.,  Semanal  Nic.,  Nov.  28,  1872. 

17  Salvador’s  acceptance  of  the  war  declared  by  Hond.  March  25th  was 
signed  by  President  Gonzalez,  and  countersigned  by  his  cabinet;  namely, 
Gregorio  Arbizu,  min.  of  foreign  rel. ; Manuel  Mendez,  min.  of  pub.  instrue- 


CALAMITOUS  TIMES. 


399 


and  his  victorious  army  on  their  return  to  San  Salva- 
dor in  June  received  an  ovation.  Subsequent  events 
demanded  the  despatch  of  more  troops  to  Honduras, 
which,  together  with  Guatemala’s,  completed  the  work 
of  the  first  campaign.  The  government  also  felt  com- 
pelled to  exile  a number  of  persons  who  were  mani- 
festly conspiring  for  the  destruction  of  the  liberal 
regime.18  The  ministers  addressed  an  expose  to  the 
constituent  congress,  which  had  been  in  session  since 
September  27th,  reviewing  the  policy  of  the  adminis- 
tration, and  submitting  for  its  sanction  the  late  war 
measures,  at  variance  with  the  constitution.  All  the 
acts  of  the  president  were  subsequently  approved  by 
congress.19 

The  only  other  event  of  1872  worthy  of  mention 
was  the  murder  of  the  vice-president,  Manuel  Mendez, 
on  the  night  of  the  1st  of  September,  in  the  public 
street,20  by  a man  named  Juan  Melendez.  At  first  it 
was  supposed  that  the  act  might  have  been  prompted 
by  other  motives  than  personal  revenge;  the  latter 
proved,  however,  to  be  the  real  cause.  The  assassin 
tied  into  Honduras,  but  was  finally  discovered  and 
surrendered  to  Salvador,  where  he  was  tried  and 
executed.21 

The  year  1873  in  its  first  part  was  a calamitous 
one  for  Salvador.  A series  of  earthquakes  caused 

tion;  Borja  Bustamante,  min.  of  the  treasury  and  war;  and  Antonio  G.  Val- 
des, acting  min.  of  govt.  El  Porvenir  de  Nic. , May  12,  1872. 

18  A plot  was  to  break  out  simultaneously  in  San  Salvador,  San  Vicente, 
Sensuntepeque  and  Cojutepeque,  with  ramifications  in  Guatemala.  The 
Indians  of  Cojutepeque  rose  against  the  garrison  and  were  beaten  off. 

19  The  report  was  dated  Oct.  4th,  and  signed  by  the  ministers,  G.  Arbizu, 
J.  J.  Samayoa,  and  Fabio  Castillo.  The  legislative  sanction  was  given  Oct. 
14th.  Report  of  Thomas  Biddle,  Am.  minister,  in  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  H.  Ex. 
Doc.,  For.  Rel.,  Cong.  43,  Sess.  1,  ii.  784-7. 

2J  Mendez  held  also  the  position  of  minister  of  public  instruction,  justice, 
and  ecclesiastical  affairs.  He  was  an  honorable,  energetic,  and  talented  man, 
and  his  loss  was  much  deplored  by  the  country,  and  particularly  by  Pres. 
Gonzalez.  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  42,  Sess.  3,  i.  547-8.  The 
republic  also  lost  this  year,  Dec.  10th,  one  of  her  most  gifted  and  valuable  sons, 
Gregorio  Arbizu,  who  had  likewise  been  vice-president,  and  for  many  years 
minister  of  foreign  relations.  His  funeral  was  conducted  and  the  expenses 
defrayed  by  the  government,  as  a mark  of  respect  and  appreciation  of  his 
services.  Nic.,  Semanal  Nic.,  Dec.  26,  1872. 

21  He  was  captured  in  Jan.  1875,  and  shot  on  the  29th  of  Apr.  Salv.,  Dario 
OJic.  Jan.  20,  May  1,  1875. 


4 JO 


DEMOCRATIC  INSTITUTIONS  IN  SALVADOR. 


destruction  in  many  places,  specially  on  the  19th  of 
March,  ruining  the  capital  for  the  eighth  time  in  its 
history.  The  national  congress,  after  approving  the 
government’s  acts  to  the  date  of  closing  its  session, 

o o’ 

left  the  country  to  devote  its  best  energies  in  repairing 
the  havoc  of  that  catastrophe.  The  rest  of  the  year 
and  1874  formed,  indeed,  a period  not  only  of  res- 
toration but  of  marked  progress  in  every  respect. 
National  industries  went  on  developing,  public  in- 
struction, under  the  fostering  care  of  the  authorities, 
was  constantly  being  spread  among  the  masses,  and  the 
financial  condition  had  become  much  improved.  Peace 
reigned  at  home,  and  the  relations  with  foreign  powers 
were  on  an  amicable  footing;  cordiality  seemed  to 
preside  over  those  with  the  other  Central  American 
states.  The  future,  at  the  inception  of  1875,  promised 
concord  and  good-will  as  well  as  undisturbed  progress- 
iveness.22 But  these  expectations  were  not  realized. 
The  public  peace  was  disturbed  on  two  occasions;  the 
first,  by  the  Indians  of  Dolores  Izalco,  who,  because 
of  a dispute  with  the  authorities  ancnt  their  community 
lands,  rose  in  arms,  and  on  March  14th  assaulted  the 
garrison  of  the  city  of  Izalco,  to  be  repulsed  with  con- 
siderable loss.  Their  head  men  were  arrested  and 
imprisoned  some  months,  until,  promising  good  be- 
havior in  the  future,  they  were  released.23  The  other 
affair  was  a more  serious  one,  calling  for  energetic 
action  on  the  part  of  the  military  power.  An  armed 
mob  of  reactionists  and  religious  fanatics,  led  by  one 
Tinoco  and  a clergyman  named  Josd  Manuel  Palacios, 
on  the  20th  of  June,  fell  upon  the  city  of  San  Miguel, 
slaying  the  small  garrison,  together  with  the  coman- 
dante  general,  Felipe  Espinosa,  and  several  citizens, 
sacking  the  business  houses,  and  burning  down  a por- 
tion of  the  town.  Such  deeds  of  blood,  robbery,  and 

22  Such  was  the  flattering  account  given  by  the  government  to  the  national 
congress,  on  the  opening  of  its  labors  Jan.  18th.  Salv.,  Mensajc  del  Presid. , 
Jan.  20.  1875;  Id  , Mem.  Sec.  Bel.  Exter.,  1875,  1-12;  Id.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Jan. 
20,  1875. 

23  Under  a decree  of  amnesty  of  Nov.  2,  1875.  Salv.,  Diario  OJic.,  Nov.  4, 
1875. 


TENDING  HOSTILITIES. 


401 


incendiarism  as  those  of  the  20th  to  the  24th  had 
seldom  been  witnessed  in  Central  America.  Troops 
arrived  from  La  Union,  and  the  Honduran  port  of 
Amapala,  on  the  24th,  and  the  malefactors  lied,  but 
not  before  about  thirty  of  their  number,  including 
F ather  Palacios,  were  taken  prisoners.  A considerable 
part  of  the  stolen  goods  was  recovered.  Reenforce- 
ments followed,  and  the  department  was  secured  from 
further  molestation.  President  Gonzalez  was  at  San 
Miguel  on  the  27th.24 

On  the  other  hand,  a sanguinary  and  disastrous  war 
with  Guatemala  caused  an  entire  change  in  the  ad- 
ministration. 

The  general  assembly  had,  on  the  1st  of  March,  con- 
voked the  people  to  elect  on  the  first  Sunday  of  De- 
cember a president  and  vice-president  for  the  second 
constitutional  term  to  begin  February  1,  1876,  and 
end  February  1,  1880.  Andres  Valle  was  chosen 
president,  and  Santiago  Gonzalez,  vice-president.  The 
latter  offered  his  resignation,  but  the  assembly  did  not 
accept  it.  They  were  inducted  into  office  on  the  ap- 
pointed date.  But  previous  to  this,  Guatemala  having 
assumed  a menacing  attitude,  congress  decreed  that 
in  the  event  of  the  president  going  to  the  field  at  the 
head  of  the  army,  Amalie,  then  a senator,  should  act  in 
his  stead,  pro  tempore.  On  the  same  date  a forced 
loan  of  $500,000  was  also  ordered  to  be  raised. 

The  difficulties  arose  from  a supposed  understanding 
of  President  Gonzalez  with  Guatemalan  refugees  in 
Salvador,  and  the  government  of  Ponciano  Leiva  in 
Honduras,  with  the  ulterior  object  of  bringing  about 
the  downfall  of  Barrios.  The  latter  alleged  also  that 
Gonzalez  intended  to  uphold  with  his  forces  the  gov- 
ernment of  Leiva,  which,  according  to  him,  was  entirely 
unpopular,  because  of  its  subserviency  to  Salvador. 
This  intervention  was  deemed  not  only  an  attack 


The  governments  of  Gnat.,  Nic.,  and  Hond.  tendered  aid.  The  rebels 
were  eventually  pardoned  after  some  months’  imprisonment.  Pan.  Star  uad 
Herald,  July  0,  £8,  1S75;  Salv.,  Diario  Ojic.,  Juue  23  to  July  21,  1375 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  HI.  23- 


402 


DEMOCRATIC  INSTITUTIONS  IN  SALVADOR. 


against  Honduran  autonomy,  but  a menace  to  Guate- 
mala. Gonzalez  was  notified  that  if  be  persisted  in 
that  course,  Guatemala  would  then  interfere  in  favor 
of  General  Medina,  who  was  then  trying  to  overthrow 
Leiva.  The  result  of  this  attitude  was  a renewed 
assurance  by  Gonzalez  of  friendly  feeling,  and  a prop- 
osition to  hold  a verbal  conference  on  Honduran  affairs, 
which  Barrios  accepted,  and  such  a conference  was 
held  now  with  President  Valle  at  Chingo,  and  a con- 
vention was  signed  on  the  15th  of  February,  under 
which  Marco  Aurelio  Soto,  an  Honduran  by  birth, 
wras  to  undertake  the  pacification  of  his  country,  backed 
by  equal  forces  of  Guatemala  and  Honduras.25  Barrios 
contended  that,  though  Valle  was  president,  Gonzalez 
was  the  real  power  in  Salvador,  whom  he  accused  in 
a public  manifesto  of  hypocrisy  and  treachery.  Angry 
words  continued,  the  two  nations  being  now  armed 
for  the  conflict,  till  they  agreed  to  disband  their  forces. 
Both  governments  claimed  to  have  done  so,  imput- 
ing to  the  other  a wilful  neglect  of  its  obligation. 
The  probability  is,  that,  distrusting  one  another,  they 
merely  pretended  compliance,  keeping  their  troops 
ready  for  action.  Barrios  sent  1,500  men  into  Hon- 
duras, and  came  himself  with  a force  to  threaten  Sal- 
vador on  the  west,  and  actually  invaded  the  latter 
without  a previous  declaration  of  war.  At  last,  on 
the  20th  of  March,  Jose  Marfa  Samayoa,  minister  of 
war  in  charge  of  the  executive  of  Guatemala,  formally 
declared  all  official  relations  with  Salvador  at  an  end, 
and  then  again  on  the  27th,  alleging  that  Salvadoran 
troops  had  invaded  Guatemala,  decreed  the  existence 
of  war,  giving  Barrios  unlimited  power  to  make  such 
uses  of  this  declaration  as  befitted  the  dignity  of  Gua- 

25  This  intervention  was  apparently  on  the  ground  of  humanity,  to  stop 
the  civil  war  raging  there.  But  the  main  reason  recognized  was  that  the  sit- 
uation in  Hond.  was  a menace  to  Salv.,  and  might  lead  to  an  interruption  of 
friendly  relations  between  the  latter  and  Guat.  Salv.,  on  being  accused  of 
violating  the  compact,  alleged  that  by  strict  rights  it  had  become  obsolete 
after  the  action  of  Naranjo,  when  Leiva’s  administration  demolished  its  foes 
and  recovered  its  full  authority.  How'ever,  Salv.  was  disposed  to  fulfil  her 
agreement.  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  March  23,  1876. 


THE  WRATH  OF  BARRIOS. 


403 


temala.26  The  government  of  Salvador  on  the  26th 
of  March  decreed  the  treaty  of  amity  and  alliance 
concluded  with  Guatemala  January  24,  1872,  to  be  no 
longer  in  force.27 

Barrios’  plan  for  the  campaign  was  to  assail  Salva- 
dor on  the  west  direct  from  Guatemala  with  an  army 
under  his  personal  command,  and  at  the  same  time 
by  a movement  from  Honduras  under  General  Grego- 
rio Solares  on  the  eastern  departments  of  San  Miguel 
and  La  Union. 

The  Mexican  general,  Lopez  Uraga,  adjutant-gen- 
eral of  Barrios,  was  stationed  with  a garrison  at 
Jutiapa  to  guard  the  army  supplies.  At  this  time 
the  Salvadorans  unsuccessfully  attacked  an  isolated 
position  on  the  frontier,  which  roused  the  ire  of  Bar- 
rios. He  then  directed  Uraga  to  move  the  supplies 
to  Chingo,  whence  he  started  himself  to  the  invasion 
of  Salvador.  Solares  had  not  yet  been  heard  from. 
He  had  first  of  all  to  get  Medina  and  Leiva  out  of 
the  way  in  Honduras.  The  Guatemalan  president 
then  marched  to  the  Coco  hacienda,  and  hearing  that 
Chalchuapa  was  abandoned,  occupied  it  at  once. 
The  Salvadorans  had  their  headquarters  at  Santa 
Ana.  The  armies  which  were  to  encounter  each 
other  on  the  field  of  battle  were  the  most  numerous 
Central  America  had  ever  seen.  Barrios  with  8,000 
or  9,000  men  laid  siege  of  Ahuacliapan.  Uraga  sta- 
tioned himself  at  Chalchuapa  with  about  1,500,  and 
Chingo  was  left  with  a handful  of  men.28 

The  Guatemalans  who  had  occupied  Apaneca  were 
driven  away,  and  on  returning  thereto  encountered 
the  Salvadorans  on  the  15th  of  April,  and  after  a 

26  These  decrees  were  countersigned  by  the  other  ministers,  J.  Barberena, 
F.  Lainfiesta,  and  Joaquin  Macal.  Gnat.,  Recap . Ley. , Gob.  Democ.,  202-6; 
Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Apr.  17,  1876. 

27  It  denies  all  the  charges  of  Barrios  and  his  govt  as  unfounded  in  fact 
and  slanderous,  and  imputes  to  Barrios  the  intent  to  conquer  Cent.  Am.,  be- 
ginning with  Salv.  and  Hond.  This  decree  is  countersigned  by  the  ministers 
Manuel  Cacercs,  Dositeo  Fiallos,  Julian  Escoto,  and  Carlos  Bonilla.  Salv., 
Diario  Ofic.,  March  29,  1876;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Apr.  8,  1876. 

“Uraga  acted  under  orders,  and  wonders  why  the  Salvadorans  did  not 
fall  upon  Chingo  and  capture  all  the  supplies  there.  Riplica,  12-16. 


404 


DEMOCRATIC  INSTITUTIONS  IN  SALVADOR. 


fight  lasting  from  eight  in  the  morning  till  nightfall, 

O O O O O 7 

were  routed,  and  pursued  as  far  as  Atiquizaya,  sus- 
taining heavy  losses.23 

Meantime  the  belligerent  armies  in  the  east  were 
not  idle.  Solares  after  hard  fighting  from  the  17th 
to  the  19th  of  April  won  a signal  and  decisive  vic- 
tory at  Pasaquina  over  the  Salvadorans  commanded 
by  generals  Brioso,  Dalgedo,  Sanchez,  and  Espinosa; 
the  results  of  which  were  that  he  obtained  control  of 
the  departments  of  San  Miguel  and  La  Union,  men- 
acing those  of  San  Ahcente  and  Usulutan,  and  even 
the  official  residence  of  President  Valle ; thus  depriv- 
ing the  government  of  large  resources,  and  disheart- 
ening the  army  of  Gonzalez  in  Ahuachapan  and  Santa 
Ana.30  After  this  victory,  Solares  being  reenforced, 
the  Salvadorans,  now  reduced  to  800  or  900,  precipi- 
tately retreated  to  San  Miguel,  but  by  desertions  on 
the  march  dwindled  down  to  less  than  200.  The  de- 
fence of  San  Miguel  became  impossible,  and  Solares 
occupied  it,  as  well  as  La  Union.  There  being  in- 
sufficient elements  to  defend  San  Vicente,  the  govern- 
ment ordered  the  scattered  garrisons  to  concentrate 
at  the  capital. 

The  condition  of  the  army  of  the  west  was  not 
much  better.  There  were  in  Ahuachapan  about  2, GOO 
men,  and  in  Santa  Ana  hardly  3,500.  The  former  was 
greatly  decreased  by  constant  fighting  during  the  holy 
week,  and  on  the  day  after  easter  hardly  exceeded  900 
demoralized  troops.  An  unsuccessful  attempt  was 


25  The  victors  did  not  occupy  Apaneca  because  the  enemy,  though  de- 
feated, was  still  much  superior  in  numbers.  The  Salvadoran  general-in-chief 
claimed  a victory  over  2,500  well-disciplined  Guatemalans.  The  Diaria  Ofic. 
of  San  Salv.,  Apr.  18,  1876,  had  it  that  4,000  Guatemalans  were  put  hors  de 
combat  in  the  two  lights  of  Apaneca — evidently  an  exaggeration. 

3lJ  The  Salvadoran  army  of  the  east  was  annihilated.  Gen.  Delgado,  and 
colonels  Henriquez  and  Jerez  were  killed,  Gen.  Figueroa  and  Col  Benj. 
Molina  wounded.  A large  number  of  prisoners,  about  1,600  Remington 
rifles,  and  much  other  war  material  fell  into  the  victors’  hands.  El  Oufltemal- 
teco , Apr.  25,  1876;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald.,  May  1,  2,  1876.  According  to  a 
Salvadoran  account,  the  eastern  expeditionary  force  consisted  of  1,500,  while 
that  of  Solares  was  of  2,500.  The  former  claimed  a victory  on  the  17th, 
confessing,  however,  that  they  had  finally  to  retreat.  Salv.,  DiarioOJic.,  Apr. 
19,  23,  25,  1876. 


CONVENTION  AND  TREATY. 


405 


made  against  Chalchuapa.  A few  days  later  Salva- 
doran commissioners  visited  Barrios’  headquarters,  as 
he  was,  it  is  averred,  on  the  point  of  raising  the  siege 
of  Ahuaehapan.31  He  then  marched  to  Atiquizaya, 
and  the  next  day  to  Chalchuapa,  where  the  negotia- 
tions for  peace  were  held,32  which  resulted  in  a con- 
vention, preliminary  to  a treaty  of  peace,  concluded 
on  the  25th  of  April,  ratified  the  next  day,  and  coupled 
with  the  condition  sine  qua  non  of  a complete  change 
in  the  personnel  of  the  Salvadoran  government.33 

31  He  had  thrown  into  it  900  bombs  without  other  result  than  destroying 
a few  buildings.  Un  Guatemalteco,  Cartas,  20;  Salv.,  Diario  Ojic.,  Apr.  21,  1876. 
Gen.  Gonzalez  told  a different  story. 

32 Gonzalez  said  that  during  the  negotiations  there  were  2,300  men  in 
Ahuaehapan  and  2,000  in  Santa  Ana;  of  the  latter  only  one  half  were  well 
armed.  The  Guatemalans  had  every  advantage — numbers,  arms,  discipline, 
and  abundant  resources  of  every  kind.  They  had  but  few  desertions,  whereas 
from  the  Salv.  ranks  there  had  been  many.  Barrios’  army  on  entering  Santa 
Ana  exceeded  9,000  men.  Salv.  still  had  a chance  of  obtaining  honorable 
terms.  If  these  were  refused,  she  could,  after  providing  for  the  defense  of 
the  capital,  concentrate  the  remainder  of  her  forces  in  Santa  Ana,  and  trust 
to  the  chances  of  a battle.  Gonzalez,  Bel.  tie  los  Heclios  Ocurr.,  1-18,  in  Pap. 
Var.,  ccxxvii.  no.  14. 

33  The  commissioners  were  Jose  Valle,  Jacinto  Castellanos,  and  E.  Mejia 
for  Salv.,  and  Gen.  Lopez  Uraga  for  Guat.  The  terms  are  here  epitomized: 
1st.  Presid.  Valle  was  to  resign  the  executive  office  to  the  person  hereafter 
named.  2d.  Gen.  Gonzalez  to  give  up  the  command  of  the  forces  to  Valle. 
Both  were  to  have  full  guaranties  for  their  persons  and  property.  3d.  The 
Salv.  forces  now  at  Santa  Ana  were  to  retire  to  San  Salv. ; Santa  Ana  to  be 
evacuated  by  12  M.  of  the  27th  inst.  War  material  that  could  not  be  removed 
in  time  was  to  be  delivered  to  Uraga  under  inventory.  4th.  Santa  Ana,  and 
territory  within  two  leagues  of  the  town,  were  to  be  occupied  by  the  Guate- 
malans, the  civil  authorities  being  allowed  to  exercise  their  functions  therein, 
but  expected  to  furnish  supplies;  Barrios  guaranteeing  security  of  persons  and 
property  to  the  inhabitants.  The  Guat.  forces  in  the  east  were  to  occupy 
San  Miguel,  and  territory  within  one  league,  under  the  same  guaranties 
allowed  the  civil  authorities  and  people  of  Santa  Ana.  5th.  Presid.  Valle 
was  to  convoke  a junta  of  notables,  within  four  days  from  the  ratification  of 
this  convention,  to  meet  at  Santa  Ana,  and  choose  in  accord  with  Barrios  the 
person  in  whose  hands  Valle  must  resign  his  offices.  6th.  The  acting  execu- 
tive must,  within  ten  days,  convoke  the  people  of  Salv.  to  freely  choose,  a 
month  later,  the  president  of  the  republic.  7th.  The  person  designated  by 
the  notables  shall  have  organized  his  government  and  issued  the  convocation, 
the  forces  of  Guat.  will  leave  the  Salv.  territory.  8th.  Barrios  and  the  pro- 
visional executive  of  Salv.  will  make  a treaty  of  peace  between  the  two 
republics.  9th.  This  convention  must  be  ratified  by  Barrios  at  once,  and  by 
telegram  within  twenty-four  hours  by  Valle,  the  ratifications  to  be  exchanged 
within  six  hours  after.  An  additional  article  made  free  the  transit  between 
the  two  countries.  The  convention  was  duly  ratified.  Upwards  of  200  per- 
sons at  Santa  Ana  sent  Barrios,  after  the  occupation  of  the  town  by  his  troops, 
April  30th,  an  address  of  thanks  for  his  magnanimity  and  generosity,  adding 
that  no  Salvadoran  could  justly  complain  of  the  behavior  of  the  Guat.  army. 
Guat.,  Boletin  de  Noticias,  no.  8;  Barrios,  Mensaje,  Sept.  11,  1876,  7-11;  Salv., 
Diario,  Ojic.,  May  4,  7,  1876;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Ojic.,  May  26,  30,  1876;  Costa  R., 
Informe  Sec.  Bel.,  1876,  11-12;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  May  16,  1876. 


400 


DEMOCRATIC  INSTITUTIONS  IN  SALVADOR. 


Under  the  preliminary  convention  of  April  25th, 
Rafael  Zaldi'var  was  chosen  provisional  president,  and 
on  the  1st  of  May  appointed  his  cabinet.34  A defini- 
tive treaty  of  peace,  friendship,  and  alliance,  offensive 
and  defensive,  was  signed  at  Santa  Ana  May  8th,35  in 
which  Honduras  joined  on  the  27th  of  May.  Gen- 
eral Gonzalez  had  meantime  repaired  on  board  the 
British  war  ship  Amethyst  at  La  Libertad,  transfer- 
ring himself  afterward  to  the  American  mail  steam- 
ship Costa  Rica,  on  which  he  left  Central  America. 

Pursuant  to  the  6th  clause  of  the  convention  of 
April  25th,  the  people  were  called  upon  to  choose,  on 
the  first  Sunday  of  June,  a president  and  vice-presi- 
dent, as  well  as  representatives  to  the  legislative  as- 
sembly, the  latter  to  meet  at  San  Salvador  on  the 
1st  of  July.  This  clause  having  been  duly  carried 
out,  the  Guatemalan  forces  withdrew  from  Salvador, 
in  accordance  with  the  7 th.30  The  elections  took 

place,  the  national  congress  being  installed  July  3d, 
and  Rafael  Zaldivar  declared  to  have  been  duly  chosen 
constitutional  president  to  continue  the  term  from 
February  1,  1876,  to  February  1,  1880.  He  was  ac- 
cordingly inducted  into  office  on  the  19tli  of  July. 

Rafael  Zaldivar  had  previously  served  in  both 
houses  of  congress,  in  the  cabinet,  and  filled  several 
diplomatic  missions,  notably  that  of  minister  plenipo- 
tentiary in  Berlin.3,  On  his  return  he  became  Presi- 

34  Cruz  Ulloa,  min.  of  foreign  relations,  justice,  eccles.  affairs,  and  pub. 
instruction;  Jose  Lopez,  of  govern. ; Estanislao  Perez,  of  war;  and  Fabio 
Moran,  of  treasury.  Salv.,  Diario  OJic.,  May  (5,  1876. 

33  By  Cruz  Ulloa  and  Marco  Aurelio  Soto.  The  treaty  provided  also  for 
the  surrender  of  common  criminals,  the  concentration  away  from  the  frontier 
of  political  refugees;  fostering  legitimate  and  checking  illicit  trade;  exclud- 
ing Jesuits.  In  the  event  of  misunderstandings,  the  parties  must  resort  to 
arbitration.  The  treaty  of  Jan.  24,  1872,  and  the  Rivas-Carazo  with  Nic., 
were  repealed.  Honduras  and  Costa  Rica  were  to  be  invited  to  join  it.  Salv., 
Gaceta  OJic.,  May  11,  1876;  La  Ilei/eneracion,  May  16,  1876;  Salv.,  Diario 
OJic.,  April  1,  1S79;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  June  1,  1876. 

30  Costa  It.,  Pap.  Suellos,  no.  17.  Gen.  Indalecio  Miranda,  who  had  been 
proclaimed  president  in  some  parts,  recognized  Zaldivar. 

37  A native  of  Salv. , he  studied  medicine  in  Cent.  Am.  and  completed  his 
professional  studies  in  Paris.  On  his  return  home  he  soon  had  a remunera- 
tive practice,  and  came  to  be  considered  one  of  the  best  physicians  in  Cent. 
Am.  His  professional  duties  did  not,  however,  keep  him  out  of  politics. 


CONSTITUTIONAL  CONGRESS. 


407 


dent  Duenas’  right-hand  man  and  supporter.  He 
was  president  of  the  last  general  assembly  at  the 
time  of  Duenas’  downfall,  and  considering  his  life  in 
danger,  he  concealed  himself,  and  finally  escaped  out 
of  the  country.38  After  this  he  lived  in  exile  about 
five  years.39 

The  new  administration  had  no  home  or  foreign 
complications  to  distract  its  attention  from  the  usual 
routine  of  duties,  and  progress  was  soon  noticeable  in 
every  branch  of  industry  as  well  as  of  the  public  ser- 
vice. The  executive,  on  the  3d  of  April,  1879,  called 
the  people  to  choose  a constituent  congress  to  effect 
reforms  in  the  constitution  of  November  9,  1872. 
This  body  was  duly  installed  June  9th,  under  the 
presidency  of  Teodoro  Moreno;  but  after  appointing 
a committee  to  frame  a constitution,  it  adjourned  July 
2d  to  meet  again  between  the  1st  and  15th  of  Janu- 
ary, 1880.  It  reassembled  on  the  latter  date,  and 
proceeded  to  consider  the  project  of  a fundamental 
law  laid  before  it  by  that  committee.  Some  amend- 
ments were  finally  adopted  on  the  19th  of  February, 
and  Zaldfvar  was  reelected  president  for  the  ensuing 
term  from  February  1,  1880,  to  February  1,  1884. 

Nothing  worthy  of  special  mention  occurred  till  the 
end  of  1882.  The  constitutional  congress  opened  its 
session  on  the  5th  of  January,  1883,  when  the  presi- 
dent gave  an  encouraging  account  of  the  political  situ- 
ation. Peace  reigned,  and  the  people  were  devoted 
to  their  industrial  pursuits.  The  relations  with  the 
other  nations  of  the  earth  were  cordial,  Salvador, 
though  a small  power,  being  the  recipient  of  respect 
and  regard  from  all  others.  With  Costa  Rica  the  rela- 
tions, interrupted  since  October  1879,  were  renewed, 


38  He  effected  his  escape  from  the  capital  disguised  as  an  Indian  with  a 
load  of  grass  on  his  head. 

39  In  Feb.  1879  congress  thanked  the  emperor  of  Germany  for  the  honor 
of  knighthood  conferred  on  Zaldivar.  In  France  he  was  given  the  title  of 
officer  of  pub.  instruction.  The  same  month  and  year  congress  gave  him  a 
vote  of  thanks  for  his  services.  Salv.,  Diario  OJic.,  March  G,  8,  1879. 


408 


DEMOCRATIC  INSTITUTIONS  IN  SALVADOR. 


and  with  Nicaragua  the  most  perfect  understanding 
existed.  The  treaty  of  alliance  with  Guatemala  and 
Honduras  was  in  full  force.40 

But  this  happy  state  of  things  was  not  to  last. 
At  2 o’clock  in  the  morning  of  April  10th,  a body  of 
men  armed  with  rides,  shot-guns,  revolvers,  and 
machetes  attacked  the  garrison  at  Santa  Tecla,  crying 
Viva  la  religion!  Viva  el  Doctor  Gallardo!  Mueran 
Zaldivar  y Barrios ! They  were  repulsed  by  the 
troops  commanded  by  Colonel  Mati'as  Castro  Delgado, 
who  captured  forty  prisoners.  The  government  forces 
went  in  pursuit  of  the  others  in  the  region  of  the 
neighboring  volcano.41  The  insurrectionary  move- 
ment had  ramifications  in  other  towns,  namely,  La 
Libertad,  San  Salvador,  Santa  Ana,  Ahuachapan,  and 
Sonsonate,  where  its  authors  expected  to  be  seconded. 
The  president  at  once  placed  the  departments  of 
San  Salvador,  La  Libertad,  and  the  west  under 
martial  law.  This  and  other  prompt  measures  pre- 
vented any  further  action  on  the  part  of  the  would-be 
revolutionists.  Quiet  having  been  fully  restored,  the 
decree  of  martial  law  was  repealed.42 

Another  change  in  the  constitution  was  made  this 
year.  The  executive  called  a convention  on  the  18th 
of  October  to  meet  between  the  15th  and  20th  of 
December,  to  revise  the  charter  of  February  19,  1880, 
adapting  the  fundamental  institutions  of  the  country 
to  its  present  needs;  and  also  to  take  cognizance  of 
other  matters  which  the  executive  would  lay  before  it.43 

40  He  therefore  saw  good  reason  to  tender  congratulations  to  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  on  the  promising  condition  of  Salvador  and  the  other 
Cent.  Ain.  republics.  Zaldivar,  Menmje,  Jan.  5.  1883;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald, 
Jan.  17,  1883;  Pan.  El  Cronista,  Jan.  20,  1883. 

41  Among  the  persons  taken  as  leaders  of  the  movement  were  Gen.  Fran- 
cisco Menendez,  l)r  Manuel  Gallardo,  Marcial  Estevez,  and  Manuel  A.  Loucel. 
Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Apr.  10,  17,  1883;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  May  5,  7,  1883. 

42  June  1st.  This  decree  caused  much  satisfaction  among  all  classes. 

43  The  grounds  for  the  convocation  as  stated  were  that  the  people  had 
almost  unanimously  declared  that  some  of  the  clauses  of  the  constitution  of 
1880  were  not  suited  to  the  national  requirements.  The  Diario  Oficial  ex- 
pressed the  hope  that  the  revision  would  give  a more  judicious  application  of 
the  principles  of  a republican  government,  thus  strengthening  the  public 
liberties  without  weakening  the  principle  of  authority. 


CHRONIC  REVOLUTION. 


409 


A new  constitution  was  adopted  soon  after,  contain- 
ing all  the  political  lights  recognized  in  the  most  lib- 
eral instruments  of  the  kind,  guaranteeing  also  the 
free  exercise  of  all  religions  not  repugnant  to  morality 
and  public  order.44  President  Zaldlvar  was  reelected 
and  reinaugurated  on  the  1st  of  February,  1884.4j 
But  obtaining  leave  of  absence  to  visit  Europe,  where 
his  family  had  been  some  time,  he  turned  over  the 
executive  office  to  the  first  designado,  Angel  Guirola, 
who  was  to  hold  it  till  his  return.46  He  was  again 
in  San  Salvador  in  August,  and  resumed  his  duties. 

Another  period  of  trouble  is  now  again  impending 
on  Salvador.  Elsewhere  I give  the  particulars  of 
the  undertaking  of  Barrios,  president  of  Guatemala, 
to  reconstruct  Central  America  as  one  republic  by 
force  of  arms.  It  is  unnecessary  to  do  more  than 
glance  at  the  same  here.  On  finding  a deliberate 
opposition  to  his  project  on  the  part  of  the  govern- 
ments of  Salvador,  Nicaragua,  and  Costa  Rica,  he 
placed  his  army  in  the  field  to  support  any  move- 
ments in  those  republics  toward  the  end  he  had  in 
view.  The  people  of  Salvador  responded  to  the  call 
of  their  authorities,47  who  in  a short  time  had  about 
1,800  volunteers  enrolled,  and  relied,  moreover,  on 
the  aid  of  the  other  three  governments  equally  inter- 
ested in  defending  their  autonomy.  About  12,000  men 
were  stationed  on  the  western  frontier  under  the  direct 
command  of  President  Zaldlvar,  but  no  act  of  hostility 
was  committed,  out  of  respect  for  the  American  min- 

44  The  govt  was  vested  in  three  distinct  powers:  legislative  in  two  cham- 
bers; executive  in  a president  for  four  years;  and  judicial  in  a supreme  court. 

4,1  Ho  constituted  his  cabinet  with  the  following  ministers:  Salvador  Galle- 
gos, of  foreign  affairs;  Domingo  Lopez,  interior;  Pedro  Melendez,  treasury 
and  navy;  Asun.  Mora,  war  and  public  works;  Luciano  Hernandez,  education; 
and  Antonio  J.  Castro,  justice.  Ouat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Rel.  Exter.,  1S84,  p.  6;  Costa 
R.,  Mem.  Sec.  Rel.  Exter.,  1884,  5-6;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Jan.  1(5,  Feb.  23, 
26,  1SS4. 

46  He  visited  the  U.  S.  and  France,  being  received  with  the  honors  due  his 
rank  as  chief  magistrate  of  a friendly  nation.  La  Estrella  de  Pan..  Aug.  14, 
Sept.  11,  1884;  El  Ouatemalteco,  Apr.  29,  1884. 

4;  Proclamations  and  manifestoes  of  Pres.  Zaldlvar  and  the  assembly  of 
Salv.,  March  14,  15,  17,  1885.  Costa  R.,  Bolclin  OJic.,  March  21,  April  1,  18S5; 
La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  March  28,  1885. 


410 


DEMOCRATIC  INSTITUTIONS  IN  SALVADOR. 


ister,  who  had  been  mediating,  and  obtained  from  Bar- 
rios that  he  would  not  invade  Salvador  if  his  own 
territory  were  not  assailed.  But  this  pledge  went  for 
nothing.  The  Guatemalans  invaded  Salvador  March 
30th,  compelling  the  Salvadorans  who  had  been  forti- 
fying the  hacienda  del  Coco  to  abandon  that  position, 
though  only  after  severe  fighting,  and  retire  into  their 
fortifications  of  Chalchuapa.48  The  latter  were  assailed 
by  the  whole  force  of  the  enemy,  but  the  garrison  re- 
turned the  fire  with  success,  and  gallantly  met  the 
desperate  onslaught  until  a signal  victory  crowned 
their  well-directed  efforts.  Barrios,  the  intrepid 
leader  of  the  Guatemalans,  lost  his  life,  but  this  did 
not  put  an  end  to  the  fight  for  several  hours  yet.49 
The  discomfited  assailants  be«an  their  retreat  to  the 

CA 

frontier  at  six  o’clock,  or  a little  later,  in  the  evening, 
unpursued.50 

With  the  friendly  intervention  of  the  foreign  diplo- 
matic corps  an  armistice  was  signed,  giving  time  for 
negotiations,  which  culminated  in  a treaty  of  peace 
with  Guatemala,  the  particulars  of  which  are  given  else- 

48  The  Salv.  official  reports  claimed  victories  at  Coco  and  San  Lorenzo. 
The  attack  against  the  latter  was  made  at  10  P.  M.  of  the  31st,  and  repulsed. 
Repeated  the  next  day  from  5 A.  M.  to  3 P.  M. ; the  assailants  were  driven 
back  by  Gen.  Monterosa.  Costa  It.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  April  2,  1885. 

49  According  to  a Guat.  account,  an  error  was  committed  in  not  bombard- 
ing the  Salv.  stronghold,  Casa  Blanca.  Barrios  at  8 a.  m.  of  the  2d  led  the 
assault  on  the  N.  E.  side  of  the  fortification  with  the  Jiron  brigade  of  Jala- 
pas,  which  on  that  day  behaved  cowardly.  Shortly  after  the  assault,  a little 
past  9,  Barrios  was  mortally  wounded,  and  forthwith  removed.  The  Jalapas 
gave  way,  divulging  to  other  troops  the  deatli  of  the  president.  Tlius  it  came 
to  pass  that  the  first  who  saw  Barrios  fall  were  the  first  to  take  to  flight,  fol- 
lowed by  men  of  several  other  brigades.  To  avert  a disaster,  the  troops  oper- 
ating on  the  N.  side  were  recalled.  The  firing  ceased  on  both  sides  at  4:30, 
and  the  retreat  to  the  Magdalena  began  at  6:30,  the  Salvadorans  not  pursu- 
ing. The  same  authority  claimed  that  if  the  firing  had  been  kept  up  an 
bour  longer,  the  Guatemalans  would  have  won  the  day,  several  bodies  of 
troops  having  abandoned  the  town,  and  the  supply  of  ammunition  in  the 
place  being  already  scanty,  lie  asserts  that  the  Guat.  loss  in  all  the  fights 
was  in  killed,  besides  the  president,  and  his  son  Gen.  Venancio  Barrios,  colo- 
nels A.  Jiron,  V.  Bonilla  Cruz,  Urbano  Sanchez,  Major  Gonzalez,  a few  other 
officers,  and  200  rank  and  file.  Canipafla  de  la  Union  Cent.  Am.,  in  La  Estrella 
de  Pan.,  May  30,  1885. 

60  Further  details  may  be  seen  in  Zabllvar,  Mensaje,  May  4,  1885;  Costa 
7?.,  Informe  Sec.  Pel.  Exter.,  1885,  1-4;  Id.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  Apr.  5,  1885;  La 
Eitrella  de  Pan.,  Apr.  4,  May  2,  9,  1885;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Apr.  10,  24, 
27,  1885;  S.  F.  Cronista,  Apr.  4,  11,  15,  25,  May  2,  18S5;  Mex. , Diario  Ofic., 
Apr.  4,  1885;  Id.,  Monitor  Pel.,  June  29,  1885;  Id.,  La  Prensa,  supl.  no.  162. 


FRANCISCO  MENENDEZ. 


411 


where.51  With  Honduras52  a treaty  was  concluded, 
with  the  assent  of  the  three  allies,  which  restored 
friendly  relations.  Zaldivar  called  congress  to  hold 
an  extra  session,  and  laid  before  it,  May  4th,  an  ac- 
count of  the  campaign  and  its  results,  and  concluded, 
asking  that  body  to  accept  his  resignation.  This  was 
unanimously  refused;  nor  was  his  subsequent  request 
for  a year’s  leave  of  absence  granted.  But  on  his 
declaring  his  intention  of  taking  the  unused  time  of 
the  leave  given  him  in  1884,  that  body  acceded,  and 
allowed  him  to  be  absent  twelve  months.  On  the 
14th,  he  placed  the  executive  authority  in  the  hands 
of  the  second  designado,  General  Fernando  Figueroa, 
his  minister  of  the  treasury,  who  had  the  support  of 
Zaldivar’ s friends;  and  on  the  following  day  departed 
for  Europe.53  An  insurrection  had  already  broken 
out  in  the  west,  promoted  by  political  adversaries, 
whose  leader  was  General  Francisco  Menendez.  The 
government  reported  a victory  over  the  insurgents  at 
Armenia  the  19th  of  May,  but  the  revolution  gained 
ground  so  rapidly  that  Menendez,  who  had  been  pro- 
claimed presidente  provisorio,  made  his  triumphal 
entry  in  San  Salvador  on  the  22d,  midst  the  acclama- 
tions of  the  populace.54  The  revolution  was  success- 
ful, and  the  new  government  was  afterward  recognized 
by  foreign  powers.05 

In  August,  Menendez  called  on  the  people  to  choose 
a constituent  convention,  and  preparations  were  made 
therefor;  but  disturbances  having  occurred  in  several 
places,  he  prolonged  his  dictatorship  and  redeclared 


61  The  gov.  of  Salv.  proclaimed  peace  on  the  15th  of  April,  and  granted  a 
full  amnesty  to  all  who  took  part  in  the  war  against  Salv.,  and  generally  to 
all  in  exde  for  political  offences. 

52  Though  the  gov.  had  made  common  cause  with  Barrios,  it  manifested  a 
disposition  to  cut  loose  from  the  alliance  after  the  late  events. 

03  Costa  It.,  Gaceta,  May  19,  June  24,  1885.  Zaldivar  well  knew  that  there 
was  a powerful  opposition  to  him. 

64  Menendez  was  a man  of  energy  and  courage.  He  possessed  good  com- 
mon sense  and  natural  shrewdness.  His  habits  were  simple.  Polite  and 
unassuming,  he  always  made  a 'favorable  impression. 

5,1  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  July  1,  1885;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald , July  18,  1885; 
La  Eitralla  de  Pan.,  July  25,  1885. 


412 


DEMOCRATIC  INSTITUTIONS  IN  SALVADOR. 


martial  law.58  Zaldfvar  was  charged  with  improper 
uses  of  the  public  funds,  and  the  government  refused 
to  recognize  a certain  indebtedness  incurred  in  his  ad- 
ministration.  His  property  in  Salvador  was  seized, 
and  an  attempt  was  made  by  certain  persons  to  lay 
hands  on  some  real  estate  of  his  in  Costa  Rica,  but 
they  were  not  permitted  to  do  so.57  Shortly  after 
there  was  a rupture  with  Nicaragua,  which  did  not 
last  long,  a treaty  of  peace  being  signed  at  Amapala 
in  January  1886. 

66  Nov.  26  and  27,  1885.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Sept.  9,  Dec.  7,  18S5. 
This  state  of  things  still  existed  in  March  1SS6.  Correspondence  of  March 
1st,  to  S.  F.  Post,  April  2,  1886. 

57  The  supreme  court  would  not  recognize  the  right  of  tlie  Salv.  courts  to 
demand  it.  Costa  II.,  Gaceta,  Nov.  1,  1885;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Sept.  18, 
1885. 


CHAPTER  XX. 


DEMOCRACY  RESTORED  IN  GUATEMALA. 

1805-1873. 

President  Cerna’s  Rule — Partial  Revolts — Liberals  in  the  Assembly 
— Cerna’s  Reelection — Riots  in  the  Capital — Zavala’s  Course — 
— Cruz’  Rebellion,  Defeat,  and  Death — Arrests  of  Liberals — 
Moderation  of  the  Government — Revolution  of  Garcia  Granados 
and  Barrios — Plan  of  Patzicia — Cerna  Defeated  and  Overthrown — 
Granados  as  Presidente  Provisorio— Seditious  Movements  Quelled 
— Abolition  of  Priestly  Privileges— Prelates,  Jesuits,  and  Capu- 
chins Expelled — War  with  Honduras  — Barrios  as  Substitute 
President — His  Severity  — Elections — Barrios  Chosen  Constitu- 
tional President. 


Upon  the  demise  of  President  Carrera,  April  14, 
1865,  the  government  devolved  for  a time  on  Pedro 
de  Aycinena,  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  who  sum- 
moned the  legislative  body  to  choose  a successor  in 
the  executive  seat.  The  person  then  selected  was 
Vicente  Cerna,1  who  took  possession  of  the  chair  with 
the  usual  formalities  on  the  24th  of  May,  and  in  his 
manifesto  and  inaugural  made  known  that  his  policy 
would  be  that  of  the  preceding  administration,  being 
assured  of  the  cooperation  of  the  late  president’s  min- 
isters, whose  qualifications  he  could  not  too  highly 

1 A general  officer  then  filling  the  position  of  civil  and  military  chief  of  the 
department  of  Chiquimula.  It  hag  been  said  that  Carrera,  shortly  before  hig 
death,  suggested  him  for  the  succession.  The  conservative  element  claimed 
that  for  his  abilities  and  meritorious  services  Cerna  had  won  himself  popular 
regard.  AhV. , Gaceta,  May  20,  18G5.  Events  will  show  that  his  mental  cali- 
bre was  very  ordinary,  being  a religious  fanatic,  and  retrogressionist  of  the 
old  oligarchic  school  of  the  Aycinenas,  Pavons,  and  Batres.  He  was  a warm 
friend  and  constant  associate  of  the  Jesuits,  to  whom  he  went  to  confession, 
if  reports  did  not  belie  him,  about  once  a week;  so  he  must  have  had  a ten- 
der conscience,  or  else  was  a confirmed  sinner. 


(413; 


414 


DEMOCRACY  RESTORED  IN  GUATEMALA. 


extol.2  Though  a brave  man,  and  not  an  unskilful 
general,  Cerna  was  not  gifted  with  the  extraordinary 
acuteness  of  Carrera;  and  not  possessing  the  support 
and  overawing  power  which  the  late  ruler  had  over 
the  liberals,  omens  of  trouble  began  to  appear  in  the 
political  horizon.  The  fact  is,  that  the  assembly  and 
people,  at  the  time  of  his  election,  had  expected  some 
reforms  of  the  former  policy.  But  at  the  end  of 
nearly  two  years  these  expectations  had  vanished,  and 
insurrections  were  erelong  set  on  foot;  for  the  liberal 
party,  though  kept  under  so  many  years,  had  not  died 
out.  Justo  Ruflno  Barrios,  hitherto  a refugee  in 
Chiapas,3  now  appeared  on  the  theatre  of  war,  render- 
ing efficient  aid  to  the  most  influential  opponent  of  the 
government,  Serapio  Cruz,  one  of  Carrera’s  generals, 
who  had  early  in  February  18G7  initiated  a revolu- 
tion in  Sanarate,  recruiting  men  and  capturing  arms 
from  Guastatoya.4  Though  corpulent,  Cruz  was  ener- 
getic and  strong,  active  in  his  movements,  and  pos- 
sessing a knowledge  of  the  mountainous  region,  could 
not  be  easily  subdued  by  the  government.5  However, 
it  so  happened  that  Brigadier  Solares  pressed  him 
hard,  and  he  had  to  flee,  when  his  followers  abandoning 
him,  he  asked  for  a safe-conduct  out  of  the  countrv, 
which  was  given  him  on  the  8th  of  April,  and  he 
was  taken  under  a guard  to  the  frontier  of  Salvador.0 

2 ‘ Su  probidad,  rectas  intenciones,  inteligencia,  y larga  practica  de  los 
negocios  merecen  la  estimacion  y coniianza  de  todos  los  buenos  guatemaltecos.’ 
Gnat.,  Boletin  de  Noticias,  no.  3. 

3 It  is  understood  that  his  father,  a peaceable  citizen  of  Los  Altos,  for  some 
unguarded  words  against  the  govt,  was  taken  as  a prisoner  to  the  capital, 
and  cruelty  treated.  The  son  then  had  gone  off  to  Chiapas,  whence  he  had 
made  occasional  raids. 

4 The  govt  deprived  Cruz  of  his  rank  as  a mariscal  dc  campo,  suspended 
constitutional  guaranties,  such  as  they  were,  and  declared  traitors  all  persons 
implicated  in  the  rebellion,  or  holding  relations  with  the  insurgents.  On  the 
5th  of  Feb.  troops  were  despatched  to  the  disturbed  districts.  Pan.  Mercan- 
tile Chronicle,  March  3,  1837. 

sOne  of  his  plans  was  to  destroy  the  rum-stills  belonging  to  a monopoly, 
from  which  the  treasury  derived  a large  revenue.  The  cry  of  Down  with  the 
aguardiente  company  1 raised  by  any  popular  man  would  bring  him  stanch 
followers.  Carrera  himself  had  used  it  in  his  early  days. 

°JIe  had  signed  a pledge  not  to  return  to  Guat.  without  leave  of  the  govt, 
and  neither  directly  nor  indirectly  to  disturb  the  public  peace.  Nic. , Gaceta, 
Apr.  27,  May  25,  1837;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Apr.  20,  1807;  Pan.  Mercan - 
tie  Chronicle,  May  22,  1837. 


BARRIOS’  PRONUNCIAMIENTO. 


415 


The  government  did  not  sanction  this  proceeding  of 
Solares. 

A prormnciamiento  took  place  at  the  Malacate  haci- 
enda, belonging  to  Barrios,  August  3d,  the  same  year, 
which  also  failed,  the  insurgents  being  defeated,  and 
their  leader,  Francisco  Cruz,  and  thirty-seven  others 
captured  by  Indians  friendly  to  the  government,  and 
sentenced.7  Serapio  Cruz  with  twenty  men  invaded 
Guatemala  from  Chiapas  in  March  1869.  The  gov- 
ernment decreed  stringent  measures.8  Cruz  on  the 
27th  of  April  destroyed  a small  party  of  troops 
under  Lieutenant  Abelar  in  the  mountains.  He  was 
on  the  2d  and  3d  of  May  at  Huehuetenango,9  and  on 
the  4th  marched  to  Momostenango  with  five  hundred 
Indians  and  some  ladinos.  About  one  hundred  of 
his  men  had  fire-arms,  a number  only  machetes,  and 
the  rest  were  unarmed.  He  continued  his  march  to 
Santa  Maria  Chiquimula,  thence  to  Santa  Lucia,  five 
leagues  distant,  but  abandoned  it  on  the  6th,  upon  the 
approach  of  government  troops,  going  to  Sacapulas, 
as  if  to  return  to  the  mountains  of  Nebaj.  Colonel 
Battle  reported  May  20th  from  Nebaj  the  utter  dis- 
comfiture of  Cruz  that  morning.  His  men  had  taken 
flight,  scattering  in  the  mountains.10  Another  report 
of  the  23d  stated  that  Cruz  with  only  23  men  was  on 
the  21st  fleeing  through  the  unsettled  region  of 
Cliimal,  as  if  bound  to  Chiapas  by  way  of  Cliaculd.  It 

7 Cruz  and  some  of  his  officers  were  executed;  others  were  sentenced  to  ten 
years’  confinement  in  San  Felipe  castle.  J.  Rufino  Barrios  escaped,  and  his 
hacienda,  El  Malacate,  being  partly  in  Guat.  and  partly  in  Soconusco,  an 
active  pursuit  of  him  was  not  easy.  Guat.,  Boletin  de  Noticias,  Aug.  16,  1867; 
Pan.  Merc.  Chronicle,  Sept.  4,  18,  Oct.  4,  1867.  Barrios  made  another  raid 
from  his  hacienda  in  Apr.  1868,  which  also  failed  in  effecting  his  purpose. 
Guat.,  Gaceta,  Apr.  29,  1868;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  May  23,  1868. 

B May  8th,  suspended  certain  clauses  of  the  constitution.  The  decree 
alleged  that  Cruz  had  been  inveigling  the  Indians  of  Los  Altos  ‘ con  promesas 
peligrosas  de  distribucion  de  tierras."  Cruz  was  declared  amenable  to  the 
laws  for  his  seditious  acts  of  1867  as  well  as  for  the  present  ones.  All  others 
concerned  with  him  were  made  indictable  for  treason,  if  after  the  public,  of 
the  decree  they  did  not  surrender.  Passports  had  to  be  obtained  to  travel. 
Guat.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  Apr.  9,  1869;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Apr.  17,  1869;  Salv., 
Constitucional,  May  20,  1869. 

9 The  distillery  was  destroyed  as  a matter  of  course. 

10  The  official  report  added  that  the  insurgents  left  24  dead  and  16  pris- 
oners; and  that  it  was  rumored  Cruz  had  been  shot  in  the  heart. 


416 


DEMOCRACY  RESTORED  IN  GUATEMALA. 


seems  that  being  pursued  from  all  directions,  lie  fled 
from  Verapaz,  where  he  found  no  followers,  to  Cani- 
11a,  and  succeeded  in  entering  the  Sierra  Madre.  In 
Guatemala  it  was  reported,  July  30,  18G9,  that  Cruz 
had  again  taken  refuge  in  Chiapas.11  1 

While  the  government  had  been  thus  harassed  by 
insurgents  in  arms,  the  liberal  opposition  in  the  legis- 
lative chamber  was  daily  growing  in  strength.  Deputy 
M iguel  Garcia  Granados  repeatedly  denounced  the 
arbitrary  acts  of  the  ministers.  After  a while  there 
came  to  be  but  few  less  liberals  than  conservatives  in 
the  legislature,  and  when  Cerna’s  term  was  approach- 
ing its  end,  the  opposition  felt  strong  enough  to  have 
a candidate  of  their  own  at  the  presidential  election. 
Cerna  was  brought  forward  by  his  party  for  the  next 
term — May  24,  1869,  to  December  31,  1872.  The 
liberals  nominated  General  Victor  Zavala,  who  had 
won  so  much  distinction  in  the  Walker  campaign,  and 
was  popular  with  the  military  element.1'1  Zavala  was 
defeated,  though  he  had  a respectable  support  in  the 
assembly,13  which  was  an  omen  of  a not  distant  change 
in  the  political  situation. 

On  the  24th  of  May,  1869,  the  date  of  Cerna’s 
second  inauguration,  there  was  a great  popular  excite- 
ment at  the  capital.  A revolution  was  impending. 
At  the  approach  of  night  every  precaution  was  adopted 
by  the  ministers  to  guard  the  president’s  mansion  and 
the  public  buildings.  The  troops  were  kept  in  the 
barracks  under  arms.  As  darkness  increased,  cries  of 
Viva  Zavala!  were  repeatedly  heard,  shots  were  fired, 
several  persons  being  wounded,  and  one  killed  in  the 
plaza  del  teatro.  Zavala’s  friends  tried  to  prevail  on 

11  Hie.,  Gaeeta,  June  12,  19,  Aug.  7,  Sept.  18,  Dec.  IS,  1869;  Pan.  Star  and 
Herald,  June  17,  Sept.  17,  1869;  Guat.,  liolctin  de  Noticias,  Nov.  24,  1869. 

12  Zavala  was  accused  by  the  conservatives  of  political  inconsistency,  in 
that  he  had  all  along  claimed  to  be  a supporter  of  Cerna.  Pan.  Star  and 
Herald,  Fob.  2,  1869. 

12  The  vote  stood  31  for  Cerna,  21  for  Zavala,  5 scattered.  Not  a bad 
showing  for  the  liberals,  if  we  consider  that  the  electors  had  been  chosen  under 
the  influence  of  the  oligarchic  government.  Id.,  Feb.  23,  June  17,  1869. 


DETERMINED  REVOLUTIONISTS. 


417 


him  to  lead  them  in  an  attempt  to  overthrow  the  ad- 
ministration. He  refused  to  do  so,  from  motives  of 
prudence  and  unwillingness  to  cause  bloodshed.  He 
strongly  doubted  that  such  a movement  could  be  suc- 
cessful, and  was  probably  right,  but  his  course  on  that 
occasion  lost  him  the  regard  of  the  more  enthusiastic 
portion  of  his  political  supporters.  There  had  been 
an  escape  from  a sanguinary  revolt,  but  the  public 
mind  remained  greatly  agitated. 

Cerna  in  his  inaugural  address  had  said  that  the 
troubled  state  of  the  country  had  demanded  his  ac- 
ceptance of  a reelection,  and  that  this  opportunity, 
when  the  republic  was  at  peace  with  the  other  Central 
American  states,  and  with  all  foreign  powers,  was  a 
favorable  one  for  good  citizens  to  aid  the  government 
in  securing  quiet  at  home.  But  his  advice  was  un- 
heeded. Neither  he  nor  his  ministers  were  allowed 
any  peace.  Garcia  Granados  continued  his  agitation 
in  the  legislative  chamber,  his  denunciations  of  the 
government  growing  from  day  to  day  louder  and  more 
menacing.  The  president  and  his  cabinet  were  aware 
that  a large  portion  of  the  middle  class  in  the  chief 
towns  sided  with  the  liberal  agitator,  and  that  the 
leaven  of  liberalism  already  was  working  in  the  army. 
Several  superior  officers  were  accordingly  distrusted, 
and  the  lower  ones  serving  under  them  were  of  course 
looked  on  as  unreliable.  The  treasury  was  empty, 
and  the  country  burdened  with  a heavy  debt,  both  in- 
ternal and  foreign.14  Meantime,  Serapio  Cruz  was 
daily  gaining  strength  on  the  north-western  frontier. 
He  was  supplied  with  money  by  the  liberals,  with 
which  he  bought  arms  for  his  followers.  His  Indian 
allies  kept  him  advised  of  every  advance  of  govern- 
ment troops.1'’  He  was  exceedingly  active  and  suc- 
cessful in  the  latter  part  of  18G9,  having  at  this  time 

“In  his  message  to  congress  Nov.  2oth,  Cerna  acknowledged  that  the 
country  was  in  a sad  plight.  He  called  his  account  ‘ un  cuadro  desconsolador,  ’ 
and  requested  a postponement  of  the  session. 

15  The  govt  had  raised  a loan  in  London,  and  for  a few  months  was  aide  to 
tide  over  many  of  its  difficulties,  internal  debts,  and  arrears  due  the  army 
and  officials  being  settled,  and  the  treasury  still  having  a surplus. 

Hist.  Cent  Am.,  Vol.  III.  27 


418 


DEMOCRACY  RESTORED  IN  GUATEMALA. 


from  700  to  1,000  men,  and  being  efficiently  seconded 
by  J.  Rufino  Barrios.  Various  collisions  with  the 
government  troops  were  favorable  to  the  insurgents. 
The  latter  assaulted  Huehuetenango,  a strongly  gar- 
risoned place,  and  were  repulsed,  but  not  before  they 
had  burned  down  a large  part  of  it.  In  December 
1869,  Cruz  approached  the  capital,  and  by  rapid  move- 
ments evaded  the  superior  forces  of  the  government. 

On  Saturday,  the  15th  of  January,  1870,  the  liberals 
in  the  capital  had  made  preparations  for  an  outbreak 
the  following  day,  when  Cruz  was  expected  to  march  in 
and  support  them.  Early  on  Sunday  there  was  much 
excitement  in  the  city.  Unfortunately  for  their  cause, 
Cruz  had  relaxed  his  vigilance.  Before  noon  it  was 
whispered  that  on  the  road  leading  from  the  eastern 
gate  to  Palencia,  a severe  encounter  had  taken  place ; 
next  came  a report  that  Cruz  had  been  defeated  and 
killed,  soon  followed  by  another  that  his  head  was  on 
its  way  to  the  city.  This  proved  to  be  a fact.16  The 
victors  marched  into  the  capital  with  their  ghastly 
trophy,  the  head  of  the  man  who  had  expected  at  that 
moment  to  be  master  of  the  place.17 

16  The  government  had  supposed  him  in  a distant  department  fleeing  from 
its  troops,  when  he  quietly  slipped  into  Palencia,  a town  distant  8 or  9 miles 
from  Guatemala,  in  the  night  of  Saturday.  Feeling  certain  that  the  govt 
was  ignorant  of  his  whereabouts,  and  confident  that  the  people  of  Palencia 
were  friendly,  he  failed  to  adopt  proper  precautions,  and  even  had  high  mass 
chanted  for  his  troops  in  the  small  hours  of  the  morning.  But  it  so  happened 
that  the  authorities  of  Guatemala  received  late  in  the  night  information  of 
Iris  arrival,  and  of  the  number  of  his  men.  An  overwhelming  force  of  Santa 
Rosa  Indians,  devoted  to  Cerna  and  hostile  to  Cruz’  Indians,  was  despatched 
under  command  of  Brig.  Solares,  who  surrounded  Cruz  and  attacked  him  be- 
fore he  had  begun  to  prepare  for  his  own  attack  of  the  capital.  He  made  a 
desperate  fight  of  two  hours,  however,  behind  the  adobe  walls  of  a corral,  but 
it  availed  naught.  His  only  chance  of  escape  was  in  flight.  A rush  carried 
him  and  his  remaining  men  to  the  edge  of  a ravine,  and  he  had  gone  down 
half  of  the  steep  descent  when  a ball  struck  him  in  the  thigh  and  broke  it. 
No  quarter  was  asked  or  given.  He  was  slain  while  fiercely  fighting  to  the 
last.  His  fleeing  men  were  relentlessly  pursued  for  several  days,  and  such 
as  were  not  killed  in  the  ravines  were  captnred  and  executed.  Peatfield's 
Glimpse  at  a Cent.  Am.  Ilcp.,  in  Overland  Monthly,  xiv.  103-5;  sec  also  Guat., 
Ilolctin  de  Noticicis,  Jan.  15,  1870;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Jan.  28,  1870;  Nic.,  Gaceta, 
Feb.  5,  19,  1870;  Nueva  Em,  Paso  del  Norte,  Apr.  3,  1885.  The  victorious 
Solares  was  promoted  to  mariscal  de  campo;  his  officers  also  received  promo- 
tion, and  the  rank  and  file  one  month’s  extra  pay;  but  he  lived  to  enjoy  his 
new  honors  less  than  a year,  his  death  occurring  in  Nov.  1870.  Mir.,  Gaceta, 
Dec.  3,  1870. 

17  It  was  exposed  to  the  public  gaze  at  the  door  of  the  hospital,  where  a 
nboto"rar>h  of  it  was  taken,  copies  of  which  were  sold  at  half  a dollar  each. 


EXCEPTIONAL  CLEMENCY. 


419 


All  hope  of  success  for  the  liberals  was  now  at  an 
end,  at  least  for  a time.  The  correspondence  of  their 
chief  men  with  Cruz  having  been  captured,  the  gov- 
ernment ordered  their  arrest,  but  most  of  them  es- 
caped. Jose  Maria  Samayoa,  the  wealthiest  of  them, 
was  imprisoned  a short  time,  and  then  banished,  and 
went  to  sojourn  in  San  Salvador.  Garcia  Granados, 
after  being  some  time  concealed,  was  ultimately  dis- 
covered, and  sought  asylum  at  the  British  legation, 
from  which,  by  the  intercession  of  other  foreign  rep- 
resentatives, he  was  permitted  to  leave  the  country. 
He  went  to  reside  in  Chiapas.18  The  administration 
must  be  commended  for  its  magnanimity.  Not  a 
single  execution  or  confiscation  of  property  followed 
its  triumph.  Whatever  the  motive  was  which  prompted 
clemency  to  such  bitter  opponents19  against  the  opin- 
ion of  many  firm  supporters,  it  may  not  be  denied  that 
it  eventually  brought  about  the  government’s  over- 
throw ; for  the  condition  of  the  liberals,  though  over- 
spread with  gloom,  was  not  altogether  hopeless.  The 
government  strengthened  their  bands  by  failing  to 
satisfy  the  people  with  liberal  measures.20  The  dis- 
content grew  apace.  Neither  the  authorities  nor 
Garcia  Granados  were  idle  during  1870,  both  laying 
in  a supply  of  breech-loading  rifles.  • 

Early  in  1871,  the  liberals  of  Salvador,  witli  the 
assistance  of  the  president  of  Honduras,  overthrew  the 
government  of  Duenas.21  This  was  a heavy  blow  to 
the  conservatives.  Garcia  Granados  was  organizing- 
an  expedition  in  Chiapas,  probably  in  concert  with  the 
liberals  of  Salvador,  and  as  soon  as  Duenas’  downfall 
was  accomplished,  he  invaded  Guatemala,  where  he 
was  joined  by  J.  Rufino  Barrios,  who,  upon  the  defeat 

18  On  parole  not  to  return  without  permission  of  the  govt.  He  and  some 
members  of  his  family  had  to  sign  a $10,000  bond. 

19  Silas  A.  Hudson,  the  Am.  minister,  claimed  that  much  had  been  due  to 
his  advice,  and  the  favorable  opinion  had  of  his  friendly  course.  U.  S.  Govt 
Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  For.  Reh,  Cong.  41,  Sess.  3,  444. 

20  Cerna  was  blind  himself,  or  tried  to  throw  dust  into  the  eyes  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  when  in  his  message  of  Nov.  25,  1870,  he  assured 
them  that  peace  had  been  fully  restored.  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Dec.  17,  1870. 

21  The  particulars  of  this  revolution  appear  in  another  chapter. 


420 


DEMOCRACY  RESTORED  TN  GUATEMALA. 


of  Cruz,  had  retired  into  Mexican  territory.  Vicente 
Mendez  Cruz  invaded  on  the  5th  of  March  at  Charula 
and  proceeded  to  the  sierra  of  Nebaj,  relying  on  the 
aid  of  the  Indians  of  Chajul.  He  was  joined  by  an- 
other party  under  E.  Giron,  and  together  they  occu- 
pied Coban,  which  was  ungarrisoned.  Barrios  with 
about  sixty  men  encountered,  April  4th,  on  the  Ta- 
eand  heights,  a government  force,  which  retreated  to 
San  Mdrcos.  Lastly,  Lieutenant-colonel  Juan  Viteri 
joined  them  with  some  servants  of  his  hacienda.22 

Garcia  Granados,  by  way  of  Cuilco  and  Tejutla, 
reached,  May  1 Oth,  Sercliil,  distant  three  leagues  from 
San  Pedro  Sacatepequez.  He,  together  with  Barrios, 
occupied  San  Mdrcos,  and  on  the  approach  of  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Calonge,  retreated  toward  Coatepeque.23 
The  result  of  the  operations  was  that  on  June  1st 
Calonge,  at  the  head  of  800  men,  Avas  routed  by 
Garcia  Granados  near  La  Antigua,  losing  his  artillery, 
500  rifles,  and  ammunition.  Of  the  government 
troops  hardly  100  men  got  back  to  the  capital.  The 
people  of  Jutiapa  revolted,  and  sent  a commissioner  to 
General  Gregorio  Solares,  then  at  Santa  Ana,  in 
Salvador,  to  invite  him  to  command  a considerable 
force  for  cooperation  with  Garcia  Granados.  Solares 
lost  no  time  in  answering  the  call. 

The  officers  of  the  liberating  army  held  a meeting 
on  the  3d  of  June  at  the  town  of  Patzicia,  and  in  a 
preamble  and  series  of  resolutions  made  known  their 
purpose  to  overthrow  Cerna  and  his  administration, 
and  establish  a republic  based  on  democratic  princi- 
ples, to  which  effect  Miguel  Garcia  Granados  was 
called  to  act  as  provisional  president  with  ample 
powers.24  Garcia  Granados  had  previously  made  a 

22  The  Boletin  de  Noticias  said,  respecting  his  movement,  ‘ cometio  el  acto 
de  demencia.  ’ 

22  So  said  the  Boletin  de  Noticias  of  Guat.,  copied  by  Nic. , Gaceta,  June  3, 
1871. 

2i  The  preamble  said  that  Cerna ’s  govt  had  become  intolerable  by  its  arbi- 
trary and  cruel  acts  in  violation  of  the  constitution  and  other  laws;  that  it 
had  usurped  powers,  and  had  assailed  the  representatives  of  the  people;  it 
had  ruined  the  public  treasury,  and  compromised  the  independence  of  the 
country  by  contracting  without  authority  of  law  a ruinous  loan  in  Europe. 


GARCIA  GRANADOS. 


421 


proclamation  to  his  countrymen  detailing  the  arbitrary 
acts  of  the  government,  one  of  which  had  been  the  or- 
der to  confine  him  and  other  representatives  of  the 
people25  in  the  dungeons  of  Fort  San  Jose.  He  was 
fortunate,  however,  in  escaping  arrest.  He  now  urged 
the  necessity  of  overthrowing  a despotism  under  which 
the  nation  could  make  no  progress  whatever.26  Again, 
after  the  pronunciamiento  of  Patzicia,  he  issued  an- 
other manifesto,  pledging  himself  to  labor  for  the 
establishment  of  a republican  government. 

The  troops  sent  against  the  insurgents  at  first  made 
little  or  no  resistance.  They  were  disaffected  men, 
and  led  by  lukewarm  or  faithless  officers.2'  Cerna 
then  took  the  field  with  the  troops  which  could  be 
spared  from  the  defence  of  the  capital,  a good  portion 
being  his  faithful  battalions  of  Santa  Rosa  and  Chi- 

Consequently,  the  people  would  no  longer  forbear  with  its  tyrannical  domina- 
tion, and  had  resolved  to  set  it  aside.  The  following  are  the  resolutions 
epitomized:  1st.  To  depose  the  tyrant  and  usurper  Cerna;  2d.  To  appoint 
Miguel  Garcia  Granados  provisional  president  with  full  authority  to  reorgan- 
ize a government  on  the  bases  proclaimed  by  him  May  8,  1871;  3d.  He  was 
also  instructed  when  expedient  to  convoke  a constituent  assembly  for  fram- 
ing a new  fundamental  law;  4th.  The  officers  solemnly  bound  themselves  not 
to  lay  down  their  arms  until  these  purposes  were  effected.  Signed  by  Gen. 
of  Brigade  J.  Rufino  Barrios,  Colonel  Francisco  del  Riego,  lieut-colonels  Juan 
Viteri,  Julio  Garcia  Granados,  etc.  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  Gob.  Detnoc.,  i.  1-3 
et  seq. 

25  He  had  been,  he  said,  for  20  years  energetically  opposing  the  govern- 
ment’s illegal  proceedings  in  the  chamber  of  deputies;  and  it  had  never  dared 
to  touch  him  until  after  its  triumph  over  Cruz  in  Jan.  1870.  Garcia  Granados, 
Prod,  June  2,  1871. 

26  A contemporary  gives  the  following  lists  of  bequests  left  by  the  con- 
servative rule  of  thirty  years.  A large  number  of  jesuits,  well  fed  on  the 
sweat  of  the  people,  and  their  acolytes  and  choristers;  another  large  quantity 
of  Capuchin  friars  who  preyed  on  the  inhabitants  of  Antigua,  Guat.;  about 
200  friars  and  lay  brothers  in  the  capital,  most  of  them  lazy  and  stupid; 
nearly  200  useless  nuns,  of  whom  some  40  were  in  a state  of  insanity  or 
idiocy,  and  in  condition  to  be  canonized;  one  archbishop,  2 bishops,  12  or 
15  vicars  and  canons,  and  a high  steward  of  church  property,  etc;  a foreign 
debt  of  five  million  dollars;  a nearly  complete  absence  of  public  education, 
necessitating  the  establishment  of  at  least  500  schools  and  colleges  adequately 
supplied;  few,  if  any,  roads  or  bridges;  no  steam  vessels;  no  adequate  postal 
service;  no  telegraphs;  no  public  lands,  for  immense  tracts  of  unproductive 
lands  were  held  by  the  church  and  by  a few  aristocrats.  Juan  Alvarez,  Dos 
PalaJn-as,  12-13.  Prior  to  the  revolution  of  1871,  which  regenerated  the 
country,  the  capital  wore  a monkish  and  funereal  look.  After  the  triumph  of 
this  movement,  abuses  were  eradicated,  anachronisms  disappeared,  and  mod- 
ern ideas  began  to  prevail.  Batres,  A Sketch  of  Guat.,  16-17. 

27  The  men  had  been  pressed  into  the  service,  and  moreover,  dreading  the 
superior  arms  of  their  opponents,  in  several  instances  fled  at  the  first  onset, 
throwing  down  their  arms. 


422  DEMOCRACY  RESTORED  IN  GUATEMALA. 

quimula  Indians;  but  it  was  too  late.  He  was  in  no 
condition  to  cope  with  the  enemy,  most  of  his  best 
officers  having  deserted  him.  There  were  several 
encounters,  in  only  one  of  which  he  had  any  chance 
of  success.  On  the  23d  of  June  he  surprised  the 
insurgents  on  the  hills  between  Totonicapan  and 
Quezaltenango,  in  Tierrablanca;  his  brave  Indians 
drove  back  the  Quezaltenangos,  but  Barrios  came 
with  reenforcements  of  his  best  troops,  and  regained 
the  lost  ground.  At  this  moment  Cerna  was  no 
longer  fit  to  command,  being  taken  very  ill.28  His 
friends  hurried  him  off,  and  his  men  were  utterly 
routed,  and  made  a hasty  retreat  in  the  afternoon. 
Next  morning  Colonel  Julio  Garcia  Granados  went 
in  pursuit,  and  captured  nearly  100  prisoners  and  a 
quantity  of  war  material. 

Cerna  reached  Chimaltenango,  and  thought  of  forti- 
fying himself  there.  With  reenforcements  received 
from  the  capital  he  now  had  2,100  men  The  insur- 
gent army,  though  increased  in  Los  Altos,  was 
only  1,200  strong;  but  it  was  flushed  with  vic- 
tory, and  counted  on  the  superiority  of  its  Remington 
and  Winchester  rifles.  Garcfa  Granados  resolved  not 
to  attack  Cerna  in  Chimaltenango,  but  to  march  by 
way  of  San  Andres  Itzapa  to  La  Antigua,  and  occupy 
the  heights  of  Santa  Lucia,  thus  menacing  the  capi- 
tal.29 On  reaching  Chicoj  he  heard  that  Cerna  was 
at  La  Antigua.  Changing  his  plans,  he  marched  to 
Chimaltenango,  and  thence  to  Santiago,  a town  six 
leagues  from  Guatemala,  where  he  spent  the  night. 
In  Zumpango  he  was  advised  of  the  occupation  of 
Amatitlan  by  Solares,  whom  he  at  once  directed  to 
harass  Cerna  on  his  march  to  the  capital.  Granados’ 
intent  was  to  meet  Cerna  on  the  Mixco  road;  and  to 
this  end  early  on  the  29th  of  June  repaired  to  San 

25  It  has  been  averred  that  he  partook  of  some  coffee  which  had  been 
drugged. 

29  Cerna  must  either  pursue,  giving  him  a vantage-ground,  or  rush  to  the 
defence  of  the  capital,  making  the  success  of  the  revolution  equally  certain, 
for  the  whole  country  would  then  rise  against  his  detested  rule. 


IMPORTANT  VICTORY. 


423 


Lucas,  to  ascertain  with  certainty  the  time  when  Ccrna 
would  pass  through  Rancho  de  San  Lucas  toward 
Bdrccnas.  He  occupied  that  town,  and  after  a con- 
sultation with  his  second  in  command,  Barrios,  went 
with  a body  of  cavalry  to  the  Mixco  heights,  where 
he  presently  heard  shots  from  the  direction  of  San 
Lucas.  Cerna  had  made  ready  for  the  struggle. 
Barrios  saw  victory  on  the  San  Lucas  hill;  and  with- 
out waiting  the  return  of  his  chief,  directed  Julio 
Garcia  Granados  with  800  men  to  support  his  front, 
and  rapidly  marched  with  400,  and  occupied  the  lull, 
thus  winning  the  day.  Cerna’s  troops,  finding  their 
retreat  cut  off,  disbanded  by  hundreds,  and  by  night- 
fall the  number  of  prisoners  and  deserters,  most  of  the 
latter  with  their  arms,  exceeded  1,000. 30  The  victory 
was  complete;  for  of  Cerna’s  2,400  men — he  had  lately 
received  400 — scarcely  30  entered  the  capital  that 

day.31 

The  provisional  president  passed  the  night  in  Bar- 
cenas,  and  the  next  morning  after  the  civil  authorities 
of  Guatemala  had  met  him  outside  and  quietly  de- 
livered the  keys  of  the  city  together  with  the  castle 
and  barracks,  he,  accompanied  by  Barrios,  the  other 
leading  officers,  and  the  troops,  marched  into  the  capi- 
tal amid  the  most  enthusiastic  plaudits.32  With  the 
exception  of  a few  hostile  cries  against  Cerna,  Bo- 

3:1  An  unfortunate  circumstance  occurred.  A portion  of  the  troops  with 
which  Julio  G.  Granados  had  forced  the  passage  of  the  ravine,  going  toward 
the  farm  of  Dieguez,  encountered  two  companies  of  Solares’  men,  and  the  two 
forces  mistaking  one  another  for  the  enemy,  fought  some  minutes;  some  men 
were  wounded,  and  a field-officer  named  Juan  Solorzano  was  slain.  Quat.,  Bole- 
tin  de  Noticias,  Aug.  4,  1871;  Nic. , Gaceta,  Sept.  10,  1871. 

31  They  all  behaved  well;  but  special  credit  must  be  given,  not  only  to  the 
chief  and  Barrios,  but  to  Solares  and  Viteri,  who  struck  decisive  blows. 

33  Cerna  fled  to  Chiquimula  witli  a few  followers.  The  Indians  were  still 
faithful  to  him,  and  begged  he  should  lead  them  to  the  field  in  defence  of  his 
cause;  but  he  knew  any  such  effort  must  end  in  disaster,  and  refused.  Ho 
then  continued  his  flight  to  Honduras.  Most  of  his  ministers  also  escaped. 
Indeed,  no  effort  was  made  to  detain  them,  or  other  men  of  the  fallen  adminis- 
tration, it  being  considered  a better  policy  not  to  be  hampered  with  the  respon- 
sibility of  disposing  of  them.  The  old  minister  of  war  remained  behind  and 
was  not  molested.  Full  particulars  on  the  campaign  are  given  in  Salv.,  El 
Reymhlica.no,  July  3,  1871;  Id.,  Diario  Ofic.,  July  11,  12,  1870;  Nic.,  Gaceta, 
July  21,  1871;  Costa  R.,  Informe  Min.  Bel.,  1872,  14;  Id.,  Bolctin  Ofic.,  March 
22,  1885;  .7,  J.  Peatfield's  Glimpse  at  a Cent.  Am.  Rep.,  in  Overland  Monthly, 
xiv.  15G-7;  UnGaatema.lte.co,  Cartas,  G-9;  Uriarte,  Ooserv. , 4— G. 


4-24 


DEMOCRACY  RESTORED  IN  GUATEMALA 


laiios,  the  comandante  general,  and  others,  perfect 
order  prevailed ; no  acts  of  violence  or  retaliation  were 
permitted.33 

The  task  of  reorganizing  public  affairs  was  an  ardu- 
ous one.34  The  first  attempt  to  appoint  a cabinet  was 
unsuccessful.  Persons  who  were  tendered  portfolios 
declined  them  However,  Felipe  Galvez,  who  had 
been  secretary -general  during  the  campaign,  became 
minister  of  foreign  affairs,  public  instruction,  and  ad 
interim  of  hacienda;  and  Arcadio  Estrada,  minister 
of  government,  justice,  and  ecclesiastical  affairs. 

The  act  of  Patzicia  was  accepted  by  the  principal 
towns  in  the  republic,  save  those  of  the  departments 
of  Santa  Rosa  and  Chiquimula.  The  government 
decreed  several  liberal  measures,  and  restored  diplo- 
matic relations  with  Costa  Rica.33 

The  new  administration  had  hardly  initiated  reforms 
when  an  insurrection  broke  out  in  Santa  Rosa,  pro- 
moted by  the  priests  and  their  aristocratic  allies.  It 
does  not  appear  that  Garcia  Granados  had  at  first  in- 
tended open  hostility  to  the  religious  orders.  The 
tone  of  his  address,  early  in  September  1871,  to  the 
Santa  Rosa'  Indians,  indicated  that  his  plans  involved 


33  There  were  not  wanting  men  who  reproached  Garcia  Granados  for  his 
generosity  to  the  vanquished. 

34 Congress  had  ceased  to  exist;  the  heads  of  important  offices  had  fled; 
the  treasury  was  empty.  There  was  danger  to  be  apprehended  from  the  rad- 
ical element  among  the  liberals,  composed  of  a large  portion  of  the  mechanics 
and  artisans,  who  claimed  that  the  change  had  mainly  resulted  from  their 
influence,  and  they  now  wished  to  dictate  measures  which  the  new  govern- 
ment could  not  decree.  Their  violent  feeling  was  manifested  specially  toward 
the  jesuits  and  other  religious  orders.  Their  discussions  in  the  club  de  los 
artesanos,  and  elsewhere,  often  disclosed  a marked  suspicion  of  and  conveyed 
warnings  to  the  authorities.  There  were  also  misgivings  about  Barrios’  in- 
tentions. Indeed,  many  believed  that  though  not  actually  at  the  head  of 
affairs,  he  had  the  control;  even  after  leaving  the  city,  he  was  supposed  to 
aspire  to  the  presidency,  to  which  he  would  have  himself  elected  as  soon  as 
the  constituent  assembly  should  meet.  Meantime,  it  was  said,  he  would 
allow  Garcia  Granados  to  put  the  disrupted  state  in  order,  and  enact  the 
needed  measures. 

33  Giuit.,  Recop.  Ley.,  Gob.  Democ.,  i.  3-4.  It  recognized  freedom  of  speech 
and  of  the  press,  though  requiring  publications  to  bear  the  signatures  of 
their  authors.  Champerico  was  made  a port  of  entry  for  both  export  and 
import,  which  the  people  of  Los  Altos  had  loudly  demanded.  The  cultivation 
and  sale  of  tobacco  were  declared  free  to  all;  and  the  importation  of  Chiapas 
rum  was  permitted.  Nic.,  Gaccta,  Aug.  5,  1871. 


DOWNFALL  OF  THE  CLERGY. 


425 


absolute  religious  tolerance.36  The  priests  would  not 
rest  contented  with  the  loss  of  their  former  high  stand- 
ing.37 Had  they  remained  quiet,  it  is  not  likely  they 
would  have  been  molested.  The  president’s  call  on 
the  insurgents  of  Santa  Rosa  to  submit  was  dis- 
regarded, but  their  movement  was  quelled  by  the 
end  of  the  month  with  much  bloodshed.36  An  am- 
nesty was  granted  to  rebels  surrendering  to  the 
authorities.  The  decree  of  martial  law  was  repealed; 
and  the  ministers  then  in  charge  of  the  executive 
made  Garcia  Granados  a captain-general  and  Barrios 
a lieutenant-general.39 

The  new  readme  now  resolve  to  cut  loose  of  the 

O 

ecclesiastical  incubus,  and  to  establish  the  supremacy 
of  the  civil  authority  in  the  state  on  a firm  basis.  Its 
first  step  was  to  carry  out  a decree  of  the  revolution- 
ary government,  dated  May  24,  1870,  to  expel  the 
society  of  Jesus  forever  from  the  republic.40  This  was 

3CHe  denied  that  his  government  had  ever  contemplated  wounding  the 
religious  feelings  of  the  nation. 

3;  The  power  of  the  church  had  been  almost  as  great  as  that  of  the  govern- 
ment. Under  the  constitution  the  church  nominated  a number  of  deputies 
to  the  assembly,  and  was  the  only  one  recognized  or  tolerated.  Its  influence 
in  the  assembly  had  been  large,  and  its  interests  were  well  represented. 
Crosby's  Statement,  MS.,  91,  1 10—1 1.  This  influence  had  always  been  exercised 
to  uphold  the  despotic  sway  of  the  oligarchs. 

38  The  rebels  were  routed  Sept.  24th  at  Santa  Rosa  by  the  forces  under 
Barrios,  and  again  the  28th  at  Jalapa.  They  lost  their  artillery,  other  arms, 
and  much  ammunition.  Guat.,  Recap.  Ley.,  Gob.  Democ.,  i.  13-15;  Hie., 
Gaceta,  Nov.  4,  1871;  El  Porvenir  de  Hie.,  Oct.  1,  1871. 

39 Id.,  Nov.  2G,  1871;  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  Gob.  Democ.,  i.  24-5. 

49  Decree  no.  59,  in  Boldin  OJic.,  no.  52.  The  order  had  been  removed 
from  Guat.  by  command  of  King  Carlos  III.,  in  1707,  its  members  leaving  the 
capital  on  the  1st  of  July  for  the  coast,  and  being  embarked  for  Spain.  Hid. 
of  Mex.,  iii.  432-3,  this  series.  But  a law  of  June  7,  1851,  sanctioned  by  the 
assembly  Nov.  5th,  authorized  their  permanent  reestablishment,  revoking  all 
other  laws  or  decrees  to  the  contrary,  notably  one  of  1845,  notwithstanding 
the  many  protests  made  against  the  measure.  The  most  plausible  pretext  for 
the  restoration  of  the  jesuits  had  been  the  alleged  scarcity  of  competent  priests 
for  the  work  of  spreading  the  gospel;  which  was  equivalent  to  saying  that 
the  300  priests  living  in  the  republic  were  both  insufficient  and  incapable. 
The  real  object  of  the  hasty  reintroduction  of  the  order  was  said  to  be  the 
aggrandizement  of  the  house  of  Canon  Juan  Jose  Aycincna,  closely  connected 
by  family  ties  with  Manuel  F.  Pavon  and  Luis  Batres.  Aycincna  had  pledged 
himself  to  bring  the  order  in,  and  in  exchange  for  this  service  it  was  to  influ- 
ence his  appointment  as  archbishop  of  Guatemala.  It  was  a well-understood 
bargain.  Hunt,.,  Carta  al  Ilmo.  Sr.  An  oh.  par  u t C.it6l.  Apostbl.  romano,  Guat., 
Aug.  20,  1851,  in  Cent.  Am.  Pamph.,  v.  no.  12. 


4-26 


DEMOCRACY  RESTORED  IN  GUATEMALA. 


not  effected  without  some  scandal  and  disturbance 
from  the  zealous  partisans  of  the  order.  Seventy- 
three  jesuits,  most  of  whom  were  foreigners,  were  sent 
away  on  an  American  steamship,  bound  to  Panaimt.41 
They  did  not  go  so  far  down,  however,  as  will  be 
shown  elsewhere.  The  decree  under  which  this  ex- 
pulsion was  effected  resembled  that  of  April  2,  1767, 
issued  by  Cdrlos  III.42 

Archbishop  Pihol  of  Guatemala,  and  Ortiz  Urruela, 
bishop  of  Teya  in  partibus  infklelium,  for  their  marked 
hostility  in  promoting  rebellion,  were,  on  October  17th, 
ordered  to  leave  the  country,  and  they  departed  with- 
out offering  any  resistance.  The  tithes  tax  was  at 
once  suppressed.43  On  the  7th  of  June,  1872,  religious 
communities  of  men  were  extinguished,  causing  oreat 
excitement,  but  owing  to  the  energy  of  the  govern- 
ment it  soon  died  out.44  Nor  did  the  action  of  the 
government  stop  here.  The  fuero  eclesidstico  in  both 


41  Report  of  the  comandante  of  San  Jose,  in  Boletin  Ofic.,  Sept.  25,  1871; 
Guat.,  Recap.  Ley.,  iii.  290;  Id.,  Gob.  Democ.,  i.  S9-90;  LI  Porvenir  da  Nic. , 
Oct.  22,  1871;  Costa  It.,  Gaceta,  June  9,  1885;  Mex.,  Diario  Ojic.,  Oct.  15,  1871. 

42  The  jesuits  fared  no  better  in  Salvador,  where  the  constituent  assembly, 
being  consulted  as  to  whether  they  should  be  allowed  to  enter,  resolved  that 
their  presence  in  the  country  would  not  be  beneficial.  Only  four  votes  were 
cast  in  their  favor.  El  Porvenir  de  Hie. , Oct.  1,  1871.  A few  who  lived  in 
Salv.  were  made  to  depart  in  1872,  and  forbidden  to  reenter.  A treaty  was 
made  with  Guat.,  under  which  neither  government  was  ever  after  to  allow 
jesuits  to  reside  within  their  respective  territories.  Id.,  March  24,  1872;  Ore. 
(Jana,  Refutacion,  1-11. 

43  The  decree  wras  issued  with  the  clause  that  any  deficit  experienced  by 
the  archdiocese  in  consequence  should  be  covered  out  of  the  pub.  treasury. 
Decree  of  Dec.  22,  1871,  in  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  iii.  290;  Id.,  Gob.  Democ.,  i. 
23-G,  70-1. 

44  The  decree  contained  nine  articles,  and  regulated  the  manner  of  dispos- 
ing of  the  property  which  had  belonged  to  these  associations.  The  religious 
orders  thus  suppressed  were  those  of  the  Franciscans,  and  recollects,  domini- 
cans,  mercedari,  clergymen  of  the  oratory  of  Saint  Philip  de  Neri,  jesuits, 
paulists,  and  lastly  the  capuchins,  otherwise  called  betlilehemites.  These 
capuchins  wrere  natives  of  Spain,  most  of  whom  had  been  partisans  of  the  pre- 
tender called  Carlos  Y.  They  occupied  a convent  which  had  belonged  to  the 
betlilehemites,  when  they  wrere  taken  by  a military  guard  to  the  coast  and 
shipped  away,  with  orders  never  to  return.  They  had  made  themselves  par- 
ticularly obnoxious,  and  not  being  citizens  of  the  country,  the  gov.  was  free 
to  make  them  leave.  F riars  who  were  natives  of  Cent.  Am.  wrere  permitted 
to  remain,  and  given  a monthly  allowance  for  their  support  ; but  forbidden  to 
show  themselves  in  public  with  their  habits  on.  Nic.,  Semanal  Nic.,  July  4, 
1872;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  3,  1872;  El Porvenir  de  Lie.,  July  14,  1872;  Guat.,  Recop. 
Ley.,  iii.  290-1;  Id.,  Gob.  Democ.,  i.  91,  101-2;  Pcatjield’s  Glimpse,  i:i  S.  F. 
Overland  Monthly,  xiv.  159;  S.  F.  Post,  July  2,  1872. 


SUPPRESSION  OF  RELIGIOUS  HOUSES. 


427 


civil  and  criminal  causes  was  done  away  with  March 
12,  1873,  and  freedom  of  worship  decreed  on  the  15th.4'’ 

The  turn  of  the  nunneries  came  at  last.  On  the 
28th  of  February,  1874,  it  was  ordered  that  all  the 
nuns  should  be  concentrated  in  one  convent,  the 
Santa  Catarina,  and  be  allowed  to  receive  their  fam- 
ilies and  friends  without  hindrance.  This  convent 
was  placed  under  the  immediate  protection  and  vigi- 
lance of  the  civil  authorities,  which  roused  the  ire  of 
the  ecclesiastics,  who  endeavored  to  nullify  the  order. 4<> 
The  consequence  was,  that  in  February  1874,  Presi- 
dent Barrios  decreed  the  suppression  of  many  religious 
houses,  prohibiting  professions  in  the  future,  and  per- 
mitting nuns  who  so  desired  to  leave  the  cloister,  and 
to  each  one  so  departing  would  be  given  a monthly 
allowance  of  twenty  dollars.  On  the  3d  of  March 
the  nuns  residing  in  Santa  Catarina  were  put  out  of 
the  cloister.4' 

The  aspect  of  public  affairs  in  Central  America  at 
the  inception  of  1872  was  not  promising  of  stability 
and  peace.  Honduras,  together  with  Archbishop 
Piiiol,  Bishop  Ortiz  Urruela,  the  jesuits,  and  their 
conservative  friends,  all  combined,  had  assumed  a re- 
actionary attitude,  with  the  avowed  intent  of  upsetting 
the  governments  which  were  laboring  to  consolidate 

45  With  toleration  of  all  religious  sects  throughout  the  republic.  This  sub- 
ject was  being  discussed  in  the  constituent  assembly,  with  much  opposition 
to  the  clause  being  inserted  in  the  fundamental  law.  The  govt  then  cut  the 
gordian  knot.  Later  other  decrees  were  passed,  further  curtailing  eccles. 
jurisdiction,  including  the  secularization  of  cemeteries.  Gnat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Gob., 
Juxticia,  etc.,  1S80,  2-5;  Id.,  18S2,  11-12;  Guat.,  Recop.  Lei/.,  Gob.  Democ.,  i. 
159-G1;  El  Porvenir  de  Nic.,  Apr.  27,  1873. 

46  Placing  a notice  on  the  convent  door  that  any  one  entering  it  without 
permission  of  the  ecclesiastic  authority  would  be  excommunicated.  The 
nuns  had  been  kept  away  from  intercourse  with  their  relatives,  and  the  civil 
authorities  had  been  debarred  access  to  them.  The  official  journal  said, 
March  6th,  that  history  and  indisputable  facts  proved  they  had  not  always 
been  the  abode  either  of  justice,  morality,  or  true  religion.  The  removal  of 
the  teresas,  capuchinas,  and  claras  to  the  Santa  Catarina  was  made  under  the 
personal  inspection  of  the  jefe  politico  of  the  department.  Their  number 
was  about  126,  and  most  of  them  were  natives  of  the  other  Cent.  Am.  repub- 
lics. Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March  24,  1873. 

47  The  property  of  all  religious  houses  having  been  confiscated,  each  one  of 
these  ex-nuns  was  allowed  a life  pension  of  $12  per  month.  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley., 
Gob.  Democ.,  ii.  13-14,  58,  G4-5,  205. 


428 


DEMOCRACY  RESTORED  IN  GUATEMALA. 


democratic  principles,  and  serious  complications  were 
apprehended.48  The  two  governments  thus  menaced 
were,  however,  fully  prepared  for  the  emergency.43 

President  Medina,  of  Honduras,  having  become  the 
leader  of  the  reactionary  element,  Guatemala  and  Sal- 
vador entered  into  a treaty  of  alliance  and  despatched 
troops  against  him,  after  a formal  declaration  of  war.50 
The  president  took  command  of  the  Guatemalan  troops 
for  the  compaign,  leaving  the  executive  office  tempo- 
rarily in  charge  of  Barrios.  The  war  was  but  a short 
one,  ending  advantageously  for  the  allies,  who,  after 
concluding  a satisfactory  arrangement,  retired  their 
troops.  Garcia  Granados  returned  to  Guatemala  on 
the  10th  of  June,  and  reassumed  his  executive  duties, 
Barrios  going  to  Quezaltenango  as  comandante  gen- 
eral of  Los  Altos.51  The  cabinet  was  now  organized, 
as  appears  in  the  note  at  foot.52  The  reactionists  would 
not  keep  still.  Colonel  Vicente  Mendez  Cruz,  jefe 
politico  of  Amatitlan,  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  an 
insurrection.53 

The  reactionary  forces  took  the  name  of  “ejercito  de 
la  reaccion  dirijido  por  los  santos  padres,”  and  their 
avowed  object  was  to  bring  Cerna  back  to  uphold 
their  rights  and  religion,  which  they  claimed  to  have 
been  assailed  by  heretical  rulers.  The  government 
adopted  active  measures,  and  the  rebellion  was  quelled 

48  The  work  was  against  Guat.  and  Salv.  Costa  R.  was  expected  to  side 
with  the  latter.  Nicaragua’s  administration  was  not  well  disposed  toward 
them.  Guat.,  El  Centro  Americano,  Feb.  19,  1872;  El  Porwiur  de  E'ic. , May  5, 
1872. 

49  Martial  law  was  established,  together  with  stringent  rules  for  dealing 
with  rebels.  Freedom  of  the  press  was  temporarily  suspended.  This  last 
measure  was  repealed  in  May.  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  Gob.  Democ.,  i.  73-5,  80- 
1,  95-1.00;  A Ttr„,  Gaceta,  Feb.  24,  1872. 

69  Garcia  Granados’  decree  of  May  8, 1S72.  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  Gob.  Democ., 
i.  87-8;  IT.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  42,  Sess.  3,  i.  518;  A He.,  Semanal 
Die.,  May  30,  1872. 

61  Salv.,  Diarxo  OJic.,  March  19,  1876;  Die. , Semanal  Die.,  May  30,  June  6, 
July  4,  1872;  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  Gob.  Democ.,  i.  88,  102. 

” F.  Alburez,  in  treasury;  Jose  M.  Samayoa,  in  fomento;  Victor  Zavala, 
in  war;  Ramirez  ad  int.,  in  foreign  relations;  M.  A.  Soto  ad  int.,  in  govern- 
ment, justice,  and  eccles.  affairs. 

53  Notwithstanding  that  his  conduct  had  been  seditious  in  1871,  he  had 
been  given  the  rank  of  col,  and  the  offices  of  jefe  politico  and  comandante  de 
annas  of  Amatitlan.  Barrios,  Prod.,  at  Quezaltenango,  Jan.  23,  1873. 


ELECTION  OF  BARRIOS. 


429 


in  a short  time,  Cruz  losing  his  life  at  the  hands  of 
his  own  men.54  After  peace  was  nearly  restored, 
Garcia  Granados,  who  had  gone  to  the  front,  returned 
to  the  capital,  and  resumed  the  presidency.55  On  the 
29th  of  March  he  convoked  the  people  to  chose  a con- 
stitutional president,  although  the  constituent  assem- 
bly, which  had  been  installed  March  10,  187 2, 56  had 
failed  to  frame  a constitution.5'  The  elections  were  to 
begin  April  20tli,  and  last  seven  days.  The  term  for 
which  the  elect  should  hold  the  office  was  to  be  estab- 
lished by  the  new  charter,  taking  into  account  the 
time  already  served.  The  assembly  was  to  be  sum- 
moned for  the  5th  of  May,  to  count  the  votes.  The 
election  took  place,  and  Justo  Riffino  Barrios  was 


54  Cerna  had  declined  to  take  any  part  in  the  movement.  The  defeat  of 
the  rebels  by  Solares  at  Las  Arrayanas  and  Cumbres  de  los  Ajos  on  March 
10th,  with  the  loss  of  several  prominent  men,  reduced  them  to  straits.  Id.,  i. 
155-6,  177-80;  j\ic.,  Semanal  Nic.,  Feb.  20,  March  6,  May  8,  July  24,  Aug. 
21,  1873;  El  Porvenir  de  Nic.,  Feb.  23,  March  28,  Apr.  6,  27,  1873;  Pan.  Star 
and  Herald,  March  11,  22,  May  13,  June  12,  1873;  El  Monitor  Repub.,  Apr. 
18,  1S73. 

55  The  office  had  been  in  charge  of  Barrios  since  Feb.  11th.  Guat.,  Recop. 
Ley.,  Gob.  Democ.,  i.  155.  During  this  tenure  Barrios  called  for  a forced  loan. 
On  the  15th  he  summoned  to  his  presence  at  the  comandancia  general  a numb;  r 
of  citizens,  one  of  whom  imprudently  said  that  he  would  go  armed  to  punish 
any  insult.  Barrios  accused  them  of  hostility  to  the  government,  and  of  render- 
ing pecuniary  assistance  to  the  insurgents.  He  warned  them  of  their  danger, 
and  suggested  the  expediency  of  their  aiding  the  govt  to  bring  the  insurrec- 
tion to  an  end.  It  is  said  that  the  armed  one,  Rafael  Batres,  a son  of  the 
late  minister  of  state,  two  or  three  times  laughed  in  a contemptuous  manner, 
enraging  Barrios,  who  walked  up  to  him,  tore  open  his  coat,  and  pulled  out 
of  it  a revolver,  upraiding  him  as  a coward  and  would-be  murderer;  then 
ordered  that  100  blows  should  be  inflicted  on  his  back  with  a supple  stick  01- 
rod,  such  as  was  used  to  punish  private  soldiers.  Batres  received  his  punish- 
ment, and  was  afterward  sent  to  jail.  The  other  men  were  also  confined  in 
the  common  jail,  and  the  next  morning  were  brought  with  shackles  on  through 
the  streets  to  the  comandancia,  and  told  that  they  would  not  be  released  till 
they  signed  bonds  to  pay  their  respective  shares  of  the  forced  loan;  after 
doing  which  they  were  set  at  liberty.  Julian  Volio,  ex-minister  of  Costa  R. 
and  Guat.,  did  not  receive  any  ill  treatment,  but  was  made  to  leave  the  coun- 
try. Batres  was  also  banished.  Referring  to  this  incident  in  a message  to 
congress,  he  said  that  the  rebellion  had  been  instigated  with  the  pretext  that 
religion  was  menaced.  His  measures  he  confessed  had  been  severe,  but 
necessary.  The  result  realized  his  expectations,  for  as  soon  as  these  men 
ceased  furnishing  resources  to  the  rebellion  it  collapsed.  Barrios,  Mensaje, 
Sept.  11,  1876,  5-6. 

56It  was  called  Dec.  11,  1871.  Id. , i.  53-69,  83—4 ; El  Porvenir  de  Nic., 
Feb.  11,  May  5,  1872;  Salv.,  Gaceta,  Sept.  9,  1876. 

57  All  proposed  amendments  to  the  old  constitution  had  been  rejected  as 
not  adequate  to  the  present  requirements  of  the  country.  Nic.,  Sernanel  Nic., 
Oct  10,  1872. 


430 


DEMOCRACY  RESTORED  IN  GUATEMALA. 


declared  by  the  assembly  on  May  7th  to  have  been 
popularly  elected.  He  was  formally  inducted  into 
office  on  the  4th  of  June,  1873. 58 

The  late  administration  must  be  held  to  have  been 
somewhat  weak.  Garcia  Granados  was  an  enlight- 
ened and  able  men,  but  easy,  unassuming,  indolent, 
and  kind-hearted;  too  much  so,  indeed,  for  the  [dace 
he  had  been  called  to  fill  at  a period  demanding  of 
him  great  energy,  and  an  unbending  will.  His  was 
not  a disposition  to  deal  harshly  with  any  one,  or  in- 
flict suffering.  Another  drawback  was  his  connection 
by  the  ties  of  family  and  early  association  with  the 
men  and  women  who  were  laboring  to  undo  the  work 
of  the  revolution  he  had  accomplished.  Among  his 
own  relatives  were  some  of  his  most  strenuous  oppo- 
nents. The  reactionists  took  advantage  of  his  good 
nature  to  keep  the  country  in  a turmoil,  hoping  thus 
to  restore  the  old  regime  of  fanatism  and  general 
retrogression.  They  defeated  themselves,  however, 
bringing  into  existence  the  iron  power  of  Barrios,  who 
tolerated  no  opposition  to  his  will,  nor  overlooked 
sedition  in  any  form. 

68  Garcia ’Granados,  who  on  the  2d  of  June  had  been  declared  a benemerito 
de  la  patria,  after  surrendering  the  presidency,  made  a visit  to  Europe,  re- 
turning in  March  1874,  when  he  was  cordially  welcomed  by  all  classes.  His 
death  occurred  Sept.  8,  1878,  and  was  much  deplored.  Ouat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  Gob. 
Democ.,  i.  182-3;  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Sept.  12,  1S78;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald , 
Oct.  C,  1SS0. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


RENEWED  EFFORTS  FOR  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  UNITY. 

1873-1885. 

President  Barrios  of  Guatemala—  End  of  Reactionary  War — Guate- 
malan Progress  — War  with  Salvador  and  Honduras — Barrios’ 
Successes  and  Generosity  to  the  Vanquished — Constitutional  Re- 
gime in  Guatemala-  Barrios’  Reelections  — His  Visit  to  the 
United  States  — Peaceful  Effort  to  Unite  Central  America 
Resort  to  Arms-  Alliance  of  Guatemala  and  Honduras— Barrios 
Attacks  Salvador-  His  Defeat  and  Death — His  Plan  Abandoned 
M.  L.  Barillas,  Provisional  President  of  Guatemala — Restora- 
tion of  Peace. 


Justo  Rufino  Barrios,  now  president  of  the  repub- 
lic by  the  popular  choice,  was  born  about  1834  in  San 
Marcos,  department  of  Quezaltenango.  He  received 
his  education  in  Guatemala,  and  fitted  himself  for  a 
notary  public,  and  received  his  commission  as  such ; 
but  it  does  not  appear  that  he  performed  notarial  du- 
ties.1 He  was  of  about  middle  height,  and  rather  light 
complexion,  with  a cold,  distant  look,  and  plain  and 
unassuming  in  his  dress.  His  manners  were  brusque, 
unrefined,  and  unconventional,  as  if  it  were  easier  for 
him  to  despise  good  manners  than  to  acquire  them. 
However,  after  a while  they  become  more  polished. 
Without  any  claim  to  enlightenment,  or  to  a knowl- 
edge of  public  affairs,2  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that 
he  possessed  natural  talents,  a far-reaching  mind,  and 

1 Costa  R.,  Boletin  Ofic. , March  22,  1885. 

2 He  rose  to  prominence  by  military  prowess,  and  yet  knew  but  little  of 
the  military  art.  His  enemies  would  not  even  concede  him  courage,  or 
that  he  had  risen  by  any  effort  of  his  own,  but  merely  by  circumstances.  Un 
Guatemalteco,  Cartas,  C-8. 


i.431) 


432 


EFFORTS  FOR  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  UNITY. 


a disposition  to  labor  unremittingly  for  the  welfare  of 
1 1 is  country,  though  at  the  same  time  looking  after  his 
own  aggrandizement.  His  energy  of  character  and 
iron  will  have  been  arenerally  recognized.  Whatever 
his  enemies  may  say,  the  fact  stands  that  his  country 
owes  him  much;  for  example,  liberal  institutions,  in- 
ternal peace,  and  with  them  the  advancement  of  intel- 
lectual pursuits,  industries,  and  wealth.3 

The  cause  of  education  was  fostered  as  it  had  never 
been  before,  efforts  being  constantly  made  to  elevate 
the  lower  classes ; 4 and  the  country  was  endowed  with 
many  of  the  improvements  of  the  age,  like  the  railroad 
and  the  telegraph.  Acts  of  despotism  and  brutality 
without  number  have  been  imputed  to  Barrios,5 
some  well  founded,  but  most  of  them  inventions  of 
his  enemies,  among  whom  were  of  course  the  would-be 
oligarchs  and  the  priests,  together  with  their  fanatical 
followers.  Still,  it  must  be  said  that  his  government 
was  one  in  which  fear  of  the  sword  was  constantly 
holding  its  opponents  in  check.6 

3 1 will  quote  in  corroboration  what  foreign  correspondents  said.  Barrios’ 
administration  in  1S75  was  enjoying  the  confidence  of  the  people,  and  had  the 
support  of  public  opinion.  He  had  in  his  favor  not  only  the  testimony  of  the 
lil*cral  portion  of  the  Cent.  Am.  press,  but  of  intelligent  travellers  just  from 
the  theatre  of  his  so-called  atrocities  against  the  liberty  of  his  people.  He  had 
more:  the  direct  as  well  as  tacit  testimony  of  the  property  holders,  both  na- 
tive and  foreign.  The  guiding  principle  of  Barrios’  govt  was  to  check  evil 
practices,  and  to  encourage  good  deeds.  Again  in  1880  Barrios  continued  as 
indefatigable  as  ever,  travelling  over  the  country,  devising  measures  for  the 
benefit  of  his  fellow-citizens.  The  country  was  at  peace.  Foreigners,  in 
comparing  Dec.  1S70  with  Dec.  1880,  can  scarflely  realize  that  they  are  living 
i a the  same  country,  and  that  only  one  decade  has  elapsed  since  the  terrors  of 
1870.  Since  then  Gnat,  has  seen  progress  in  every  respect,  and  all  due  to  the 
energy  of  this  man,  who  has  not  wavered  in  his  efforts  to  educate  his  fellow- 
citizens  to  the  standard  of  the  times.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Jan.  12,  14,  1875; 
Jan.  12,  1SS1. 

*In  1870  there  were  primary  schools  in  all  the  towns  for  the  compulsory 
and  gratuitous  education  of  children  of  the  poor.  Boddarn  Whetliam’s  Across 
Cent.  Am.,  39.  Later  there  were  established  three  high  schools:  the  Rolitec- 
nica,  for  the  education  of  officers  at  the  expense  of  the  state;  alumni  were 
also  admitted  at  their  own  charge,  who  were  not  bound  to  accept  commissions 
in  the  army;  the  Normal,  for  the  training  of  teachers;  and  the  Bclen,  for  the 
instruction  of  females.  All  those  schools  were  in  charge  of  teachers  from  the 
U.  S.  and  Europe;  the  Belen  being  conducted  on  the  plan  pursued  in  the  U.  S. 

5 lie  was  a man  of  the  people,  flattered  the  lower  classes  and  the  soldiers, 
especially  those  of  Los  Altos,  and  won  their  good-will. 

G Espionage  existed.  Domestic  servants  even  were  used  as  spies.  The 
postal  service  was  like  an  office  of  the  old  inquisition.  These  charges  are 
probal  ly  true,  and  the  system,  one  of  long  standing,  may  have  been  demanded 


COSTLY  INSULT. 


433 


The  efforts  of  the  reactionists  to  regain  the  upper- 
hand  were  finally  defeated  in  the  latter  end  of  the 
year,  when  an  amnesty  was  granted  to  the  remnants 
of  rebels  in  Santa  Rosa  and  elsewhere.7  In  the  fol- 
lowing year  an  outrageous  act  was  perpetrated  by  a 
military  officer,  bringing  upon  his  government  a seri- 
ous complication  with  a foreign  power.  Colonel  Gon- 
zalez, a native  of  Spain,  who  had  been  intrusted  with 
the  responsible  command  at  the  port  of  San  Jose,  for 
some  disagreement  with  the  British  vice-consul,  had 
him  seized  and  beaten  as  a common  criminal  m the 
most  barbarous  manner.  Realizing,  on  the  next 
morning,  the  responsibility  he  had  incurred,  he  tried 
to  escape  on  the  American  mail  steamship,  but  his 

by  the  political  situation.  It  lias  been  said  that  he  had  a young  Spanish 
priest  named  Felix  Pages  murdered  in  cold  blood.  The  other  side  of  the 
story  is  that  Pag^s  shot  at  him  Sept.  14,  1877,  in  San  Pedro  Jocopilas,  missed 
him,  a scuffle  ensued  for  the  possession  of  the  weapon,  when  other  persons 
entered  the  room,  one  of  whom  was  Barrios’  body-servant,  Ines  Cruz,  who 
seeing  Pages  again  trying  to  discharge  the  revolver  at  his  master,  drew  out 
his  own  weapon,  and  shot  the  priest  dead.  This  version  is  the  official  one, 
and  was  communicated  by  U.  S.  Minister  Williamson  to  his  government.  U.  S. 
Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  45th  Cong.,  3d  Sess.,  i.  pt  1,  73—4;  Star  and  Herald, 
Oct.  20,  1877.  It  is  that  some  women  were  gagged,  confined  in  the  common 
jail,  and  afterward  banished  to  distant  towns.  Un  Guatemalteco,  Cartas,  24.  I 
have  no  space  for  the  innumerable  accusations  of  anonymous  and  irresponsible 
persons.  The  following  are  given  because  made  by  a prominent  Mexican 
general  who  served  some  time  under  Barrios:  Innocent  men  of  respectable 
position  were  whipped  by  his  order,  and  women  confined  in  the  common  jail. 
A judge  was  set  to  sowing  grass.  A distinguished  lawyer  was  made  to  march 
i:i  a religious  procession  through  the  streets  dressed  as  a private  soldier.  An 
ecclesiastic,  for  failing  to  salute  him,  was  kept  for  hours  opposite  his  balcony 
with  head  uncovered  and  erect,  and  treated  with  contumely.  He  had  the 
head  of  a city  councilman  shaved  like  a priest’s,  and  then  shut  him  up  in  a 
convent.  It  was  Barrios’  practice  to  have  men  beaten  till  they  told  what  he 
wanted  of  them,  and  he  invented  a cruel  torture  called  el  apreton,  which  was 
compressing  the  person’s  temples.  His  assassinations  were  wanton  and  cold- 
blooded. This  general,  however,  was  a considerable  time  in  Barrios’  service, 
a id  had  a falling  out  with  him.  His  statements  may  be  the  result  of  spite. 
As  a ruler  who  had  in  his  hands  during  nearly  12  years  the  destinies  of  his 
country,  he  undoubtedly  committed  many  errors,  and  as  a man  he  had  de- 
f :cts;  but  how  deny,  speaking  with  truth,  the  benefits  his  abilities,  patriotism, 
constancy,  and  energy  bestowed?  Uraga,  J.  L.,  Replica  a J.  R.  Barrios,  6-7, 
1-4.  Another  Mexican  who  says  horrible  things  of  Barrios,  whom  he  called 
Li  Pantera  de  Guat.,  signed  himself  I.  Martinez,  in  S.  F.  El  Cornista,  March 
4.  1885;  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  May  2,  1885. 

7 Decree  of  Nov.  4,  1873,  requiring  them  to  surrender  with  their  arms. 
Gnat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  Gob.  Dernoc.,  i.  203;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Oct.  23,  Nov. 
22,  1S73;  Barrios,  Mensaje,  Sept.  11,  1876,  5.  For  his  complicity  in  the 
insurrection,  the  guardian  of  the  archdiocese  had  to  leave  the  country,  and 
remained  absent  till  he  was  permitted  to  return.  El  Porvenir  da  Nic. , Aug. 
17,  1873. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  28 


434 


EFFORTS  FOR  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  UNITY. 


infamous  conduct  had  preceded  him,  and  he  was 
driven  away.  Both  he  and  his  accomplice,  Bullies, 
were  promptly  arrested,  tried,  and  sentenced  to  un- 
dergo heavy  penalties.8  The  British  government 
demanded  prompt  reparation  of  the  insult,  which  Bar- 
rios unhesitatingly  acceded  to.  Guatemala  saluted 
the  British  flag  at  San  Jos4  with  every  mark  of  re- 
spect,9 and  was  mulcted  in  the  sum  of  $50,000,  which 
she  paid.10 

The  government  had  another  foreign  difficulty  on 
its  hands  in  1875,  resulting  from  a hasty  recognition 
of  the  independence  of  Cuba  on  the  6th  of  April.  In 
August,  Commodore  E.  Butler,  of  the  Spanish  royal 
navy,  arrived  at  Guatemala,  bearing  a note  from 
Conde  de  Valmaseda,  captain-general  of  the  island, 
to  President  Barrios,  demanding  satisfaction.  It 
was  finally  agreed  11  that  Guatemala  would  at  once 
accredit  a minister  at  Madrid  to  discuss  the  subject 
and  arrange  it  satisfactorily.  This  was  done,  and  the 
difficulty  was  amicably  settled.1" 

The  political  outlook  at  the  beginning  of  1876  was 

8 Gonzalez  was  expelled  in  disgrace  from  the  army,  and  sentenced,  more- 
over, to  confinement  for  ten  years  in  the  fortress  of  San  Felipe.  He  was 
also  deprived  of  all  right  to  hold  office.  Bulnes  was  also  deprived  of  this 
right,  and  condemned  to  three  years  imprisonment.  And  yet  lie  had  insti- 
gated Gonzalez  to  commit  the  outrage,  and  was  morally  the  guiltier  of  the 
two.  U.  S.  Govt  Docs.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  For.  Rel.,  Cong.  43,  Sess.  2,  Doc.  1,  pt 
1,  177-83. 

9 There  were  present  on  shore,  upon  that  occasion,  the  commanding  gen. 
of  the  Guat.  forces,  the  British  rear-admiral,  Cochrane,  and  officers  of  four  of 
his  ships  lying  at  San  J ose,  the  British  charge,  the  Am.  minister,  and  others, 
besides  200  Guat.  troops,  and  a like  number  of  marines  and  sailors  from  the 
British  ships.  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  44,  Sess.  1,  Doc.  1,  pt  1, 
128-9. 

10  The  victim  of  Gonzalez’  brutality  declined  to  receive  any  portion  of  the 
money.  Scolfield,  the  British  representative  at  Guatemala,  for  the  manner  in 
which  he  conducted  the  affair,  was  knighted. 

11  Butler  had  several  conferences  with  the  min.  of  foreign  affairs,  insisting 
on  the  revocation  of  that  decree,  which  the  min.  invariably  refused.  El  Pro- 
greso, Aug.  29,  1875.  However,  it  seems  that  Guat.  gave  way,  and  declared 
her  recognition  of  Cuban  independ.  to  be  null.  The  Mexican  Financier,  Apr. 
18,  1885. 

12  In  1876  the  Sp.  gov.  recognized  that  the  captain-gen.  had  exceeded  his 
powers,  and  must  be  censured.  But  in  March  1880  it  asked  Guat.  as  a favor 
to  forego  that  clause,  which  the  latter  acceded  to  on  being  reassured  that  in 
future  the  usages  of  international  etiquette  should  be  observed  in  the  rela- 
tions between  the  two  governments.  Guat.,  Becop.  Ley.,  Gob.  Democ.,  ii.  129; 
Id.,  Mem.  Min.  Bel.  Est.,  1881,  13-14. 


FURTHER  HOSTILITIES 


435 


not  such  a one  as  promised  a continuance  of  peace. 
Serious  troubles  were  impending  over  three  of  the 
important  sections  of  Central  America.  Barrios  had 
brought  about  the  assembling  of  a diet,  which  was 
installed  in  Guatemala  January  15th,  with  the  object 
of  reorganizing  the  country  under  one  government.15 
Civil  war  raged  in  Honduras,  and  while  the  diet  was 
sitting,  Barrios  was  moving  his  troops;  600  men  were 
stationed  in  Esquipulas,  and  1,200  more  marched  to 
Jutiapa.14  Salvador  was  not  slow  in  preparing  for 
hostilities.  On  the  23d  of  January,  however,  Guate- 
mala and  Salvador  agreed  to  disarm.15 

It  was  believed  in  Guatemala  that  Enrique  Pala- 
cios, and  about  3,000  of  her  refugees  sojourning  in 
Salvador,  had  been  wheedled  and  promised  aid  by 
President  Gonzalez  for  the  overthrow  of  Barrios,  and 
that  they  were  exasperated,  and  would  insist  on  those 
promises  being  carried  out.  On  the  other  hand,  Bar- 
rios was  chagrined  at  the  failure  of  the  diet  to  arrive 
at  a conclusion  in  favor  of  consolidation.16  He  now 
resolved,  whether  with  the  purpose  of  pursuing  the 
reorganization  scheme  or  with  that  of  further  secur- 
ing  himself,  or  both,  to  change  the  rulers  of  Salvador 
and  Honduras,  replacing  them  with  his  supporters. 
The  task  in  Honduras  was  an  easier  one,  that  coun- 
try being  in  the  throes  of  revolution.  Salvador,  as 
he  thought,  with  a hostile  government  in  Honduras, 
and  war  threatening  from  the  side  of  Guatemala, 
must  succumb.  The  results  of  his  policy  were  as 

13 Circular  of  Nic.  foreign  min.,  Sept.  5,  1876,  in  Salv.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  Oct. 
26,  1876. 

11  Both  places  within  Guat.  territory,  but  near  the  boundaries  of  the  other 
two  states. 

15  Barrios  reviewed  in  Guat.  11,000  men,  and  ostensibly  disbanded  them. 
He  really  had  about  18,000  under  arms,  and  it  would  have  been  easy  for  him 
to  make  the  number  20,000  in  eight  or  ten  days.  Salv.  went  slow  in  the 
work  of  disarming.  She  had  2,300  men  in  Santa  Ana,  3,000  in  San  Salvador, 
and  2,000  in  other  places;  and  the  government  had  decreed  a forced  loan  of 
half  a million  dollars,  of  which  one  half  had  been  collected.  Having  taken 
the  laboring  men  from  their  peaceful  vocations,  the  govt  feared  a revolution 
if  it  desisted  from  war  with  Guat.  Pan.  Star  and  Herall , Feb.  14,  16,  1876. 

16  Neither  cajolery,  argument,  nor  movement  of  troops  produced  the  de- 
sired effect,  for  the  delegates  could  only  see  in  his  propositions  the  destruc- 
tion of  their  several  nationalities. 


436 


EFFORTS  FOR  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  UNITY. 


he  had  planned  them.  The  fortune  of  war  favored 
him,1'  and  from  1870  to  1884  he  could  count  on  the 
resources  of  Guatemala,  Salvador,  and  Honduras18  to 
effect  what  he  undertook  to  accomplish  single-handed 
at  another  time.  But  this  will  be  treated  of  at  the 
proper  time. 

After  his  successful  campaign,  Barrios  was  received 
in  triumph  at  his  capital,19  and  erelong  other  honors 
poured  upon  him.  Costa  Rica  made  him  a general 
of  division  of  her  army.20  The  constituent  assembly 
declared  him  a benemerito  de  la  patria ; and  the  legis- 
lature of  conquered  Salvador  voted  him  a sword  of 
honor.21  The  political  atmosphere,  however,  became 
cloudy  immediately  after  the  return  of  the  forces. 
Barrios  would  have  dismissed  his  ministers  then 
had  they  not  been  preparing  their  reports  to  present 
to  the  constituent  assembly  which  was  to  assemble  in 
a short  time.22 

The  assembly  was  installed  on  the  11th  of  Septem- 
ber, 187G,23  and  passed  a few  acts;  namely,  October 
19th,  approved  all  the  acts  of  Barrios  during  the  time 
he  had  held  the  executive  office,  and  his  budget  for 
the  fiscal  year  from  July  1,  1876,  to  June  30,  1877; 
October  23d,  declared  that  the  proper  time  for  fram- 

17  The  war  cost  Guat.  about  2,000  lives,  anil  one  and  a half  million  dollars, 
however.  The  events  connected  with  Salvador  and  Honduras  appear  in  the 
history  of  those  states  for  this  period. 

18  Nicaragua  in  1877  joined  the  three  hi  treaties  to  act  in  concert,  and 
harmonize  ‘ las ‘tendencias  de  la  familia  Centro- Americana,'  Salv.,  Gaceta 
Ofic.,  Oct.  3,  1877. 

19  Gregorio  Solares,  to  whom  the  successes  were  chiefly  due.  entered  the 
city  quietly,  receiving  no  share  of  the  popular  plaudits,  which  were  all  be- 
stowed on  Barrios  as  the  victor. 

“Sept.  9,  1876.  It  was  revoked  March  22,  1885,  when  Barrios  undertook 
to  establish  the  Cent.  Am.  republic  by  force.  Coxta  R.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  March 
23,  1885. 

21  The  sword  was  delivered  him  Sept.  15,  1877.  Salo.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  Sept. 
25,  1S76;  Feb.  25,  March  21,  Sept.  28,  1S77;  Pan.  Star  ami  Herald,  Nov.  1, 
1877. 

28  lie  would  not  go  to  the  palace,  but  made  the  ministers  come  to  his  resi- 
dence, and  adopted  measures  without  consultation  with  them.  He  was  in 
fear  of  being  poisoned.  Uraga,  J.  L.,  Replica,  18-20. 

“It  had  been  originally  convoked  Oct.  21,  1875,  the  date  of  meeting  being 
left  for  future  consideration.  Its  first  meeting  was  Aug.  31st,  when  its 
officers  were  chosen.  This  was  the  seventh  constituent  assembly  in  55  years 
of  national  existence.  Guat.,  Recop.  Lei/.,  Gob.  Democ.,  ii.  159-68;  Salv., 
Gaceti  Ofic.,  Sept.  9,  24,  1876. 


MURDEROUS  PLOT 


437 


ing  a national  constitution  had  not  yet  arrived;  the 
work  was  therefore  postponed  to  a more  suitable 
period.  The  presidential  term  for  Barrios  was  fixed 
at  four  years  from  the  date  of  the  decree.24  The 
change  of  ministers  Barrios  desired  to  make  finally 
took  place.25 

With  the  exception  of  an  insignificant  affair  in  Qui- 
chfi,  the  year  1877  had  nearly  run  itself  out  without 
any  alarms  or  disturbances,  when  on  the  1st  of  No- 
vember a plot  was  detected  in  the  capital,  having  for 
its  objects,  as  appeared,  to  murder  the  president  and 
other  leading  men,  sack  the  city,  and  effect  a general 
change  in  affairs.  The  persons  implicated  were  tried 
by  court-martial  and  convicted;  seventeen  of  the  chief 
leaders  being  executed  in  the  plaza  de  arinas,  and 
accomplices  of  a lower  degree  sentenced  to  other  pen- 
alties. Most  of  the  latter  were  subsequently  par- 
doned.26 

24  In  the  temporary  absence  of  the  president,  the  council  of  ministers  was 
to  take  charge  of  the  executive  office.  In  case  of  his  death  or  other  inability, 
the  council  of  state  was  to  convoke  an  assembly.  The  president  was  called 
upon  to  appoint  a council  of  state  composed  of  competent  and  upright  men, 
which  he  did.  Id.,  Nov.  3,  9,  Dec.  8,  1876. 

2JSamayoa  gave  way  to  J.  M.  Barrundia,  and  went  to  Europe;  Alburez, 
min.  of  the  treasury,  was  succeeded  by  J.  A.  Salazar;  Lainfiesta  in  fomento 
by  M.  M.  Herrera;  Barbercna  was  min.  of  the  interior,  and  Macal  of  foreign 
affairs,  who  later  was  replaced  by  Lorenzo  Montufar. 

26  With  the  evidence  obtained  during  the  day  and  night  of  the  1st,  several 
persons  said  to  be  implicated  were  arrested,  and  the  judicial  investigation  was 
initiated.  The  plan  of  the  sedition  was  ascertained  from  the  acknowledg- 
ments and  confessions  of  its  promoters  and  others.  The  priest,  Gabriel  Aguilar, 
Jose  Lara  1’avon,  Enrique  Guzman,  and  others,  as  appeared  in  the  testimony, 
had  organized  themselves  as  a society,  recognizing  one  another  by  means  of 
signs,  to  promote  a revolt.  The  execution  of  their  plan  was  left  to  A.  Ko- 
peski,  commander  of  the  artillery,  and  his  second,  Capt.  Leon  de  Rodas,  at 
whose  quarters  assembled  in  the  night  of  the  1st  a number  of  men  who  were 
then  armed,  to  be  ready  for  relieving  the  guards  at  the  palace  and  comandan- 
cia  general,  after  they  had  been  narcotized  with  wine  and  morphine  furnished 
by  Aguilar.  This  part  of  the  plot  once  accomplished,  the  commanders  of 
other  bodies  of  troops  were  to  receive  forged  orders  to  bring  their  men,  with- 
out arms,  into  the  city,  when  others  in  the  conspiracy  stationed  outside  woul  1 
seize  the  arms.  One  of  these  orders,  ostensibly  signed  by  Barrios,  was  sent 
Oct.  31st  to  the  comandante  at  Palencia,  who,  not  doubting  its  genuineness, 
was  on  the  point  of  obeying  it;  but  despatched  an  officer  to  inquire  where  he 
was  to  station  his  men,  and  the  object  of  the  call.  The  president  at  once 
telegraphed  to  other  commanders,  and  was  advised  that  they  had  similar 
orders.  One  man  was  arrested,  and  then  another,  until  the  plot  was  unrav- 
elled. A large  portion  of  the  criminal  element,  as  well  as  of  the  lower  classes, 
were  mixed  up  in  the  affair.  The  president,  his  family,  ministers,  and  friends 
were  to  be  assassinated.  Rich  men  would  have  to  ransom  their  lives  with 


438 


EFFORTS  FOR  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  UNITY. 


On  the  9th  of  November,  1878,  the  president  issued 
a convocation  for  a constituent  assembly  of  71  mem- 
bers to  meet  on  the  15th  of  March  following,  for  the 
purposes  of  framing  a national  constitution,  and  re- 
solving upon  such  matters  as  the  government  would 
submit  to  its  deliberations.27  The  assembly  was  in- 
stalled on  the  appointed  day,  and  the  president,  whose 
term  of  appointment  in  1876  had  not  expired,  surren- 
dered his  dictatorial  powers.  In  a lengthy  message 
he  gave  a detailed  account  of  public  affairs,  with 
the  assurance  that  the  republic  was  enjoying  peace 
and  prosperity.28  For  further  particulars  he  referred 
to  the  reports  of  his  ministers.  This  much-valued 
peace  continued  uninterrupted,  notwithstanding  the 
efforts  of  refugees  in  Chiapas  to  invade  Guatemala 
with  views  hostile  to  the  government.  But  they  were 
balked  by  the  action  of  Mexico  at  Barrios’  request, 
in  keeping  the  parties  away  from  the  frontier.29  The 

sums  ranging  from  850,000  down  to  $10,000.  Daggers,  gags,  and  morphine 
were  discovered.  Barrios  decreed,  Nov.  5th,  that  the  parties  should  be  tried 
by  court-martial.  This  decree  was  countersigned  by  all  his  ministers;  namely, 
J.  Barberena,  Jose  Ant.  Salazar,  Lorenzo  Montufar,  and  under  sec.  of  war 
A.  Ubico,  then  in  charge  of  the  portfolio.  Foreigners  as  well  as  natives  real- 
ized their  narrow  escape  from  a fearful  catastrophe,  and  commended  Barrios 
and  his  ministers  for  their  action.  The  justice  of  the  sentences  was  fully 
acknowledged.  Barrios,  in  his  message  to  the  constituent  assembly,  in 
March  1879,  alluding  to  the  affair,  said:  ‘ La  sociedad  guatemalteca  se  vio 
por  un  momento  al  horde  de  un  abismo  de  sangre  y devastacion.  ’ The  reac- 
tionists, he  added,  unable  to  demand  the  abolition  of  the  reforms  which  had  so 
greatly  improved  the  condition  of  the  people,  4 pedian  al  punal  y al  veneno, 
a ese  recurso  traidor  y alevoso,  una  hecatombe  suprema,  una  montana  de 
cadaveres.’  Barrios,  Mensaje,  March  15,  1879;  Salv.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  Nov.  13, 
18,  1877;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Dec.  1,  1877;  La  Voz  de  Hex.,  S.  F.,  Feb. 
23,  1S78. 

27  In  the  preamble  he  alludes  to  the  declaration  of  the  last  assembly  oi 
Oct.  23,  1S76,  adding  that  he  accepted  the  dictatorship  as  a necessity,  because 
of  the  unsettled  condition  of  the  country,  though  well  aware  that  unre- 
stricted powers  are  incompatible  with  republican  principles.  The  election  of 
deputies  was  to  begin  Jan.  10th,  and  all  citizens  were  made  eligible,  except- 
ing only  such  as  held  certain  offices,  as  jefes  politicos,  revenue  officials,  judges, 
and  military  commandants,  who  could  not  be  candidates  in  their  official  de- 
partments or  districts.  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  Cong.  46,  Sess.  2,  i.  pt  1,  140;  Salv., 
Diario  Ofic.,  Nov.  22,  1S78;  Jan.  22,  1879;  La  Voz  de  Mix.,  May  6,  1S79. 

28  He  had  endeavored,  he  said,  to  maintain  friendly  relations  with  the 
other  Cent.  Am.  governments,  and  as  for  those  with  Salv.,  Hond.,  and  Nic., 
4 jamds  se  han  cultivado  con  el  verdadero  espiritu  de  fraternidad  con  que 
hoy  se  man  tienen  y formentan.’ 

29  The  same  course  was  pursued  by  Guat.  toward  Mexican  citizens  residing 
in  her  territory,  who  were  causing  in  1S79  and  1880  disturbances  in  Soconusco 
and  Chiapas.  The  correspondence  and  proceedings  of  the  governments  in 


BARRIOS  DICTATOR. 


439 


constituent  assembly  adopted  on  the  1 ltli  of  December, 
1879,  a new  constitution  for  the  republic,  which  was 
promulgated  a few  days  after.  It  recognized  the 
great  principles  of  democracy  and  social  reform,  and 
was  in  harmony  with  the  social  condition  and  political 
needs  of  Guatemala.30 

Pursuant  to  the  requirements  of  the  constitution, 
the  government  issued  on  the  13th  of  December,  1879, 
and  12tli  of  January,  1880,  decrees  for  the  elections 
of  president  of  the  republic  and  deputies  to  the  assem- 
bly, which  took  place  without  any  disturbance.  Justo 
Rufino  Barrios  was  chosen,  by  popular  suffrage,  presi- 
dent of  the  republic  for  the  term  from  March  1,  1880, 
to  March  1,  1886. 31  Peace  continued  without  inter- 
ruption,32 and  the  government  was  enabled  to  devote 
its  attention  to  the  advancement  of  the  country’s  edu- 
cational and  material  interests.  Judicial  and  adminis- 

both  affairs  appear  in  Mex.,  Correspond.  Dipl.,  ii.  221-91;  El  Guatemalteco, 
Sept.  7,  1879;  Mex.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Nov.  8,  Dec.  2,  1879. 

3U  Every  principle  won  with  the  loss  of  so  much  blood  was  secured.  The 
legislative  authority  was  vested  in  a chamber  of  representatives,  and  the 
executive  in  a president,  whose  term  of  office  was  six  years.  Gnat.,  Mem., 
Sec.  Gobern.,  1880,  7.  Objections  were  made  by  foreign  representatives,  in- 
cluding the  minister  of  Mexico,  to  art.  5th  of  the  constitution  respecting 
Guatemalan  nationality.  On  this  point  a constituent  assembly  in  1S85  author- 
ized the  government  to  settle  it  by  treaties,  which  was  equivalent  to  nulli- 
fying the  clause.  There  were  exceptions  also  to  the  14th,  intended  to  set 
down  as  a principle  that  neither  citizens  nor  foreigners  were  entitled  to  in- 
demnity for  damages  accruing  to  them  during  civil  wars  from  the  acts  of 
revolutionary  factions.  The  right  of  Guat.  to  insert  in  her  fundamental  law 
every  principle  or  rule  she  might  deem  proper  for  her  internal  administration 
was  fully  recognized;  but  as  regarded  those  dependent  for  their  sanction  on 
the  consent  of  nations,  in  their  intercourse  with  one  another,  the  representa- 
tives reserved  their  respective  country’s  rights.  Mex.,  Correspond.  Dipl.,  ii. 
293-8;  Gnat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Bel.  Ext.,  1880,  0. 

31  The  new  constitution  was  to  have  effect  from  March  1,  1880.  Thu3 
Barrios  had  the  glory  of  endowing  his  country  with  a political  constitution  of 
its  own,  and  with  a republican  and  democratic  form  of  government.  It  will 
be  borne  in  mind  that  after  the  disruption  of  the  Cent.  Am.  confederation, 
since  1S40,  Guat.  had  been  under  a dictatorship,  or  under  institutions  which 
greatly  curtailed  the  political  rights  of  the  ruled. 

33  A treaty  of  peace,  amity,  commerce,  and  extradition  was  conclude  1 
July  17,  18S0,  between  Guat.  and  Hond.,  giving  to  Guatemalans  in  Hond., 
and  Hondurans  in  Guat.,  the  same  civil  and  political  rights  enjoyed  by  the 
natives  of  the  respective  country,  though  exempting  them  from  military  ser- 
vice and  forced  loans.  Refugees  could  be  allowed  asylum,  but  were  not  to 
use  the  privilege  to  promote  hostile  acts  against  their  own  or  other  govern- 
ments. Merchandise,  excepting  such  articles  as  were  subject  to  estanco,  or 
monopoly,  were  to  be  allowed  free  entry.  Guat.,  Mem.  Min.  Bel.  Exter.,  1881, 
28-34. 


440 


EFFORTS  FOR  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  UNITY. 


trative  reforms  were  introduced,  and  the  army  was 
reorganized,  receiving  marked  improvements  in  every 
branch.  Agriculture  and  commerce  progressed,  and 
the  national  finances  had  never  been  in  so  promising  a 
condition.33 

Barrios  took  advantage  of  this  quiet  to  pay  a visit 
to  the  United  States.  He  landed  at  New  Orleans, 
and  thence  repaired  to  Washington,  where  he  was  re- 
ceived with  the  high  consideration  due  to  the  chief 
magistrate  of  a friendly  nation.  In  other  cities  of  the 
union  he  was  also  welcomed  and  hospitably  enter- 
tained.34 His  visit  was  one  of  business  rather  than  of 
pleasure,  having  the  double  object  of  inviting  the 
American  government,  Mexico  having  likewise  done 
so,  to  act  as  mediator  for  the  final  settlement  of  their 
long-pending  boundary  question ; and  also  of  bespeak- 
ing the  influence  and  good  offices  of  the  same  power 
to  bring  about  the  union  of  the  five  Central  American 
states,  in  order  that  they  might  form  a single  repub- 
lic. The  first  request  was  acceded  to,  and  the  boun- 
dary difficulty  was  terminated.35  As  regarded  the  other 
matter,  the  United  States,  while  recognizing  the  wis- 
dom of  the  five  Central  American  republics  becoming 
consolidated,  declined  to  interfere. 

Barrios  made  a flying  visit  to  Europe,  and  returned 
by  way  of  the  United  States,  embarking  at  San  Fran- 
cisco, California,  for  his  country,  where  he  arrived 
early  in  November  188 2. 36  On  the  29th  of  Decem- 

33  Star  and  Herald,  Jan.  23,  1883;  Guat.,  Mem.  Min.  Eel.  Extcr.,  1881-5; 
Id.,  Gobern.  y Just.,  1881-5;  Id.,  JIac.  y Grid.  Pub.,  1881-5;  Id.,  Guerra, 
1881-5;  Id.,  Formento,  1881-5;  Id.,  Instruc.  Pub.,  1881-5.  The  following  per- 
sons acted  as  ministers  of  state  during  some  portion  of  Barrios’  present  term : 
Lorenzo  Montufar,  Fernando  Cruz,  Cayetano  Diaz  Merida,  Delfino  Sanchez, 
J.  M.  Orantes,  J.  Martin  Barrumlia,  M.  M.  Ilcrrera,  Angel  Pefia,  R.  A.  Sala- 
zar, Ramon  Murga,  and  F.  Lainfiesta. 

34  The  Guat.  govt  manifested  its  high  appreciation  of  those  courtesies  on 
the  part  of  the  authorities  and  people  of  the  U.  S.,  in  a note  to  the  Am.  min- 
ister, II.  C.  Hall.  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  47,  Sess.  2,  i.  no. 
1,  pt  1,  4G-7. 

35  This  question  is  fully  treated  of  in  Hist.  Alex.,  vi.  chap,  xix.,  this  series; 
U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  47,  Sess.  2,  i.,  For  Rel.  no.  1,  pt  1, 
326-33. 

36  He  did  not  resume  his  office  till  the  6th  of  January,  Gen.  Orantes  con- 
tinuing at  the  head  of  the  government. 


BARRIOS  RESTLESS. 


441 


her  he  laid  before  the  legislative  assembly,  then  sitting 
in  extra  session,  his  resignation  of  the  executive  office, 
pleading  the  precarious  state  of  his  health,  which  de- 
manded rest  and  special  care.  He  said  that  the  con- 
stitutional regime  being  restored  and  consolidated,  his 
further  services  might  be  dispensed  with.  He  con- 
sidered the  occasion  a propitious  one  for  a change  in 
the  chief  magistrate.37 

Barrios’  act  caused  much  anxiety  to  his  friends,38 
but  the  assembly,  while  appreciating  his  motives,  de- 
clined to  accept  the  resignation,  alluding  to  the  alarm 
the  news  of  it  had  created  among  the  people.  It  did 
not  seem  to  concur  with  him  on  the  point  of  internal 
peace  being  secure,  apprehension  existing  against  re- 
actionary projects  which  might  arrest  the  progress  of 
the  past  few  years.  The  chamber  promised,  however, 
to  devise  some  means  of  conciliating  the  demands  of 
his  health  with  the  need  of  his  services.39  It  was  un- 
derstood that  if  the  project  of  the  union  of  the  states, 
then  engaging  the  attention  of  their  governments, 
should  be  carried  out,  the  measure  to  be  suggested 
by  the  assembly  would  be  granting  him  a leave  of  ab- 
sence. The  decision  of  the  legislature  was  received 
with  great  satisfaction  by  the  people.  Barrios  ac- 
cepted it,  and  on  the  6th  of  January,  1883,  in  an 
address  to  the  people,  announced  his  resumption  of 
the  presidency,  though  only  for  a short  time.10 

37  He  added  that  he  wished  to  stand  aloof,  and  observe  the  working  of  the 
free  institutions  he  had  contributed  to  establish  on  a firm  basis  as  he  hoped; 
without  neglecting,  however,  the  duty  he  owed  at  all  times  to  his  country, 
and  to  those  who,  like  himself,  shed  their  blood  in  their  efforts  to  the  same 
end.  lie  would  be  ever  found  ready  to  support  the  liberal  government,  and 
hoped  that  no  credence  would  be  given  to  the  slander  that  he  desired  to  leave 
the  country,  and  thus  shirk  responsibility.  This  charge  was  made  when  he 
left  for  the  U.  S.  to  settle  the  boundary  question  with  Mexico.  Barrios,  Men- 
s'tje,  Dec.  29,  1882.  Even  more  had  been  said,  to  wit,  that  he  had  the  plan 
of  annexing  Gnat,  to  the  U.  S.,  which  was  an  absurd  charge. 

38  It  was  beyond  question  that  he  had  a strong  hold  on  the  affections  of 
those  who  did  not  belong  to  the  reactionary  party,  and  * even  among  the  lat- 
ter he  would  be  preferred  to  any  one  who  would  be  likely  to  succeed  him.  ’ 
U.  S.  Min.  Halls  desp.  to  sec.  of  state,  Jan.  8,  1883,  in  U.  S.  (Jov.  Doc., 
li.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  48,  Sess.  1,  no.  1,  pt  1,  32-3. 

39  A measure  might  be  adopted  in  the  next  ordinary  session,  when,  per- 
haps, ‘ events  may  have  occurred  in  regard  to  the  Cent.  Am.  union.  ’ 

40  He  urged  them  to  labor  for  the  development  of  the  country,  whose  pro- 
gress and  prosperity  were  certain,  if  all  would  cooperate  to  that  end. 


442 


EFFORTS  FOR  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  UNITY. 


Meanwhile  the  scheme  of  Central  American  recon- 
struction had  not  been  neglected.  Barrios  at  an 
early  day  renewed  negotiations  with  that  object  in 
view.  Salvador  and  Honduras  seemed  to  be  in  full 
accord  with  his  plan;  but  Nicaragua  and  Costa  Bica 
had  failed  to  see  the  practicability  of  its  realization. 
Delfino  Sanchez,  a Guatemalan  commissioner,  and 
Salvador  Gallegos,  minister  of  foreign  affairs  of  Sal- 
vador,  together  visited  Honduras,  whose  president, 
ministers,  and  influential  citizens  renewed  assurances 
of  concerted  action.  They  next  repaired  to  Nicara- 
gua, and  then  to  Costa  Rica,  at  both  of  which  places 
they  met  with  cordial  receptions,  and  their  proposi- 
tions were  attentively  considered,  leading  them  to 
expect  a successful  result  to  their  joint  mission.41 
Those  governments  consented  to  accredit  five  dele- 
gates each  to  a congress,  which  was  to  sit  in  March 
1884,  either  at  Ahuachapan,  or  Santa  Tecla,  in  Sal- 
vador, with  powers  limited  to  discuss  and  subscribe  to 
the  plan  for  a general  constitution,  and  organic  laws 
intended  for  the  reorganization  of  Central  America. 
Costa  Rica’s  promise  was  subject  to  sanction  by  her 
legislature.  She  subsequently  receded,  and  officially 
made- it  known  to  the  government  of  Nicaragua.42 

The  project  was  early  in  1884  as  far  from  realization 
as  ever.  Barrios  in  his  message  of  that  year  to  the 
national  assembly  alludes  to  the  result  as  a sore  dis- 
appointment to  him ; adding  that  no  one  had  dared  to 
declare  himself  against  the  lofty  idea,  and  yet  there 

41  Barrios  addressed,  Feb.  24,  1SS3,  an  extensive  circular  to  the  liberal 
party  of  Cent.  Am.,  to  assure  them  that  his  motives  in  working  for  the  consoli- 
dation had  been  to  promote  the  general  weal,  and  not  his  personal  aggrandize- 
ment. He  repeated  that  he  did  not  wish,  nor  would  he  accept,  the  presidency 
of  Cent.  Am. , disclaiming  that  he  had  ever  tried  to  impose  his  will  on  the 
other  states,  and  pledging  his  word  never  to  attempt  it  in  the  future.  Pan., 
El  Cronista,  March  10,  et  seq.,  1SS4;  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  Cong.  48,  Sess.  1,  no. 
1,  pt  1,  49-53. 

42  As  appears  in  a telegram  of  March  28th  from  Nic.  govt  to  Guat.  foreign 
min.,  who  replied  next  day,  that  if  Costa  R.  refused  to  join  the  diet,  the 
meeting  of  delegates  from  only  four  states  could  have  no  practical  effect. 
Gual.,  Mem.  Sec.  Pel.  Exter.,  1844,  3-5,  annexes  A to  D;  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Min. 
Pel.,  1883,  3,  ann.  1 and  13;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Feb.  3,  1885;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald, 
March  5,  20,  23,  18S3;  Pan.  Canal,  Feb.  1G,  March  21,  22,  1883. 


ATTEMPTED  ASSASSINATION. 


443 


had  been  so  many  elements,  both  of  personal  ambition 
and  localism,  hostile  to  its  success,45  that  the  use  of 
force  would  have  had  to  be  resorted  to,  which  had 
formed  no  part  of  his  peaceful  plan,  to  conquer  the 
covert  and  persistent  opposition.  But  his  government 
would  not  let  slip  any  opportunity  favorable  to  its 
realization,  continuing  meantime  with  its  liberal  insti- 
tutions, laws,  and  general  policy,  to  exhibit  unequivo- 
cal proofs  of  a fraternal  spirit.  He  soon  had  a falling 
out,  however,  with  President  Soto  of  Honduras,  who, 
believing  himself  in  peril  of  overthrow,  or  other  form 
of  revenge,  at  the  hands  of  his  more  powerful  neigh- 
bor, was  charged  with  abandoning  his  slippery  position, 
and  seeking  safety  in  a foreign  land,  well  provided  with 
pecuniary  means  to  lead  a luxurious  life.  But  on  this 
subject  more  particulars  are  given  in  connection  with 
Honduras  history  in  another  chapter. 

With  Nicaragua  a general  treaty  of  friendship,  de- 
fensive alliance,  commerce,  navigation,  and  extradition 
of  criminals  was  concluded  at  Guatemala,  December 
27,  1883. 44 

An  attempt  was  made,  with  a metallic  bomb,  against 
the  life  of  President  Barrios,  as  he  was  walking  in 
the  Plaza  del  Teatro  with  the  minister  of  war,  J. 
Martin  Barrundia,  on  the  evening  of  April  13,  1884. 
Hie  bomb  burst,  happily,  failing  of  its  object.  No 
one  was  injured;  but  the  incident  served  to  excite 
alarm  and  indignation  against  the  perpetrators  of  the 
crime  throughout  Central  America.  Expressions  of 
sympathy  and  congratulation  at  the  narrow  escape  of 
Barrios  and  his  companion,  came  in  from  the  diplo- 
matic corps,  and  from  all  classes  of  society.45 

43  ‘ Tantas  ambiciones  pequeflas,  tantos  menguados  intereses  de  localidad, 
y tantas  miras  estrechas.’  Ban-ios,  Memaje , March  1,  1884;  El  Guatemalteco, 
March  4,  1884. 

44  It  was  to  be  perpetual  as  to  peace  and  friendship;  and  as  regarded  the 
other  clauses,  its  duration  was  to  be  of  ten  years.  Gnat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Bel.  Exter. , 
1884,  annex  3. 

4J  Barrios  published  an  address  to  the  inhabitants  expressing  gratitude  for 
their  sympathy.  He  made  special  mention  of  the  cordial  manifestation  of  the 
diplomatic  corps,  and  the  foreign  residents.  El  Guatemalteco,  Apr.  18,  22,  1884; 
Snlv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Apr.  17,  1884;  Rond.,  Gaceta,  Apr.  21, 1884;  Mcx.,  Clamor 
Pub.,  June  2,  1884. 


444 


EFFORTS  FOR  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  UNITY. 


The  investigations  made  by  the  authorities  led  to  the 
discovery  of  the  perpetrators,  and  they  were  tried, 
convicted,  and  sentenced.46  But  the  president,  exer- 
cising his  prerogative,  granted  them  a full  pardon  on 
the  4th  of  July,  and  they  were  at  once  set  at  liberty. 

Barrios,  who  had  been  visiting  the  western  depart- 
ments, returned  to  the  capital  on  September  13th, 
having  with  him  as  national  guests  the  presidents  of 
Salvador  and  Honduras  with  their  suites,  and  Tomas 
Avon,  representing  the  chief  magistrate  of  Nicaragua, 
who  had  been  unable  to  respond  in  person  to  the  invi- 
tation of  the  government  of  Guatemala,  and  be  present 
witli  the  others  at  the  inauguration  of  the  southern 
railroad.4.  The  visit  of  these  personages  lasted  till  the 
termination  of  the  festivities,  when  they  took  their 
departure  the  21st;  Barrios  and  his  ministers  accom- 
panying them  as  far  as  Port  San  Jose. 

The  scheme  of  Central  American  unification  was 
never  lost  sight  of.  Barrios  had  been  watching  for  a 
propitious  opportunity,  and  early  in  1885  resolved  to 
initiate  it.  He  accordingly  issued,  on  the  28th  of 
February,  a decree  wherein,  after  explaining  in  a long 
preamble  the  advantages  which  would  accrue  to  all 
concerned  from  his  action,  he  proclaimed,  in  accord 
with  the  legislative  assembly  of  Guatemala,  the  con- 
solidation of  the  five  states  into  one  republic,  and  the 
manner  of  effecting  it.43  He  likewise  made  a manifesto 

4GFour  to  death,  two  to  the  chain-gang  with  hard  labor  for  life,  one  to  sim- 
ple imprisonment  for  10  years,  and  two  others  were  acquitted.  One  of  the 
chief  implicated  made  a full  confession,  the  plot  being  to  cause  a change  in 
the  govt  by  killing  Barrios.  El  Guatemalteco,  May  10,  July  5,  12,  18S4.  The 
chief  person  implicated  has,  since  the  death  of  Barrios,  made  a representation 
to  the  assembly  declaring  the  accusation  false,  and  that  the  real  authors  of  the 
bomb  plot  were  in  the  process  made  to  appear  as  the  victims.  Rodriguez,  G., 
Expox.  y Docx.,  pp.  i.-iii.,  1-120,  3-17. 

47  The  president  of  Costa  R.  also  received  an  invitation,  but  being  unable 
to  leave  the  state,  expressed  through  his  min.  of  foreign  affairs  warm  con- 
gratulations. Costa  R.,  hforme  Sec.  Rel.  Exter.,  1S85,  19-20. 

48  It  was  countersigned  by  all  his  ministers,  to  wit:  J.  Martin  Barrundia, 
of  war;  Fernando  Cruz,  of  foreign  affairs;  Francisco  Lainfiesta,  of  fomento; 
Dellino  Sanchez,  of  treasury  and  pub.  credit;  Cayetano  Diaz  Merida,  of  govt 
and  justice;  and  Ramon  Murga,  of  pub.  instruction.  The  following  is  a 
synopsis  of  the  decree.  Art.  1.  The  ruler  of  the  rep.  of  Guat.  proclaims  the 
union  of  Cent.  Am. ; to  which  end  he  assumes  the  role  of  supreme  military 
chief  with  absolute  control.  Art.  2.  He  will  accept  the  cooperation  of  such 


DIVERSIFIED  OPINIONS. 


445 


to  the  people  of  Central  America  at  large,  assuring 
them  that  he  was  not  prompted  by  personal  ambition, 
or  the  desire  of  holding  power,  for  he  had  had  abun- 
dant experience  of  its  bitterness.49 

The  president  of  Honduras  on  the  7th  of  March 
telegraphed  to  Guatemala  the  resolutions  adopted 
that  same  day  by  the  state  assembly  in  favor  of  Cen- 
tral American  consolidation.50 

The  people  of  Guatemala  and  Honduras  seemed  to 
be  generally  disposed  to  support  their  governments. 
But  it  proved  to  be  otherwise  in  Salvador,  Nicaragua, 
and  Costa  Rica,  though  many  citizens  of  the  three 
states  favored  the  initiative  of  Guatemala.  The  ad- 
ministration of  Salvador  having  failed  to  second  the 

govts,  communities,  and  rulers,  as,  within  the  terms  laid  down,  should  ac- 
quiesce and  make  common  cause  with  them.  Art.  3.  A gen.  assembly  of  15 
members  from  each  state,  freely  chosen  by  popular  suffrage,  should  meet  at 
Guatemala  May  1st  to  enact  the  political  constitution  of  Cent.  Am.,  and  estab- 
lish the  manner,  time,  and  form  of  choosing  the  president,  his  official  term, 
date  upon  which  he  was  to  receive  the  executive  authority  from  the  assembly, 
and  the  place  where  the  supreme  federal  authorities  were  to  reside.  Art.  4. 
Any  person  attempting  by  word  or  deed  to  oppose  this  decree  would  be 
dealt  with  as  a traitor  to  the  cause  of  Cent.  Am.  Art.  5.  The  people  of  Cent. 
Am.  are  urged  to  aid  the  accomplishment  of  this  project.  Art.  (5.  Suitable 
rewards  offered  to  officers  of  army  and  militia  efficaciously  aiding.  Art.  7. 
Rewards  also  offered  to  the  rank  and  fdc.  Art.  8.  Establishes  the  flag  of  the 
rap.:  three  vertical  stripes,  the  middle  one  white,  the  other  two  blue;  the 
white  stripe  exhibiting  the  coat  of  arms,  a quetzal  perched  upon  a column, 
with  the  following  inscription:  ‘Libertad  y Union— 15  de  Setiembre  de  1821 
— 28  de  Febrero  de  1885.’  Art.  9.  No  negotiations  relating  to  territory,  inter- 
national treaties,  foreign  or  national  loans,  or  other  stipulations  of  analogous 
nature  or  importance,  entered  into  by  the  other  states  of  Cent.  Am.  after  the 
date  of  this  decree,  would  be  recognized.  Art.  10.  The  minister  of  foreign 
affairs  was  directed  to  lay  this  decree  before  the  assembly  of  Gnat.,  the  other 
govern,  of  Cent.  Am.,  and  all  powers  of  Am.  and  Europe  with  which  Guat. 
had  relations  of  friendship  and  trade.  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  March  28,  1S85; 
El  Cronista  (S.  F.),  March  14,  21,  1S85;  S.  F.  Chronicle,  March  10,  13,  1885; 
■S’.  F.  Call,  March  13,  1885.  It  will  be  well  to  mention  here  the  reasons 
which  prompted  the  legislative  assembly  to  proclaim  the  unity  of  Cent.  Am. 
in  the  manner  adopted  by  Barrios:  ‘El  inmenso  prestijio  de  que  gozaba  aquel 
memorable  jefe,  el  civismo  de  que  siempre  habia  dado  inequivocas  muestras, 
y los  muchos  elementos  de  que  disponia  para  haeer  practico  aquel  pensa- 
miento,  acariciado  por todos  los  buenos  hijos  de  la  America  Central.'  This 
was  said  after  Barrios  was  dead.  Costa  It.,  Informe  Sec.  Pel.  Exter.,  1885, 
21-5,  35. 

49  ‘ Bastante  he  saboreado,  por  triste  experiencia,  todas  las  amarguras  del 
poder.  ’ 

50  Art.  1.  The  people  of  Hond.  proclaim  the  union  of  Cent.  Am.  Art.  2. 
Gives  the  executive  full  power  to  render  Barrios  every  possible  aid.  Art. 
3.  Congress  and  the  executive  were  to  frankly  explain  the  true  motives  of  the 
revolution. 


44G 


EFFORTS  FOR  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  UNITY. 


movement,  Barrios’  passionate  temper  was  roused.  He 
wrote  President  Zalcfivar  that,  relying  upon  the  assur- 
ances of  Salvador  and  Honduras,51  he  had  launched 
his  decree  of  February  28th,  and  as  he  had  not  shown 
the  proper  disposition  to  fulfil  his  pledges,  the  govern- 
ment of  Guatemala  would  employ  its  abundant  re- 
sources to  force  compliance;52  for  he  was  resolved  to 
carry  out  his  enterprise  at  all  hazards.  He  announced 
at  the  same  time  the  appointment  of  Francisco  Me- 
nendez,  a Salvadoran  general  of  division,  to  command 
the  western  departments  of  the  latter  republic,53  with 
instructions  to  raise  over  them  the  standard  of  Central 
America,  and  expressed  the  hope  that  Zaldivar  would 
not  permit  obstacles  to  be  thrown  in  that  officer’s  way. 
Zaldivar  telegraphed  him  on  the  9th  to  await  the 
visit  of  their  mutual  friends,  Menendez  and  Avilez, 
and  not  act  hastily,  nor  look  upon  him  as  a foe,  for  he 
had  no  wish  to  be  one.  Barrios  then  concluded  to 
wait  for  the  coming  of  those  commissioners.34 

51  Zaldivar  then,  as  well  as  afterward,  denied  having  betrayed  Barrios. 
The  circular  of  Feb.  24,  18S3,  to  the  liberal  party,  was  issued  by  the  latter 
after  a conference  with  the  former  at  Asuncion  Mita.  In  that  famous  mani- 
festo, Barrios  pledged  his  honor  not  to  attempt  effecting  the  unification,  ex- 
cept by  peaceful  means,  and  with  the  concurrence  of  the  five  republics.  His 
message  to  the  Guat.  assembly  in  1884  indicated  that  violent  means  were 
out  of  the  question.  A correspondent  of  a Panama  paper,  who  seemed  to 
have  personal  knowledge  of  the  negotiations,  both  public  and  confidential, 
assures  us  that  at  every  interview  between  the  two  rulers  the  Salvadoran  had 
opposed  without  ambiguity  all  propositions,  open  or  implied,  to  employ  force; 
and  that  Barrios  had  every  time  admitted  the  weight  of  the  reasons  adduced 
by  him.  Indeed,  only  20  days  before  his  attempted  assumption  of  supreme 
command  over  Cent.  Am.  Barrios  assured  of  Salvadoran  minister  of  foreign 
affairs,  Gallegos,  who  had  gone  to  Guat.  upon  a confidential  mission  from 
Zalivar,  of  his  conviction  that  never  had  the  plan  of  reconstructing  Cent.  Am. 
by  compulsion  been  so  unpropitious  and  dangerous  as  at  the  present  time; 
adding  these  words:  ‘ Poner  hoy  la  mano  en  este  asunto  equivaldrfa  & meterla 
cn  un  avispero.'  La  Estella  de  Pan.,  May  9,  1885;  S.  F.  Chronicle,  June  5, 
1S85. 

52  ‘ El  gobiemo  de  Vd  no  responde,  y no  necesito  decir  porque  no  lo  hace.  ’ 
These  words  would  seem  to  imply  that  there  had  been  an  understanding  be- 
tween the  two,  and  treachery  was  suspected. 

53  Menendez,  calling  himself  a soldier  of  the  union,  had  urged  all  Central 
Americans  to  aid  Barrios.  Zaldivar  on  March  15th  promulgated  an  act  of 
the  Salv.  congress  declaring  Menendez  a traitor  to  his  country.  This  decree 
was  in  force  only  a short  time. 

54  Melchor  Ordoflez,  Spanish  minister  accredited  to  both  republics,  had  in 
a telegram  assured  him  that  Zaldivar  was  his  sincere  friend,  but  was  in  a 
difficult  position,  having  to  act  in  accord  with  public  opinion.  He  should 
bear  in  mind  the  Salvadorans  had  been  led  to  believe  that  he,  Barrios,  in- 
tended to  deprive  them  of  their  nationality  to  gratify  his  own  ambition. 


COERCION  CONDEMNED. 


447 


The  decree  of  February  28th,  which  was  now  raising 
such  a political  storm,  had  been  officially  communicated 
to  the  foreign  diplomatic  and  consular  corps  on  the 
Gtli  of  March.  The  German  minister  was  the  first  to 
answer  it;  he  seemed  to  commend  the  effort  about  to 
be  made.  The  other  representatives  acknowledged 
its  receipt  in  more  or  less  expressive  terms  The 
Spanish  minister  endeavored,  however,  though  unoffi- 
cially, to  dissuade  Barrios  from  carrying  out  his  plan 
without  the  concurrence  of  the  other  states.  His  ef- 
fort, lie  said,  was  to  avert  bloodshed.  Barrios  was 
indisposed  to  brook  this  interference,  returning  on  the 
10th  a haughty  reply  to  the  effect  that  the  question  of 
Central  American  unification  was  not  an  international 
one,  and  solely  concerned  the  people  of  Central  Amer- 
ica. He  therefore  requested  him  to  discontinue  his 
officious  intervention,  and  finally  added,  that  if  Zaldfvar 
fulfilled  his  engagements,  paying  attention  only  to  the 
wishes  of  patriotic  citizens,  there  would  be  no  blood- 
shed. The  minister  then  went  to  Guatemala,  and 
wrote  an  explanatory  letter,  closing  his  interference, 
to  which  Barrios  replied  that,  being  engaged  with 
other  important  affairs,  he  could  not  give  his  letter  all 
the  attention  it  demanded ; but  he  was  glad  the  dis- 
cussion had  been  brought  to  an  end.  The  government 
of  Mexico,  to  which  the  Guatemalan  minister,  Fran- 
cisco Anguiano,  had  made  known  Barrios’  action, 
replied  through  its  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  Ignacio 
Mariscal,  disapproving  of  the  movement,  and  signify- 
ing its  intention  to  provide  for  the  defence  of  Mexico’s 
frontiers  and  interests.55 

The  government  of  the  United  States  also  looked 
with  disfavor  on  the  plan  of  forcible  organization, 
promptly  ordering  naval  forces  to  the  Central  Ameri- 
can coasts  for  the  protection  of  American  interests. 
The  Nicaraguan  congress  had,  on  the  8th  of  March, 
resolved  to  reject  the  union  decreed  by  Guatemala, 

65 ‘Las  medidas  4,  que  toda  nacion  priulente  apela  durante  el  estado  de 
guerra  en  que  se  colocan  sus  veeinos.  ’ 


448 


EFFORTS  FOR  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  UNITY 


and  to  energetically  oppose  what  they  called  Barrios1 
attempt  to  impose  his  will,  and  to  constitute  himself  a 
dictator  over  Central  America.  The  executive  was 
accordingly  empowered  to  make  provision,  singly  or 
conjointly  with  other  states,  for  national  defence  at 
whatever  sacrifice.  The  government  of  Costa  Rica 
adopted  a similar  course,  the  executive  being  clothed 
with  extraordinary  powers.56 

Finally,  the  three  republics  of  Salvador,  Nicaragua, 
and  Costa  Rica  appealed  to  the  governments  of  the 
United  States  and  Mexico  to  interfere  on  their  behalf 
against  Barrios’  projects.  Mexico  responded  at  once. 
President  Diaz  notified  Barrios  on  the  10th  by  tele- 
graph, that  the  governments  and  people  of  those  three 
republics  had  rejected  his  scheme,  which  had,  more- 
over, produced  an  impression  on  the  Mexican  people, 
demanding  on  the  part  of  their  government  the  as- 
sumption of  an  attitude  suitable  to  an  emergency  by 
which  the  independence  and  autonomy  of  nations  of 
this  continent  had  been  menaced.  Barrios  telegraphed 
back  that  his  answer  would  go  by  mail.  He  after- 
ward issued  an  address  to  the  Mexican  nation,  of  a 
friendly  nature.5'  But  the  die  was  cast.  War  was 
now  unavoidable.  The  three  opposing  governments, 
for  their  mutual  protection,  entered  on  the  22d  of 
March  into  an  alliance  offensive  and  defensive, 6S  and 

60  The  govt  issued  a stirring  manifesto  to  friendly  powers  on  the  17th  of 
March,  1885,  against  Barrios’  coup  d’etat,  signed  by  J.  M.  Castro,  sec.  of 
foreign  relations.  Costa  R.,  Iu/orme  Sec.  Rel.  Exter.,  1885,  27-9;  Id.,  JIanif 
del  Gob.  Rep.,  1-6. 

57  The  telegraphic  despatches  and  diplomatic  notes  which  passed  between 
the  two  governments  appear  in  Mex. , Diario  OJic.,  March  12,  Apr.  1,  29, 
May  5,  1885;  Id.,  Siglo  XIX.,  March  13,  25,  30,  1885;  Costa  R.,  Doletin  OJic., 
March  14,  1885. 

58  The  treaty  was  signed  in  the  city  of  Santa  Ana,  Salv.,  by  the  plenipo- 
tentiaries Jose  Duran  for  Costa  R.,  Buenav.  Selva  for  Nic.,  and  Salv.  Ga- 
llegos for  Salv.  It  was  to  be  in  force  until  Barrios  should  be  overthrown, 
and  another  govt  established  entirely  disconnected  with  him  and  offering 
guaranties  of  peace  for  Cent.  Am.,  after  which  the  issue  of  Cent.  Am.  union 
might  be  considered  by  the  parties  in  a proper  spirit,  and  at  an  opportune 
occasion.  Costa  R.  pledged  herself  to  furnish  3,0  )0  men  at  her  own  cost, 
but  if  only  1,000  were  called  for,  she  would  contribute  also  .8100,000,  and 

1.000  Remington  rifles  with  500  cartridges  for  each.  Nic.  agreed  to  furnisn 

4.000  troops  also  at  her  own  cost.  Salv.  would  contribute  her  whole  avail- 
able military  force.  The  command-in-chief  was  vested  first  in  the  president 


DEATH  OF  BARRIOS. 


449 


took  active  measures  to  give  effect  to  the  union. 
Guatemala  on  her  part,  and  her  ally  Honduras,  had 
not  been  slow  in  their  preparations  for  the  impending 
strife.  Regardless  of  all  opposition,  Barrios  was  still 
bent  upon  his  difficult  task,  and  for  its  accomplish- 
ment marched  an  army  into  Salvadoran  territory. 
The  events  of  this  campaign  are  given  in  another 
chapter,  in  connection  with  the  history  of  Salvador, 
where  the  fighting  took  place.  Let  it  suffice  to  say 
here  that  the  invaders  met  with  disaster,  and  Barrios 
lost  his  life,  fighting  heroically,  on  the  2d  of  April.59 
His  remains  were  rescued,  it  is  said  at  the  cost  of 
twenty  lives,  and  conveyed  to  Guatemala,  where  they 
were  interred  with  civic  and  military  honors.  His 
widow,  Francisca  Aparicio  de  Barrios,  and  their  seven 
children,  being  escorted  to  the  port  of  San  Jose  by  a 
military  guard,  embarked  for  San  Francisco,  accom- 
panied by  friends.  They  afterward  transferred  them- 
selves and  their  belongings  to  New  York,  where 
Senora  Barrios  established  her  residence,  it  being  un- 
derstood that  the  family  has  been  left  amply  provided 
with  pecuniary  means.60 

Upon  the  news  reaching  Guatemala  of  the  disasters 
which  had  befallen  the  army  operating  in  Salvador, 
and  of  the  death  of  the  president,  the  legislative  as- 
sembly, and  the  provisional  president,  Alejandro  Sini- 
baldi,61  in  accord  with  it,  revoked  on  the  3d  of  April 

of  Salv.,  next  in  that  of  Nic.,  and  third  in  that  of  Costa  R.,  or  of  such  per- 
sons as  one  or  the  other  might  designate.  Costa  R.,  however,  supplied  2,000 
men,  and  offered  to  loan  money  to  Salv.  Costa  R.,  I ti/orme  Sec.  Rel.  Exter., 
1885,  31-3.  Mex.  placed  a force  near  the  Guat.  frontier  as  soon  as  hostilities 
began  in  Cent.  Am. 

•>s  In  an  unsuccessful  assault  against  the  fortifications  of  Chalchuapa. 
He  was  slain  between  9 and  10  o’clock  in  the  morning.  One  of  his  sons  also 
perished  fighting  at  his  side.  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  May  9,  1885;  Mex.,  La 
Prinsa,  suppl.  ap.  4,  1885;  S.  F.  Chronicle,  Apr.  3,  5,  10,  1885;  S.  F.  Alta, 
Apr.  23,  1885;  S.  F.  Chronicle,  Apr.  23,  1885. 

60  Barrios’  last  will  executed  at  Guatemala  on  the  23d  of  March,  1885, 
which  was  filed  Dec.  7th  of  said  year  in  the  office  of  the  surrogate  in  New 
York,  declared  his  wife  to  be  the  sole  heir  of  all  his  property  and  interests. 
D ; iia.il  full  confidence  that  she  would  deal  fairly  by  each  of  their  seven  chil- 
dren. He  desired  her  to  pay  $25,000  to  his  nephew  Luciano  Barrios  as  a 
memento  of  his  good  services.  She  was  also  to  continue  providing  for  Anto- 
nio Barrios,  then  in  the  U.  S.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Dec.  21,  1885. 

61  Sinibaldi,  chosen  by  the  assembly  Apr.  30,  1884,  1st  designado,  vice  J. 

Hist.  Cent.  Aii.,  Vol.  III.  29 


450 


EFFORTS  FOR  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  UNITY. 


tne  decree  of  February  28th.  Subsequently,  through 
the  mediation  of  the  diplomatic  corps,  preliminaries 
of  peace  were  agreed  to,  but  not  before  the  president 
of  Salvador  had  signified  an  unwillingness  to  treat 
with  Sinibaldi  and  Barrios’  ministers.  The  former 
then  surrendered  the  executive  office  to  the  second 
designado,  Manuel  Lisandro  Barillas,  and  the  minis- 
ters retired  with  him. 

The  new  government  on  the  15th  of  April  restored 
peace  with  Salvador  and  her  allies  Nicaragua  and 
Costa  Rica.62  All  treaty  stipulations  existing  between 
Guatemala  and  Salvador  on  the  28th  of  February  last 
were  also  restored,  to  remain  in  force  until  a new 
treaty  should  be  concluded.63  An  amnesty  was  granted 
to  all  Guatemalans  who  took  part  in  the  late  presi- 
dent’s movement,  and  to  all  Guatemalans  who  were 
absent  for  political  offences  committed  six  months 
prior  to  the  aforesaid  date;  the  government  signify- 
ing its  intention  of  making  the  amnesty  general  as 
soon  as  circumstances  would  permit.64  With  the 
change  of  ruler  diplomatic  relations  were  reestablished 
with  the  government  of  Mexico.65 

M.‘  Orantes  resigned,  had  been  in  charge  of  the  executive  office  since  Barrios 
prepared  to  go  to  the  front. 

U2On  the  following  grounds:  1st.  The  decree  of  Feb.  28th  having  been 
revoked,  and  Barrios  being  dead,  the  causes  which  placed  Guat.  at  war  with 
Salv.,  Nic.,  and  Costa  R.  had  ceased  to  exist;  2d.  It  was  a patriotic  duty  to 
promote  feelings  of  fraternity  and  concord;  3.  That  the  governments  of  the 
republics  of  Cent.  Am.  were  prompted  by  the  same  sentiments,  and  those  of 
Salv.,  Nic.,  and  Costa  R.  had  already  made  peace  with  Hond.,  which  had 
seconded  the  movement  of  the  late  president  of  Guat. ; 4.  That  through  the 
friendly  mediation,  of  the  foreign  corps  an  understanding  with  Salv.  had 
been  easily  arrived  at,  and  honorable  terms  agreed  upon  for  a firm  and  stable 
peace  between  the  two  republics  and  Salvador’s  allies. 

63  Salv.,  Nic.,  and  Costa  R.,  also  made  similar  declarations  in  regard  to 
Guat. 

fi'1  The  same  decree  included  a national  vote  of  thanks  to  the  diplomatic  body 
accredited  to  the  governments  of  Cent.  Am.  for  their  friendly  intervention  to 
bring  the  war  to  an  end,  and  appointed  Sunday  the  19th  to  solemnize  the 
peace  thus  restored.  Countersigned  by  the  four  ministers,  to  wit:  Angel  M. 
Arroyo,  of  foreign  relations  and  pub.  instruction;  Antonio  Aguirre,  of  treas- 
ury and  pub.  credit;  Manuel  J.  Dardon,  of  governm.  and  justice;  and  E. 
Martinez  Sobral,  of  fomento.  Costa  R.,  Informe  Sec.  Rel.  Exter.,  1885,  35-8; 
La  Estrella  de  Ran.,  May  23,  1885;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  May  23,  1885. 

63  Pres.  Diaz  also  in  a telegram  to  Zaldlvar  manifested  a desire  to  see 
cordial  relations  restored  between  Salv.  and  Guat.  Mcx.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Apr. 
11  1885;  La  Nucva  Era  (Paso  del  Norte),  Apr.  17,  1885. 


PEACE  AT  LAST. 


451 


The  cabinet  of  Salvador  now  proposed  to  the  other 
four  republics  the  meeting  of  a congress  of  plenipoten- 
tiaries on  the  15th  of  May  at  Santa  Tecla,  with  the 
object  of  reconstructing  Central  America  as  one  re- 
public, or  at  least  of  adopting  measures  conducive  to 
that  end.  President  Zaldfvar  then  signified  his  inten- 
tion of  resigning  his  office  on  the  assembling  of  con- 
gress, and  as  soon  as  it  should  have  arrived  at  some 
resolution  on  the  scheme.  Guatemala  deemed  it  pre- 
mature. Nicaragua  declined.  Honduras  accepted 
the  proposition.  The  government  of  Costa  ldica, 
though  her  magistrate  was  clothed  with  ample  pow- 
ers, did  not  feel  justified  in  entering  into  such  an 
arrangement  without  first  obtaining  the  assent  of  con- 
gress, which  was  not  then  in  session,  and  would  not 
be  for  some  time.66 

Peace  and  quiet  being  generally  reestablished,  mar- 
tial law  was  removed,  the  country  placed  under  the 
rule  of  the  constitution,  a general  amnesty  decreed, 
and  a constituent  congress  convoked.67  Congress  as- 
sembled  on  the  24th  of  August,  the  acting  president 
manifesting  much  confidence  in  its  wisdom  to  accom- 
plish much  good  to  the  country.  But  it  does  not 
appear  that  after  a long  session,  it  accomplished  any 
thing  worth  recording.68 

The  election  took  place  on  the  22d  of  November, 
Barillas  being  chosen  president  by  a unanimous  vote 
of  the  electoral  college.  Colonel  Vicente  Castaneda, 
a deputy,  was  elected  vice-president.69  Barillas  was 
quite  the  opposite  of  Barrios  in  some  respects.  He 
was  a man  of  the  kindest  and  most  benevolent  instincts, 
who  would  rather  suffer  wrong  than  do  wrong.  The 
discontented  were  not  long  in  taking  advantage  of  his 

6e  Costa  R.,  Informe  Sec.  Rel.  Exter..  1885,  55-7;  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  May 
23,  1885. 

67  Decrees  of  June  23(1  and  27th.  All  subsidies  were  suspended  for  one 
year.  The  purpose  of  calling  a convention  was  to  effect  some  amendments  to 
tiie  constitution,  and  to  enact  some  needed  laws. 

68 Notwithstanding  the  great  necessity  of  allaying  the  excitement  still  ex- 
isting, there  were  riotous  scenes  on  several  occasions  in  the  chamber.  Pan. 
Star  and  Herald,  Sept.  9-30,  18S5,  passim. 

89 The  president’s  inauguration  was  on  the  15th  of  March,  1S86. 


452 


EFFORTS  FOR  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  UNITY. 


clemency  to  create  disturbance.  A number  of  gen- 
erals and  others  were  detected  in  a diabolical  plot,  in- 
tended to  murder  Barillas  and  destroy  the  foreigners. 
The  parties  implicated  were  arrested,  and  surrendered 
to  the  courts,  the  president  refusing  to  interfere. 

The  ministers  were  requested  to  resign  their  port- 
folios, which  were  intrusted  to  the  following  persons, 
all  young  men  of  recognized  abilities  and  progressive 
ideas,  namely:  A.  Lazo  Arriaga,  of  foreign  relations; 
Abel  Cruz,  of  government  and  justice;  Escobar,  of 
the  treasury  and  public  credit;  Carlos  Herrera,  a son 
of  the  late  Manuel  M.  Herrera,  one  of  Barrios’  best 
assistants,  minister  of  fomento;  and  Manuel  Valle, 
journalist,  poet,  and  orator,  minister  of  public  instruc- 
tion. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


HONDURAS  AFFAIRS. 

1865-1886. 

National  Flag  and  Escutcheon — Order  of  Santa  Rosa — Medina’s  Long 
Rule — His  Differences  with  Duenas,  and  Triumph — War  with  Sal- 
vador and  Guatemala — Medina  Defeated  and  Overthrown — Celeo 
Arias  Succeeds  Him — His  Liberal  Policy — He  is  Beset  by  the  Con- 
servatives— His  Former  Supporters  Depose  Him— Ponciano  Leiva 
Becomes  President — His  Course  Displeases  Barrios,  Who  Sets  Me- 
dina against  Him — He  is  Forced  to  Resign — Marco  Aurelio  Soto 
Made  President  by  Barrios — Attempted  Revolt  of  Ex-president 
Medina — His  Trial  and  Execution — Sotos’  Administration — He 
Goes  Abroad — His  Quarrel  with  Barrios,  and  Resignation — Presi- 
dent Bogran — Filibustering  Schemes. 


There  is  very  little  to  record  for  Honduras  in  the 
five  years  from  1865  to  1870;  the  country  enjoyed 
comparative  peace  under  the  same  conservative  system 
existing  in  Guatemala  and  Salvador.  President  Me- 
dina being  reelected  was  again  inducted  into  office  on 
the  1st  of  February,  1866,  and  a few  days  later  the 
military  rank  of  lieutenant-general  was  conferred  on 
him.1  On  the  16th  of  the  same  month  congress  de- 
creed a change  in  the  national  coat  of  arms  and  flag, 
in  the  manner  described  at  foot.’2 

Early  in  1868  Medina  and  congress,  with  the  appro- 

1 Feb.  9th.  He  was  to  draw  from  the  pub.  treasury  as  pay  §200  monthly 
when  in  actual  service.  Nic.,  Gaceta,  April  14,  1866.  Later  he  was  made  a 
captain-general. 

2 The  escutcheon  was  to  be  the  same  as  formerly,  with  the  sole  exception 
of  exhibiting  a rising  sun  in  lieu  of  the  Phrygian  cap.  The  flag  was  to  be  as 
follows:  Two  blue  stripes  with  a white  one  between  them,  all  three  running 
horizontally,  three  to  four  varas  in  length,  and  nine  inches  in  width;  with 
the  national  coat  of  arms  in  the  centre  of  the  white  stripe,  and  a group  of 
five  blue  stars  in  a semicircle  under  it.  Merchant  vessels  were  to  use  the 
same  dimensions  and  colors  without  the  coat  of  arms. 


453 


454 


HONDURAS  AFFAIRS. 


bation  of  the  council  of  state,3  resolved  upon  the  crea- 
tion of  an  order  of  merit  to  reward  important  civil, 
military,  and  religious  services  rendered  to  the  nation, 
and  other  praiseworthy  acts  of  its  citizens.  Congress 
then  on  the  21st  of  February  established  the  Or- 
den  de  Santa  Rosa  y de  la  Civilizacion  de  Honduras.4 
The  executive  promulgated  the  decree  on  the  24th 
with  the  signature  appended  of  Trinidad  Ferrari,  min- 
ister of  the  interior.  The  idea  met  with  the  approval 
of  some,  and  excited  the  ridicule  of  others.  The  order 
soon  fell  into  discredit,  many  unworthy  persons  having 
obtained  it,  and  its  suppression  was  decreed.5 

Medina  was  chosen  president  for  another  term  of 
four  years.  In  order  to  do  this,  the  clause  in  article 
33  of  the  national  constitution  forbidding  reelection 
for  the  next  immediate  period  was  repealed,  which 
Medina’s  partisans  effected  through  a constituent  as- 
sembly convoked  ad  hoc.6  He  was  accordingly  rein- 
augurated February  1,  1870. 

Honduras  was  now  to  experience  another  series  of 
troubles,  which  lasted  several  years.  In  the  last  days 
of  December  1869,  disturbances  were  apprehended  in 

3 Under  the  constitution  of  1865  the  congress  consisted  of  a senate  with 
seven  members,  and  a legislative  assembly  of  eleven.  The  council  of  state 
was  constituted  with  the  ministers  and  seven  other  members. 

4 For  the  bestowal  of  decorations  of  the  order  was  created  a senate  of  six 
members  to  reside  in  the  capital.  This  body  wras  also  empowered  to  dismiss 
any  member  of  the  order  for  good  cause.  The  president  was  authorized  to 
frame  the  statutes  and  appoint  the  senators,  conferring  grades  of  the  order 
before  its  installation.  The  senate,  once  installed,  was  to  grant  decorations. 
The  same  right  was  reserved  for  congress,  and  the  president  of  the  republic, 
who  was  made  ex-officio  president  of  the  senate  of  the  order.  A copy  of  the 
decree  in  Spanish  is  given  in  Nic.,  Gaceta,  May  23,  1868;  Lafern&re,  De  Pans 
a Guatemala,  427-8. 

In  connection  with  the  subject  is  mentioned  the  name  of  Bustelli  Foscolo, 
an  agent  of  the  Hond.  govt,  sentenced  to  imprisonment  in  Paris  for  fraudu- 
lent transactions. 

6 Tli  is  body  was  called  by  the  regular  congress  at  the  solicitation,  as  it  was 
made  to  appear,  of  the  several  municipalities,  and  was  installed  Aug.  8,  1869. 
On  the  13th  it  declared  that  in  view  of  the  popular  actas  in  the  several  towns 
proclaiming  Medina  president  for  the  next  term,  he  was  actually  elected. 
The  same  day  the  33d  article  of  the  fundamental  law  was  amended  to  read 
thus:  ‘The  presidential  term  shall  be  of  four  years,  commencing  on  the  1st  of 
Feb.  in  the  year  of  renewal.’  On  the  19th  the  convention  adjourned  sine  die; 
Medina  having  warmly  thanked  it  for  the  trust  reposed  in  him,  and  accepted 
it,  writh  the  pledge  of  not  holding  the  office  a day  after  the  expiration  of  his 
term.  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Sept.  11,  18,  1869;  Feb.  5,  1870;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald, 
Sept.  18,  1869. 


TROUBLES  WITH  SALVADOR. 


455 


Olancho  and  Paraiso,  in  connivance  with  Nicaraguan 
exiles,  for  which  reason  those  refugees  were  concen- 
trated in  Comayagua.  Some  seditious  attempts  were 
made  in  the  following  year,  but  were  easily  put  down. 

Early  in  1871,  serious  differences  existed  between 
the  governments  of  Honduras  and  Salvador,  or,  to  be 
more  exact,  between  presidents  Medina  and  Duehas, 
on  several  points.  The  causes,  as  well  as  the  fruit- 
less efforts  made  by  Honduran  commissioners  in  San 
Salvador  to  effect  a peaceable  settlement  of  long- 
existing  differences,  are  fully  explained  elsewhere.7 
Medina,  on  the  7th  of  February,  declared  all  trea- 
ties between  the  two  republics  suspended,  and  war 
soon  broke  out.  A Salvadoran  army,  under  Gen- 
eral Xatruch,  invaded  Honduras  and  took  Coma- 
yagua, that  commander  styling  himself  provisional 
president.  The  Honduran  government  had  entered 
into  a correspondence  with  the  United  States  minis- 
ters resident  at  Tegucigalpa  and  San  Salvador,  calling 
their  attention  to  the  14th  article  of  the  treaty  of  July 
4,  18G4,  between  their  nation  and  Honduras,  under 
which  the  former  recognized  the  rights  of  ownership 
and  sovereignty  of  the  latter  in  the  line  of  the  Hon- 
duras interoceanic  railway,  the  works  on  which,  it  said, 
were  in  danger  of  interruption  by  the  Salvadoran  in- 
vaders. From  the  tenor  of  its  notes,  it  would  seem 
as  if  it  expected  the  United  States  to  hoist  their  flag 
over  Comayagua,  which  might  have  hindered  the  op- 
erations of  Xatruch.  Medina’s  pretension  was  unten- 
able, the  understanding  being  that  the  obligation  of 
the  United  States  did  not  attach  till  after  the  comple- 
tion of  the  work.8  Moreover,  the  Honduran  govern- 

1 1 will,  however,  repeat  here  in  a few  words  the  causes  alleged  by  Hond. 
Salvador  had  violated  the  treaty  of  Santa  Rosa  of  March  25,  1802,  in  refusing 
to  surrender  the  perpetrators  of  two  atrocious  murders.  She  had  abetted  the 
refugees  who,  in  the  last  six  years,  had  been  fanning  the  flame  of  discord  in 
Hond.;  had  refused  to  heed  the  remonstrances  of  the  latter;  and  on  the  con- 
trary, had  placed  a force  on  the  frontier,  and  generally  assumed  a hostile 
attitude. 

6 The  guaranty  was  given  as  a consideration  for  certain  advantages,  which 
could  not  accrue  till  after  the  road  was  finished.  The  Am.  gov.  could  not 
therefore  be  required  to  repel  an  invasion  of  the  route  from  abroad.  The 


453 


HONDURAS  AFFAIRS. 


ment  could  not  reasonably  expect  that  those  ministers 
had  an  armed  force  at  their  command.  The  United 
States  had  no  need,  even  if  willing  to  accept  the  duty 
of  protecting  those  works,  to  adopt  any  measures,  be- 
ing assured  by  the  Salvadoran  government  that  the 
neutrality  of  the  Honduras  railway  would  not  be  in- 
terfered with  in  any  manner. 

Medina  was  not  idle  in  devising  means  to  injure  the 
enemy.  He  occupied  Sensuntepeque  on  March  17th, 
and  next  Uobasco.  Duenas’  forces  under  General 
Tomds  Martinez  attacked  the  latter  place  on  the  19th, 
and  being  repulsed  retreated  to  Cojutepeque.  General 
Santiago  Gonzalez  with  Hondurans  and  disaffected 
Salvadorans  occupied  San  Vicente  on  the  19th,  the 
reserve  remaining  in  Sensuntepeque,  which  revolted 
against  Duenas.9  The  campaign  in  Salvador  ended  at 
Santa  Ana,  where  the  fate  of  Duenas’  government 
was  decided.10  Peace  was  then  concluded  between 
the  new  government  of  Salvador  and  that  of  Hon- 
duras.  Medina  started  after  Xatruch,  who  then  had 
about  700  men  in  Gracias;  but  the  news  of  the  result 
at  Santa  Ana  reaching  there  his  troops  deserted  him. 
The  war  was  soon  over,  Xatruch  himself  in  a proc- 
lamation of  May  11th  signifying  his  intention  to 
leave  the  country.  After  this  the  political  situation 
was  for  a while  satisfactory.  Still  Medina  deemed  it 
expedient  to  invite  a plebiscit,  and  ascertain  if  the 
people  wished  him  to  continue  at  the  head  of  affairs 
the  rest  of  his  term.11  The  result  was  as  he  desired  it. 

A great  commotion  was  caused  in  August  by  300 
or  400  Indians  and  revolutionists,  against  whom  the 
government  forces  never  obtained  but  partial  suc- 
cesses. The  disturbance  lasted  until  an  understanding 

correspondence  between  ministers  Baxter  and  Torbert  with  the  govts  of 
Hond.  and  Salv.,  and  with  their  own,  appears  in  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc., 
Cong.  42,  Sess.  2,  i.  no.  1,  pt  1,  575-8,  685-93. 

lJ  Jlond.,  Clarin  Ojic.,  March  26,  1871;  A’ic.,  Gaceta,  Apr.  22,  29,  May  13, 
1871. 

10  Particulars  in  Salv.  historical  chapter. 

11  This  course  was  doubtless  adopted  because  of  the  dissatisfaction  appear- 
ing, and  of  a revolution  which  was  attempted  during  the  last  war.  EL  Por • 
venir  de  Nic.,  Oct.  1,  1871 


PERPETUAL  WAR. 


457 


was  arrived  at  with  the  rebel  leaders  on  the  13th  of 
December.12 

Further  trouble  was  impending,  this  time  between 
Medina  and  the  liberal  governments  lately  established 
in  Salvador  and  Guatemala.  He  claimed  of  Salvador 
an  indemnity  for  his  services  in  overthrowing  Duehas, 
which  that  government  deemed  preposterous  and  dis- 
allowed. The  two  governments,  which  had  entered 
into  an  alliance  offensive  and  defensive,  on  the  other 
hand  accused  Medina  of  having  formed  a coalition 
with  the  oligarchs  to  restore  the  latter  to  power.13 

Medina  closed  official  relations  with  Salvador  March 
25th;  and  this  act,  being  looked  upon  by  Salvador 
and  Guatemala  as  a declaration  of  war,  they  invaded 
Honduras,  and  soon  after  a victory  over  Medina’s  gen- 
eral, Velez,  occupied  the  principal  towns,  all  of  which 
revolted  against  Medina,  and  a provisional  government 
was  set  up14  with  Celeo  Arias  at  the  head  of  affairs. 
Medina  had  temporarily  placed  the  executive  office 
in  charge  of  Crescencio  Gomez,  and  taken  command 
of  his  troops  in  the  field.  Upon  Comayagua  being 
occupied  by  the  Salvadorans,  Gomez  and  his  officials 
fled  to  Gracias.  Medina  attempted,  May  27th,  to 
recapture  Comayagua,  but  was  repulsed.15 

Omoa  had  been  given  up  July  20th  to  Jiian  Anto- 
nio Medina,  a Salvadoran  general,  for  Arias’  govern- 
ment. Medina,  the  president,  suffered  a defeat  on  the 
same  day  at  Potrerillos,  and  a crushing  one  on  the 

12  A full  amnesty  was  granted  to  all  the  insurgents.  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H. 
Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  42,  Sess.  3,  i.  300-2;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Sept.  2 to  Nov.  4,  1871; 
Feb.  3,  1872;  El  Porvenir  de  Nic.,  Oct.  1 to  Nov.  12,  1871;  Jan.  7,  1872 

13  Convention  signed  at  Leon  Dec.  IS,  1871,  by  Manuel  Colindres,  on  be- 
half of  Medina,  Ex-pres.  Martinez  of  Nic.,  Miguel  Velez,  Nicasio  del  Cas- 
tillo, Rosalio  Cort6s,  R.  Alegria,  Buenav.  Selva,  Sefernio  Gonzalez,  and  three 
others.  This  doc.  at  first  was  considered  apocryphal,  but  proved  to  be  gen- 
uine. El  Porvenir  de  Nic.,  June  23,  1872. 

u With  the  avowed  object  of  bringing  Hond.  under  republican  institutions. 
El  Porvenir  de  Nic.,  Apr.  28  to  Aug.  14,  1872,  passim;  Nic.,  El  Sernanal  Nic., 
May  30,  1S72. 

13  After  this  victory  the  presidents  of  Guat.  and  Salv.  had  an  interview 
with  Arias,  and  returned  with  their  troops  to  their  respective  countries,  leav- 
ing 800  men  to  aid  Arias  in  reorganizing  the  country.  The  campaign  had 
lasted  24  days  from  the  date  on  which  Laugue  on  the  Hond.  side  of  the  fron- 
tier was  occupied. 


HONDURAS  AFFAIRS. 


•US 

26tli,  in  Santa  Barbara,  at  the  hands  of  the  allied 
forces  of  Arias,  Guatemala,  and  Salvador,  escaping 
with  only  six  officers  to  Ornoa,16  where  he  joined  the 
other  man  of  the  same  surname,  who  had  a few  days 
previously  accepted  the  executive  office,  transferred 
to  him  by  Crescendo  Gomez,  proclaiming  himself 
provisional  president,  and  appointing  a cabinet.  But 
a revolt  of  the  troops  put  an  end  to  this  arrangement, 
Jose  M.  Medina,  his  substitute  Gomez,  and  others 
being  made  prisoners,  and  sent  at  once  to  Comayagua, 
where  they  arrived  on  or  about  August  9th.1'  Arias’ 
government  now  had  but  little  difficulty  to  secure  its 
tenure  of  power.  Ex-president  Medina  was  held  in 
confinement  to  answer  such  charges  as  would  be  pre- 
ferred against  him  before  the  next  national  congress.1* 
A full  amnesty  was  decreed  for  all  political  offences 
committed  from  March  5,  1871,  to  November  l,  1872, 
the  only  persons  excluded  from  its  benefits  being  Jose 
Marla  Medina,  and  his  ministers,  Manuel  Colindres 
and  Rafael  Padilla,  who  were  also  to  abide  the  action 
of  congress.19 

The  constitution  of  1865  having  become  a dead  let- 
ter, the  provisional  government,  in  a decree  of  Novem- 
ber 15th,  recognized  as  existing  in  their  full  force  all 
the  rights  of  citizens  under  republican  institutions,20 
though  reserving  the  privilege  of  suspending  some  of 
them  in  the  event  of  public  disturbance.  This  decree 

16  Id.,  Aug.  1,  1872;  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  Gob.  Democ.,  i.  I1G-17. 

17  Juan  A.  Medina,  Gen.  Miranda,  and  a few  friends  succeeded  in  escap- 
ing. Nic.,  El  Semanal  Nic.,  Aug.  8,  29,  1872. 

18  Further  details  may  be  found  in  Costa  R.,  Informe  Sec.  Rel.,  1873,  7-8; 
El  Porvenir  de  Nic.,  May  26,  June  2,  1872;  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc., 
Cong.  42,  Sess.  3,  i.  303-6;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  June  15  to  Nov.  30,  1872;  hi..  Col. 
Dec.  y Acuerdos,  1872,  50-1;  Mex.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Aug.  9,  1872.  Circular  of  Nic. 
Min.  of  For.  Rel.,  Sept.  5,  1876,  referring  to  his  government’s  fruitless  efforts 
at  mediation  between  the  belligerents,  adds  that  it  finally  accepted  accom- 
plished facts,  and  opened  relations  with  Arias’  govt.  Salv.,  Gaceta  OJic.,  Oct. 
26,  1876. 

19  Crescendo  Gomez,  Max.  Aranjo,  Casto  Alvarado,  Jesvis  Inestrosa,  and 
a few  others  wTere  also  pardoned,  but  required  to  stay  away  from  Hond.  until 
after  the  promulgation  of  a new  constitution.  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Nov.  30,  1872; 
Id.,  Semanal  Nic.,  Nov.  26,  1872. 

Life,  liberty,  equality,  security,  property,  inviolability  of  domicile,  and 
correspondence,  and  writings,  freedom  of  transit,  of  peaceable  assembling, 
and  of  the  press,  rights  of  petition,  and  of  preferring  against  public  officials. 


COMING  OF  CONSERVATIVES. 


459 


was  countersigned  by  the  three  ministers  of  state.21 
The  people  were  on  the  17th  of  March,  1873,  con- 
voked to  choose  deputies  to  a convention  which  was 
to  frame  a new  constitution.  The  last  Sunday  of  the 
following  April  was  named  for  the  elections.22 

Guatemala  was  experiencing  troubles  in  her  east- 
ern departments.  An  expedition  of  conservatives 
landed  at  Trujillo  from  the  ship  General  Sherman, 
menacing  the  government  of  Arias,  and  at  the  same 
time  aiding  the  faction  which  was  trying  to  overthrow 
that  of  Guatemala.23  The  latter  and  Salvador  attrib- 
uting the  scheme  to  President  Guardia  of  Costa  Rica, 
jointly  accredited  a minister  in  Nicaragua,  the  result 
of  whose  mission  was  a tripartite  defensive  alliance. 
Arias  decreed  martial  law,  and  reassumed  the  dicta- 
torship which  the  people  conferred  on  him  the  previous 

24 

year. 

The  revolutionary  forces  under  Miranda  were  sig- 
nally defeated  by  the  Guatemalan  commander,  Solares. 
on  the  north  side  of  the  Cliamelecon  River  on  the  9th 
of  August,  with  great  loss,  General  Casto  Alvarado 
and  Colonel  A.  Munoz  being  killed,  and  a large  quan- 


21  Juan  N.  Venero,  of  treas.  and  for.  affairs;  Miguel  del  Cid,  of  justice, 
govt,  and  pub.  worship;  Andres  Van  Severen,  of  war. 

22  Any  Honduran  in  full  possession  of  his  civil  rights,  having  besides  prop- 
erty worth  §1,000,  or  upwards,  or  being  a licentiate,  could  be  chosen.  The 
only  exceptions  were  the  president  of  the  repub.,  and  the  military  in  active 
service. 

23  That  expedition  sailed  from  Colon,  and  was  led  by  Enrique  Palacios, 
Casto  Alvarado,  Miranda  Baraona,  and  others.  It  landed  at  Utila,  one  of 
the  Bay  Islands,  and  organized  a govt  for  Hond.,  Colindres  and  Padilia,  min- 
isters of  Medina,  assuming  the  executive  under  art.  30  of  the  constitution  of 
1865,  in  view  of  the  events  of  July  1872  at  Omoa.  From  Utila  the  exped. 
proceeded  to  Trujillo,  which  was  surrendered  June  9th.  That  part  of  the 
plan  failed,  and  the  expedition  then  went  to  Puerto  Cortes.  The  invaders 
had  an  understanding  with  Betancourt,  the  officer  in  command  at  Omoa,  who 
toward  the  end  of  June  rebelled  with  the  garrison  of  150  men;  but  he  was 
attacked  and  defeated  by  Streber,  of  Arias’  govt.  It  was  during  this  trouble 
that  Streber’s  troops  pillaged,  in  July,  the  mercantile  houses  of  Omoa,  foreign 
as  well  as  native,  which  culminated  in  the  bombardment  afterward  of  the 
port  by  a British  man-of-war,  of  which  I gave  the  details  elsewhere.  The 
house  of  the  Am.  consul  having  been  likewise  invaded,  the  government  had 
to  give  satisfaction,  saluting  the  U.  S.  Hag  March  22,  1874,  in  the  plaza  of 
Comayagua,  in  the  presence  of  their  representative,  troops,  the  ministers  of 
state,  and  others. 

21  Nic.,  Semanal  Nic.,  June  2S,  July  17,  1872. 


4G0 


HONDURAS  AFFAIRS. 


tity  of  war  material  falling  into  the  victor’s  hands.25 
The  presidents  of  Guatemala  and  Salvador,  after  the 
insurrection  in  the  former  republic  had  been  quelled, 
held  conferences  at  Chingo  on  the  situation  in  Hon- 
duras, and  came  to  the  conclusion  that  Arias’  govern- 
ment, being  unpopular,  could  not  sustain  itself  without 
their  material  as  well  as  moral  support,  which  would 
be  a heavy  burden.  He  was  then  asked  in  a joint 
note  to  give  up  the  executive  office  to  some  one  more 
in  the  confidence  of  the  people.  He  refused  to  accede 
to  the  demand,  and  the  allied  troops  approached 
Comayagua  to  carry  out  their  suggestion.  The  first 
notice  of  their  intent  was  the  proclamation  in  the  town 
of  Aguanqueterique,  of  Ponciano  Leiva  as  provisional 
president,  who  organized  his  administration  at  Cliolu- 
teea  on  the  23d  of  November,  and  on  the  8th  of  De- 
cember declared  all  the  acts  of  Arias  null.26 

The  allied  forces  of  Leiva  under  his  minister  of 
war,  General  Juan  Lopez,  of  Guatemala  under  Solares, 
and  of  Salvador  under  Espinosa,  laid  siege  to  Coina- 
yagua  on  the  Gth  of  January,  1874,  and  after  seven 
da}'s’  resistance,  Arias,  together  with  his  ministers  and 
chief  supporters,  had  to  capitulate  on  the  13th.  Ex- 
president Medina  was  released  from  confinement,  and 
eventually,  having  recognized  the  new  ruler,  Was  set 
free,  when  he  went  to  live  in  La  Paz.27 

Leiva’s  government  was  soon  recognized  by  the 
other  states.  It  was  of  course  expected  to  pursue  a 
policy  in  accord  with  the  governments  that  gave  it 
existence.  But  it  seems  that  Leiva  preferred  to  fol- 
low an  independent  course,28  and  in  a short  time  the 

25 The  remnants  of  the  insurgents  fled  by  the  railroad.  Id.,  Aug.  7,  21,  28, 
Sept.  18,  1873. 

26 The  constituent  congress,  called  by  Arias,  assembled  Dec.  14th,  and  re- 
fused to  accept  his  resignation.  It  also  adopted  other  measures,  which  it  is 
unnecessary  to  recite  here,  as  they  never  took  effect. 

27  A circular  of  the  Nic.  minister  of  foreign  affairs  of  Sept.  5,  1876,  alludes 
to  these  events.  Further  particulars  appear  in  Arias,  Memaje,  Dec.  14,  1873; 
U.  S.  Govt.  Docs.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  43,  Sess.  2,  i.  141;  Barrws,  Mensaje,  Sept. 
11,  1S76;  Nic.,  Semanal  Nic.,  Jan.  18,  24,  Feb.  19,  1874:  Salv.,  Gaceta  OJic., 
Oct.  26,  1S76. 

28  Leiva  seemed  to  be  a non-partisan,  a man  of  intelligent  and  liberal  views, 
and  a popular  favorite. 


LEIVA  SUCCEEDS  ARIAS 


461 


two  powers  that  so  elevated  him  were  in  antagonism, 
Guatemala  using  her  influence  against  and  Salvador 
for  him,  as  will  be  seen  hereafter.  A constituent 
congress  convoked  by  Leiva  adjourned  in  May,  after 
adopting  three  important  measures;  namely,  confirm- 
ing Leiva  as  provisional  president,  restoring  the  con- 
stitution of  1865,  and  ordering  Arias  into  exile  for 
five  years.29  The  political  state  of  affairs  was  not 
satisfactory  to  Guatemala.  The  elections  had  yielded 
a majority  of  conservatives  and  reactionists  in  con- 
gress, and  many  if  not  most  of  the  public  offices  had 
gone  into  the  hands  of  men  of  that  party,  one  of  the 
most  prominent  being  Manuel  Colindres.  The  regu- 
lar congress  was  installed  on  the  20th  of  January, 
1875,  and  the  next  day  the  executive  sent  in  his  mes- 
sage, giving  in  detail  the  condition  of  public  affairs. 
February  1st  he  took  the  oath  of  office  as  consti- 
tutional president,  having  been  elected  by  the  people.30 
A full  amnesty  for  political  offences  was  granted  by 
congress  February  9th,  and  promulgated  the  same 
day  by  the  president  and  his  minister  of  relations  and 
justice,  Adolfo  Zuniga. 

The  people  of  Honduras  were  not  allowed,  however, 
to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  peace  but  for  a short  time; 
for  Ex-president  Medina  instigated,  as  it  was  generally 
believed,  by  President  Barrios  of  Guatemala,  raised 
at  Gracias,  on  the  21st  of  December,  the  standard  of 
revolution,  proclaiming  himself  provisional  president.31 

29  Guat.  objected  to  the  treatment  awarded  Arias,  and  sent  Ramon  Rosa 
as  confidential  agent  to  Leiva  to  represent  that  Arias  had  been  solemnly 
pledged  security  for  his  life  and  liberty,  and  respect  for  his  high  character 
and  personal  merits;  against  which  pledge  Arias  had  been  kept  in  prison  and 
subjected  to  prosecution.  The  gov.  of  Guat.  believed  that  the  men  compos- 
ing that  assembly  were  not  competent  to  try  Arias,  for  they  were  reactionists, 
and  he  one  of  the  truest  liberals  in  Cent.  Am.  Leiva  answered,  July  8th,  that 
he  had  exerted  himself  in  Arias’  favor,  and  that  the  exile  he  was  sentenced 
to  he  would  have  undergone  of  his  own  accord;  for  he  could  not  live  in  the 
country  for  some  time.  It  was  for  his  own  benefit  that  the  terms  of  the 
surrender  had  been  modified.  U.  S.  Gov.  Docs.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  For.  Rel.,  Cong. 
43,  Sess.  2,  Doc.  1,  pt  i.  179-80. 

30  Sale. , Dinrio  Ofic.,  Feb.  5,  12,  March  3,  11,  Apr.  4,  1875;  Max.  Mem. 
Min.  Rel.,  1875,  annex  3,  Doc.  7,  p.  36;  Nic.,  Mem.  Sec.  Rel.  Est.,  1S75,  vi.- 
xi.,  app.  7-10. 

31  The  grounds  alleged  for  the  revolt  were:  1st,  that  the  liberties  of  Hond. 


462 


HONDURAS  AFFAIRS. 


He  afterward  suffered  for  liis  lack  of  wisdom.  The 
government  at  once  prepared  to  meet  the  emergency. 
Salvador  organized  a force  to  support  it,  and  Guate- 
mala resolved  to  sustain  Medina,  whose  real  plan  was 
to  hurl  Gonzalez  from  the  executive  chair  of  Salvador, 
as  well  as  Leiva  from  that  of  Honduras. 

The  revolution  assumed  proportions,  and  Medina 
had  come  to  believe  himself  master  of  the  situation. 
The  presidents  of  Salvador  and  Guatemala  arranged 
at  Chingo,  on  the  15th  of  February,  1876,  to  intervene 
in  Honduras  and  stop  the  revolution.  At  this  time 
it  was  thought  that  Leiva  could  not  hold  his  own,  his 
forces  having  been  routed  at  Intibuca,  and  his  author- 
ity being  felt  only  in  the  eastern  departments.  The 
rebels  had  captured  the  capital,  Comayagua,  and  de- 
livered it  to  the  horrors  of  an  exterminating  war. 
But  the  battle  of  Naranjo  changed  the  aspect  of  affairs, 
Leiva’s  troops  gaining  there  a decisive  victory,  which 
restored  his  authority  over  almost  the  whole  extent  of 
the  republic.32  There  was  no  further  need  of  Guate- 
mala and  Salvador  pacifying  Honduras;  peace  had 
been  virtually  restored,  and  only  a few  scattered  par- 
ties of  rebels  in  the  departments  of  Copan  and  Gracias 
had  to  be  eliminated.33  But  soon  after  another  con- 
testant for  the  presidential  office  appeared  on  the 
field,  namely,  Marco  Aurelio  Soto,  ex-minister  of  for- 
eign relations  of  Guatemala,34  whom  a Guatemalan 
force  supported.  A treaty  of  peace  was  concluded, 
however,  with  the  mediation  of  Salvador,  at  Los  Ce- 


were  under  thraldom  to  Salv.,  which  had  failed  to  carry  out  the  objects  of 
the  revolution  of  1871;  2d,  the  deplorable  state  of  the  finances,  because  Ama- 
pala  had  been  made  a free  port;  3d,  that  the  die  of  Hotid.  had  been  given  to 
Salvador.  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Jan.  4,  5,  21,  30,  March  20,  1S70;  La  Peijenera- 
cion,  Oct.  9,  1876. 

33  Further  particulars  in  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March  2 to  June  1,  1876, 
passim;  Salv.,  Gaccta  Ofic.,  June  S,  Oct.  26,  1876. 

33  At  this  time  war  broke  out  between  Gnat,  and  Salvador,  and  the  former 
sent  an  army  under  Solares  through  Honduras  to  operate  against  Salvador's 
eastern  departments.  Details  on  these  events  are  given  in  other  chapters  on 
treating  of  the  relations  between  the  two  belligerents.  At  the  conclusion  of 
peace,  Hond.  joined  them  in  a treat}’  of  alliance. 

31  He  resigned  his  portfolio  Feb.  26th,  with  the  understanding  that  he  was 
to  be  president  of  Honduras. 


PRESIDENT  SOTO 


4G3 


dros  June  8,  1876, 35  and  the  executive  office  went  into 
the  hands  of  Crescencio  Gomez  by  transfer  from  Mar* 
celino  Mejia,  to  whom  the  treaty  had  given  it.  Gomez 
decreed  August  12th  to  turn  over  the  office  to  Medina, 
who  declined  accepting  it;  but  as  the  republic  was 
thereby  left  without  a chief  magistrate,  he  concluded 
on  the  18th  to  call  Marco  Aurelio  Soto  to  fill  the 
position,36  denying  in  a manifesto  that  Guatemala  pur- 
posed controlling  the  affairs  of  Honduras.31 

Soto  announced  August  27th  from  Amapala38  his 
assumption  of  the  executive  duties,  declaring  that  his 
policy  would  be  fair  and  friendly  at  home  and  toward 
the  other  Central  American  states,  and  that  he  was 
free  from  internal  or  foreign  entanglements.  He  was 
soon  after  recognized  by  other  governments  as  the 
legitimate  chief  magistrate  of  Honduras.39  Under  his 
administration  the  people  were  once  more  enabled  to 
devote  themselves  to  peaceful  pursuits.  On  the  27th 
of  May,  1877,  in  an  extensive  message  to  congress,  he 
set  forth  the  condition  of  public  affairs,  and  what  his 
government  had  done  in  every  branch  of  the  public 
service  during  the  last  nine  months.  He  assured  the 
representatives  that  no  branch  had  been  neglected; 
and  expressed  the  hope  that  if  peace  and  order  were 
preserved,  the  country  would  erelong  begin  to  reap 
the  benefits  of  his  measures.40  He  had  been  chosen 
by  the  people,  on  April  22d,  constitutional  president, 
and  the  extraordinary  congress  acknowledged  him  as 

35  Negotiated  by  Cruz  Lozano,  on  behalf  of  both  Salvador  and  Medina, 
and  M.  Vigil  and  Luis  Bogran  for  Leiva,  both  contestants  giving  lip  their 
claims,  and  agreeing  to  recognize  Marcelino  Mejia  as  the  provisional  presi- 
dent, which  was  done.  Id.,  June  24,  1876. 

30  It  was  said  that  Soto  had  been  proclaimed  in  several  places,  and  that  he 
enjoyed  the  confidence  of  the  governments  of  Guat.,  Salv.,  and  Costa  R. 

37  Another  version  is  that  Roderico  Toledo  arrived  at  Comayagua,  as  com- 
missioner from  Guat.  and  Salv.,  and  demanded  of  Gomez  the  surrender  of 
the  executive  to  Soto,  which  is  quite  possible,  Gomez  affecting  the  surrender 
through  his  former  chief,  Medina. 

38  The  garrison  had  declared  in  his  favor  on  the  21st,  the  comandante  Col 
Salvador  Ferrandis  losing  his  life. 

39 El  Porvenir  de  N~ic.,  March  18,  1876;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Apr.  4,  1876; 
U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  44th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  i.  36-9;  Costa  R.,  In'orme 
Min.  Pel.,  1876,  11-14. 

40 Solo,  Mensaje,  May  27,  1877;  Salv.,  Gaceta  OJic.,  June  22,  1877. 


464 


HONDURAS  AFFAIRS 


sucli  on  the  29th  of  May.  He  was  formally  inaugu- 
rated on  the  following  day. 

Ex-president  Medina,  and  the  Salvadoran  general 
Ezequiel  Marin,  together  with  two  colonels  and  sev- 
eral other  officers  of  less  rank,  and  a number  of  civil- 
ians, for  an  attempted  rebellion  in  the  latter  end  of 
1877,  were  subjected  to  the  action  of  a court-martial 
at  Santa  Rosa,  on  the  charge  of  high  treason  and 
other  offences,41  and  sentenced  to  death.  The  cause 
being  taken,  for  revision,  to  the  supreme  council  of' 
war,  the  sentence  against  Medina  and  Marin  was  con- 
firmed,  the  court  having  found  no  extenuating  cir- 

7 O O 

cumstances;  one  lieutenant  and  one  sergeant  obtained 
a commutation  to  ten  years’  confinement  in  the  fortress 
at  Omoa.  The  other  prisoners  were  set  at  liberty, 
but  with  a warning  never  again  to  engage  in  si  mi- 
lar  conspiracies,  or  the  sentence  of  the  court-martial 
against  them  would  be  enforced.  Medina  and  Marin 
were  shot  at  Santa  Rosa  at  8 o’clock  in  the  morning 
of  February  8,  187 8. 42  The  other  two  men  were  at 
once  despatched  to  their  prison  at  Omoa. 


Jose  Maria  Medina  has  been  styled  a genuine  lib- 
eral, and  his  friends  gave  him  credit  as  a commander 
of  resources,  and  an  able  administrator.  His  military 
record  showed  that  he  surrendered  the  fortress  of 

41  The  order  for  their  trial  was  issued  by  the  comandante  general  of  the 
republic  Dec.  12th,  the  executive  having  first,  on  the  10th,  asked  the  advice 
of  the  supreme  court  of  justice,  which  was  given  on  the  next  day.  The 
crimes  preferred  against  the  prisoners  were  conspiracy,  instigation  to  rebel- 
lion, high  treason,  and  concealment  of  government  arms.  The  officers  form- 
ing the  court-martial  were  Gen.  Emilio  Delgado,  president,  generals  Eusebio 
Toro  and  Luis  Bogran,  colonels  Inocente  Solis,  Belisario  Villela,  Manuel 
Bonilla,  Antonio  Cerro;  auditor  de  guerra,  Justo  Cdliz;  prosecuting  officer, 
<ien.  Agnstin  Aguilar.  Salv.,  Dicirio  OJic.,  suppl.,  Feb.  28,  1878;  Voz  de  Mix., 
July  17,  1878. 

42  U.  S.  Minister  Geo.  Williamson,  in  reporting  these  executions  to  his 
gov.,  Feb.  16,  1878,  uses  these  words:  ‘ Medina's  lack  of  wisdom  in  yielding 
to  the  selection  (as  president)  of  a man  who  from  the  dictates  of  a cowardly 
or  cruel  policy  thought  it  necessary  to  select  so  illustrious  a victim  as  himself, 
has  led  to  this  deplorable  event. . . .It  is  said  neither  the  victims  nor  any  one 
else  believed  the  sentence  of  the  council  of  war  would  be  either  approved  or 
executed.’  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  45,  Sess.  3,  i.  79-80.  It  has 
been  said  that  the  execution  of  Medina,  now  aged  and  infirm,  was  in  obedi- 
ence to  orders  from  Barrios.  Un  Guatemalteco,  Cartas,  25. 


AN  INFAMOUS  RULER. 


4G5 


Omoa  to  General  Carrera,  and  followed  him  to  Guate- 
mala, where  he  was  rewarded  for  that  service  with  a 
lieutenant-colonelcy.  He  never  won  any  action  of 
importance.  During  the  insurrection  of  Olancho  in 
18G4,  he  never  went  beyond  Yoro  until  informed  that 
the  affair  was  over.  He  issued  the  order  of  December 
25,  18G4,  countersigned  by  his  minister,  Francisco 
Cruz,  empowering  all  his  officers  to  put  prisoners  to 
death,43  and  that  in  the  face  of  several  constitutional 
clauses  abolishing  the  death  penalty,  and  forbidding 
the  trial  of  citizens  by  military  courts  He  was  also 
guilty  of  incendiarism  in  burning  many  towns  and 
haciendas,  and  of  confiscation.  He  made  himself  and 
his  satellites  wealthy  at  the  expense  of  his  country 
and  his  victims.  He  reached  the  presidency  by  the 
favor  of  the  oligarchs  of  Guatemala.  As  a ruler  he 
was  an  unmitigated  tyrant;  as  an  administrator  he 
left  nothing  to  entitle  him  to  a place  among  the  bene- 
factors of  his  nation — no  schools,  no  material  improve- 
ments of  any  kind.  In  lieu  thereof  he  left  the 
national  name  dishonored  abroad,  the  national  charac- 
ter degraded,  financial  ruin,  corruption,  immorality, 
poverty,  bitter  animosities,  and  almost  every  misfor- 
tune that  could  have  befallen  hapless  Honduras. 

Nothing  worthy  of  particular  mention  occurred 
from  this  time  on  till  November  2,  1880,  when  the 
national  capital  was  removed  to  Tegucigalpa.  In 
December  of  the  same  year  Marco  Aurelio  Soto  was 
reelected  president,44  and  the  people  continued  enjoy- 
ing the  benefits  of  peace.  The  national  assembly  met  at 
Tegucigalpa  on  the  19th  of  February,  1883.  Doctor 
Soto  was  again  installed  as  president  by  virtue  of  a 
reelection,  and  in  an  able  and  lucid  address  congratu- 
lated the  representatives  of  the  people  that  since  their 


43  Had  crenerals  Juan  Lopez  and  J.  A.  Medina  carried  out  the  order  to  the 
letter,  eve.y  Inhabitant  of  Olancho  would  have  been  annihilated.  As  it  was, 
200  men  were  shot  and  500  hanged,  all  without  trial.  EL  Porvcn'tr  de  Nic., 
Nov.  20,  1871. 

44  JJiario  Cent.  Am.,  Dec.  27,  1880. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  30 


406 


HONDURAS  AFFAIRS. 


last  meeting  in  1881  quiet  had  reigned,  and  the  lib- 
eral constitution  framed  in  1877  had  worked  success- 
fully. Relations  with  Costa  Rica,  interrupted  in 
1878,  were  renewed  on  the  15th  of  last  October;  and 
those  with  the  rest  of  the  Central  American  states,  as 
well  as  with  other  powers,  were  on  the  most  friendly 
footing.  The  long-pending  boundary  question  with 
Salvador  had  been  referred  to  the  arbitration  of  Pres- 
ident Zavala  of  Nicaragua.  The  government  bad,  on 
the  15th  of  September,  1882,  sanctioned  the  plan  of 
Central  American  unification.  Finances  were  in  a 
satisfactory  state,  large  payments  having  relieved  the 
treasury  of  heavy  burdens.  The  administration  of 
justice  had  become  improved,  and  public  education 
advanced.  Agriculture  was  progressing,  trade  on  the 
increase  with  the  facilities  afforded  it;  and  mining  had 
engaged  the  attention  of  capitalists  both  at  home  and 
abroad.45 

President  Soto  sent  in  his  resignation  to  congress 
on  March  10th,  pleading  ill  health.  It  was  not  ac- 
cepted, and  instead  a leave  of  absence  was  granted 
him  with  a liberal  pecuniary  allowance  for  expenses.46 
Congress  thought  proper,  however,  to  utilize  his  in- 
tended visit  to  Europe  to  place  on  a better  footing  the 
financial  affairs  of  the  republic.47  Before  taking  his 
departure,  Soto  placed,  on  the  9tli  of  May,  the  execu- 
tive office  in  charge  of  the  council  of  ministers,  namely, 
Enrique  Gutierrez,  Luis  Bogran,  and  Rafael  Alvarado. 

45  The  exhibit  of  the  state  of  affairs,  both  present  and  prospective,  was 
encouraging,  and  appeared  to  be  well  founded.  A synopsis  of  the  address  is 
given  in  Pan.  Daily  Canal,  March  20,  1883;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March 
23,  18S3. 

46  He  was  permitted  to  visit  the  U.  S.  and  Europe,  where,  as  the  majority 
of  the  committee  to  whom  the  subject  had  been  referred  said,  free  from  offi- 
cial cares  he  might  place  himself  under  medical  treatment,  if  necessary.  Some 
members  of  the  committee  favored  the  acceptance,  claiming  it  as  a matter  of 
justice,  but  the  majority  thought  it  would  cause  inconveniences  in  the  orderly 
march  of  affairs  A journal,  La  Paz  of  Tegucigalpa,  remarked:  ‘ Friends 
and  enemies  of  Dr  Soto,  men  and  parties  the  most  opposite  in  ideas,  join  in 
considering  that  the  withdrawal  of  Dr  Soto  would  be  the  precursor  of  politi- 
cal misfortunes  and  catastrophes.’  Id.,  Apr.  18,  1883. 

47  To  adjust  Honduras’  share  of  the  old  federal  debt,  which  was  still  un- 
paid; and  to  make  some  settlement  respecting  the  loans  contracted  in  London 
and  Paris  for  constructing  the  interoceanic  railway. 


SOTO  AND  BARRIOS. 


407 


This  was  in  accordance  with  the  constitution.  In 
bidding  good  by  to  his  fellow-citizens,  Soto  congratu- 
lated them  upon  the  reign  of  peace  at  home,43  and  the 
cordiality  existing  with  other  nations.  He  promised 
to  come  back  as  soon  as  possible  to  complete  his  term, 
and  to  surrender  the  trust  to  his  successor.49 

A serious  quarrel  occurred  soon  after,  while  Soto 
was  in  San  Francisco,  California,  between  him  and 
Barrios.  He  received,  as  he  considered  it,  from  a 
reliable  source,  information  that  Barrios,  being  dis- 
pleased with  his  government,  had  resolved  to  promote 
a revolution  in  Honduras  as  an  excuse  for  war  and 
for  overthrowing  that  government.  He  wrote  Barrios 
on  July  6,  1883,  that  his  government  having  been 
ever  loyal  and  friendly  to  and  fulfilled  its  treaty  obli- 
gations with  Guatemala,  he  must  attribute  to  personal 
motives  Barrios’  intended  course.  He  was  not,  he 
said,  disposed  to  give  the  latter  an  opportunity  to  sow 
distraction  in  his  own  country,  and  to  let  loose  again 
the  dogs  of  war  in  all  Central  America.  To  avert 
those  calamities  he  was  ready  to  bring  about  a legal 
transfer  of  his  office,  and  would  lay  his  final  resigna- 
tion before  congress.  But  he  wished  Barrios  to  know 
that  he  did  so  actuated  by  patriotic  motives,  and  not 
bv  fear,  for  he  had  sufficient  power  in  Honduras  to 
sustain  himself,  and  to  defend  her  against  unjust  ag- 
gression. Barrios  returned  a scathful  answer  on 
August  3d.  After  denying  Soto’s  accusations,  he  at- 
tributes his  resignation  to  a preconceived  resolve  to 
desert  by  actual  flight  his  post,  and  lead  abroad  a life 
of  ease  and  luxury  upon  his  ill-gotten  wealth;  and 
now  was  using  his,  Barrios’,  name  as  a pretext  to 
justify  his  conduct.  He  asserts  that  Soto  left  Hon- 
duras with  the  intention  of  not  returning,  and  indeed, 
with  a full  knowledge  that  the  Hondurans  would  never 

1fi  A little  later  Barrios  of  Guat.  claimed  that  it  was  due  to  his  own  con- 
stant support  rather  than  to  Soto’s  administration,  which  he  declared  to  have 
Been  bad  and  ruinous  to  Hond. 

19  In  his  journey  he  was  accompanied  by  his  kinsman  and  former  minister 
of  relations,  Ramon  Rosa. 


468 


HONDURAS  AFFAIRS. 


permit  his  return.50  The  writer  in  the  plainest  lan- 
guage accuses  him  of  having  enriched  himself  at  the 
expense  of  a country  which  he  had  ruined,  and  of  pri- 
vate parties  alike.  As  to  Soto’s  brave  words,  they 
are  taken,  he  says,  at  their  true  worth  in  Guatemala, 
where  he  is  well  known.  It  would  be  easier  and  less 
costly  to  hurl  him  from  power,  than  it  was  to  raise 
him  to  and  keep  him  at  the  head  of  the  government. 

Barrios  concluded  that  he  would  take  no  further 
notice  of  Soto’s  remarks,  as  there  wras  a broad  sea  be- 
tween them.  His  charges  about  Soto’s  incompetency, 
disloyalty,  and  general  dishonesty  are  certainly  exag- 
gerated. Soto  sent  his  resignation  from  San  Francisco, 
and  congress  unanimously  accepted  it  on  the  3d  of 
September.51 

General  Luis  Bogran  wras  spontaneously  and  almost 
by  unanimity  chosen  by  the  people  president  of  the 
republic,52  and  assumed  the  duties  on  the  30th  of  No- 
vember, soon  after  organizing  his  cabinet  with  the 
ministers  named  below.53 

The  country  continued  at  peace,  and  there  was  no 
reason  to  apprehend  any  immediate  disturbance.  In 
the  attempt  made  by  Guatemala  to  reorganize  Central 
America  by  force  of  arms,  in  the  early  part  of  1885, 
Honduras  pledged  her  cooperation,  but  had  little  op- 
portunity to  take  an  active  part.  Upon  hearing  of 
the  Guatemalan  defeat,  and  of  the  death  of  President 
Barrios  on  the  2d  of  April,  she  wavered,  but  finally 
made  peace  with  Salvador,  Nicaragua,  and  Costa  Rica. 


58  ‘ Hasta  el  punto  de  valerse  de  mi,  como  del  pretesto  mejor  para  justifi- 
car  el  paso  de  fuga  y desercion  que  ha  dado  y se  propone  consumar;  no  piense 
que  ese  plan  tan  ruin  se  oculta  a ninguno.’  Both  letters  are  given  in  full  in 
Pan.,  El  Cronista,  Aug.  25,  29,  1883;  La  Repiiblica  (S.  F.),  Sept.  1,  8,  1883. 

61  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Nov.  17,  1883;  La  Repitblica  (S.  F.),  Sept.  15,  24, 
1883;  Diaz,  Miscel.,  no.  12,  3. 

52  Bogran  was  quite  young,  energetic,  and  frank  in  his  manners,  open- 
hearted  and  unpretentious.  His  character  was  in  keeping  with  his  appearance. 
He  was  master  of  the  political  situation. 

53  Rafael  Alvarado,  of  war,  education,  and  justice;  Jerdnimo  Zelaya,  of  for- 
eign affairs;  Crescencio  Gomez,  of  govt;  Abelardo  Zelaya,  of  treasury  and 
public  credit;  and  Francisco  Planas,  of  public  works.  Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Rel. 
Ext.,  1884,  8;  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Mm.  Rel.,  1884,  3;  El  Guatemalteco,  Jan.  19, 
1884;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Jan.  18,  1884. 


PEACE  RESTORED. 


469 


About  the  middle  of  1885  there  were  near  Trujillo 
some  slight  disturbances,  but  quiet  was  restored.  A 
filibustering  expedition  was  expected  at  Trujillo  on  the 
ship  Dorian , said  to  have  been  fitted  out  by  Ex-presi- 
dent Soto,  with  the  view  of  recovering  power.  The 
government  of  Belize,  at  the  request  of  the  Honduran 
authorities,  despatched  the  gun-boat  Lily  to  Trujillo, 
where  she  arrived  September  29th,  and  made  known 
the  object  of  her  visit.54  No  such  expedition  came  to 
create  disturbance.  Still  later,  in  1886,  a similar  at- 
tempt was  made  but  failed,  the  ship  supposed  to  have 
been  engaged  for  the  purpose  being  captured  at  sea 
by  an  American  cruiser. 

54  So  said  La  Bepublica,  of  Tegucigalpa,  official  organ.  Pan.  Star  and  Her- 
ald, Sept.  10,  1885. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 


POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  IX  NICARAGUA. 

1S67-1SS5. 

President  Fernando  Guzman — Insurrection — Misconduct  of  Priests — 
Defeats  of  the  Insurgents — Foreign  Mediation — Generosity  of 
the  Government — President  Vicente  Quadra — Inception  of  the 
Jesuits — Aims  of  Parties — Internal  and  Foreign  Complications — 
Costa  Rica’s  Hostility  and  Tinoco’s  Invasion — Presidents  Cha- 
morro and  Zavala — More  Political  Troubles — Jesuits  the  Pro- 
moters— Their  Expulsion  — Peace  Restored — Progress  of  the 
Country — President  Adan  Cardenas — Resistance  to  President 
Barrios’  Plan  of  Forced  Reconstruction 


The  administration  of  President  Fernando  Guzman 
entered  upon  its  duties  on  the  1st  of  March,  1867, 
under  good  auspices.  Peace  reigned,  the  country  was 
prosperous,  and  the  public  treasury  equally  so.1  This 
was  the  first  time  that  the  government  could  lay  so 
flattering  a picture  before  the  nation.  Guzman  pledged 
himself  to  use  his  best  endeavors  to  consolidate  repub- 
lican institutions.2  He  promised  further  to  pursue  a 
conciliatory  policy,  and  this  was  received  with  joy 
throughout  the  land,  a policy  which  was  initiated  on 
the  same  day  of  his  inauguration  with  an  amnesty  to 
all  citizens  undergoing  prosecution  or  punishment  for 
political  offences.  Those  in  exile  were  invited  to 
return  to  their  homes;  among  them  was  Maximo 
Jerez,  who  had  been  sojourning  in  Costa  Rica,  and 

1 All  appropriations  had  been  covered,  and  a portion  of  the  foreign  debt 
paid.  Presid.  Martinez  Mess.,  in  Nic.,  Oaceta,  Jan.  19,  1S67. 

2 ‘ Donde  la  libertad,  la  seguridad,  y el  orden  no  sean  una  quimera.’  Kic. , 
Mam/.,  1867,  1-7. 


REVOLUTIONARY  MOVEMENT. 


471 


accepted  the  pardon.  The  bishop  of  the  diocese  was 
apprised  of  the  president’s  desire  for  continued  har- 
mony between  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  jurisdictions, 
which  was  responded  to  in  the  same  spirit  by  the  prel- 
ate. There  was  then  every  prospect  of  a long  peace. 
At  the  opening  of  the  congressional  session,  January 
25,  1869,  the  president  made  a cheering  report,  and  it 
was  believed  that  the  course  of  the  government  was 
generally  well  received;  but  when  it  was  proposed  in 
congress  to  vote  an  approval  of  it,  some  remarks  were 
made  in  the  senate  which  the  president  was  displeased 
at,  and  he  tendered  his  resignation  of  the  executive 
office  on  the  19th  of  March.3  Congress  unanimously 
refused  to  accept  it.  The  session  lasted  fifty-seven 
days,  coming  to  an  end  March  22d,  and  in  the  course 
of  it  several  laws  were  enacted  to  benefit  agriculture 
and  commerce;  but  on  the  other  hand,  congress  was 
accused  of  having  too  lavishly  voted  pensions  to  mili- 
tary men. 

The  public  peace  was  disturbed  by  a revolutionary 
movement  June  26th,  when  a party  of  men  calling 
themselves  liberals  assaulted  and  captured  the  bar- 
racks at  Leon.  The  chief  leaders  of  this  revolution 
were  Maximo  Jerez,  Ex-president  Martinez,4  Hilario 
Oliva,  and  Pascasio  Bermudez.5  On  the  following 

Kir.,  Decretos,  18G9-70,  3,  26.  It  will  be  well  to  mention  here  that  on  the 
4th  of  Jan.  an  attempt  had  been  made  to  poison  the  president  with  arsenic 
placed  in  pine-apple  preserve,  of  which  he,  together  with  his  son  anil  two  or 
three  others,  partook. 

1 It  was  remarkable  that  Martinez,  an  old  conservative,  should  be  acting 
in  conjunction  with  and  under  Jerez,  the  confirmed  radical  democrat. 

5The  grounds  alleged  by  the  insurgents  were:  1st.  Violation  by  Guzman 
of  the  pledges  given  at  his  inauguration.  It  was  said  that  as  he  had  detached 
himself  from  the  party  which  raised  him  to  the  presidential  chair,  and  on  the 
other  hand,  had  not  shown  any  predilection  for  the  old  conservatives,  who 
had  tried  to  surround  him,  the  true  liberals  had  reposed  faith  in  him,  but  he 
had  not  realized  their  expectations.  Jerez  and  his  associates,  on  their  return 
from  Costa  Rica,  had  awaited  an  invitation  to  effect  a fusion  of  parties,  in 
order  that  the  peojile  should  see  the  govt  pursuing  a liberal  and  generous 
policy.  Jerez’  advances  had  been  coldly,  and  even  disdainfully,  met.  Hence 
his  letter  to  Guzman  of  June  26th,  telling  him  that  while  he  had  pretended 
sympathy  for  the  liberal  cause,  its  friends  had  never  seen  any  tangible  proof 
of  it.  ‘Muchas  veces  V.  ha  manifestado  simpatfas  por  las  causas  liberales; 
pero  no  las  hemos  visto  eficaces.’  Other  charges  were:  usurpation  of  powers, 
inefficiency,  illegal  expenditures  of  public  moneys,  nepotism,  encourage- 
ment to  smugglers,  etc.  At  a subsequent  date,  after  his  arms  had  proved 


472 


POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  IN  NICARAGU 


day  they  organized  a provisional  government,  Jerez 
being  its  chief,  with  unlimited  powers  to  overthrow 
the  existing  authorities,  and  implant  the  liberal  princi- 
ples set  forth  in  the  plan  accompanying  his  proclama- 
tion of  the  same  date.6  The  next  step  was  to  levy  a 
contribution  of  $62,000  in  Leon,  and  then  to  occupy 
the  port  of  Realejo.  Jerez  installed  the  government 
on  the  29th  with  Buenaventura  Selva  as  minister-gen- 
eral, but  on  the  same  day  transferred  the  supreme 
authority  to  Francisco  Baca,  retaining  himself  the 
chief  command  of  the  forces.7 

The  government  at  Managua  adopted  stringent 
measures  to  quell  the  revolt.8  A number  of  the 
clergy  having  taken  a prominent  part  in  it,  promoting 
discord  and  animosity  against  the  government,  some 
parish  priests  abandoning  their  flocks  and  taking  up 


victorious,  Guzman  denied  that  he  had  done  any  of  the  things  imputed  to 
him,  proudly  asserting  that  no  government  had  in  these  latter  days  respected 
the  rights  of  all  citizens  as  his  administration  had  done,  and  he  challenged 
one  and  all  to  bring  forward  proofs  that  he  had  before  the  revolution  broke 
out  deprived  any  citizen  of  his  life,  liberty,  or  property.  Faults  may  have 
been  committed  by  the  govt,  but  it  was  folly  to  deny  that  republicanism  had 
not  become  a reality  under  it.  The  knowledge  of  this  by  the  people  confined 
the  revolution  within  narrow  bounds,  and  gave  victory  to  Guzman;  and  it 
was  by  his  generosity  that  the  promoters  of  the  rebellion  escaped  the  conse- 
quences of  their  ill-advised  step. 

61.  Special  attention  to  primary  instruction  supported  by  the  gov.;  2. 
Freedom  to  teach;  3.  Suppression  of  monopolies,  and  establishment  of  a sin- 
gle tax;  4.  Protection  to  industry  and  trade;  5.  Americanism,  or  unity  on  the 
American  continent,  for  the  support  and  progress  of  republican  liberty;  6. 
Restoration  of  the  Cent.  Am.  union,  by  force  of  arms  if  necessary;  7.  En- 
couragement of  immigration  by  liberal  measures;  8.  Liberal  principles  in 
religious  matters,  as  far  as  willingly  accepted  by  the  gen.  convictions  of  the 
people;  9.  Abolition  of  the  death  penalty;  10.  Trial  by  jury;  11.  Direct  elec- 
tions. This  plan  was  signed  by  M.  Jerez,  T.  Martinez,  Bueuav.  Selva,  and 
Francisco  Baca.  Ale.,  Boletin  Gob.  (Leon),  July  1,  1869. 

7 Holding  it  till  Aug.  11th,  when  for  ill  health,  as  was  made  to  appear,  he 
turned  it  over  to  Martinez.  Id.,  July  30,  Aug.  4,  1869.  The  latter  in  joining 
the  revolution  said  that  he  had  left  his  retirement  ‘ yara  ponerme  a cubierto 
de  las  demasfas  y violencias  de  la  administracion.  It  appears,  however, 
that  the  govt  of  Guzman  had  tendered  him  the  position  of  minister  plenipo- 
tentiary in  London.  Hie.,  Gacetn,  June  8,  1867. 

8 Martial  law  established  throughout  the  republic;  passports  were  required 
to  leave  the  same,  and  to  go  from  one  department  to  another;  a forced  loan 
of  §100,000;  and  a board  created  to  procure  resources  for  the  army.  Hie., 
Gaceta,  July  3,  1869.  A number  of  citizens  known  or  suspected  to  favor  the 
rebellion  were  arrested  and  their  property  seized.  Their  friends  accused  the 
government  of  having  confined  the  prisoners  ‘en  calabozos  inmundos,  oscuros, 
y malsanos,  ’ whicn  is  not  unlikely.  Others  fled,  among  them  being  Gero- 
nimo  Perez. 


CHURCH  AND  STATE. 


473 


arms,  and  even  upholding  principles  not  acceptable  to 
their  church,9  superaddded  to  which  were  their  con- 
sorting with  gamblers  and  drunkards,  and  shedding 
blood,  the  bishop’s  attention  was  called  to  all  that  on 
the  12th  of  August,  with  a request  that  he  should 
check  such  violations  of  the  constitution  of  the  coun- 
try, of  canonical  law,  and  of  the  concordat  with  the 
pope.10  But  he  returned  no  answer.  Both  he  and 
his  vicar-general  were  in  Leon  and  could  not  be  ig- 
norant of  such  doings,  and  yet,  whether  from  apathy, 
negligence,  or  complicity,  tolerated  them.11 

Commissioners  from  Honduras,  Salvador,  and  Costa 
Rica  exerted  themselves  to  bring  about  a friendly  set- 
tlement of  the  differences,  but  their  efforts  proved 
unavailing,12  and  the  forces  of  the  opposing  govern- 
ments soon  came  to  blows.  The  insurgents  obtained 
some  advantage  in  the  unsuccessful  attacks  made  in 
Correvientos  and  Chocoya  or  Metapa,  on  the  28th  of 
July,  by  General  Urtecho.13  They  claimed  to  have 
again  repulsed  the  enemy’s  attack  under  Medina 
against  Nagarote  on  the  30th  of  August,  inflicting 
heavy  loss  of  men,  arms,  and  ammunition.14  The  offi- 
cial organ  of  the  government  at  Managua  makes  no 

o o o 

mention  of  this  affair. 

9 ‘ Proclamar  con  los  revolucionarios  la  libertad  de  cultos,  la  separacion  da 
la  Iglesia  y el  Estado,  la  enseiianza  libre.  ’ Nic.,  Inf.  Min.  Key.  Erics.,  1870,  8. 

luText  of  Min.  Delgadillo’s  note  in  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  14,  1869. 

11  At  any  rate,  no  step  was  taken  to  check  them,  nor  effort  made  on  behalf 
of  peace.  When  the  govern,  won  a signal  victory,  and  was  on  the  point  of 
attacking  Leon,  the  bishop  went  off  to  Rome,  leaving  his  flock  in  tribulation. 
At  the  end  of  the  war  the  vicar  acknowledged  the  guilt  of  the  parish  priests, 
and  by  his  edict  of  Nov.  6th  suspended  them.  But  after  a while  he  allowed 
them  one  third  of  the  parochial  fees,  and  the  privilege  of  exercising  priestly 
functions.  The  consequence  was  that  they  kept  up  their  disorderly  behavior, 
as  well  as  their  hostility  to  the  govt. 

12  Once  because  the  terms  proposed  by  the  insurgents  were  declared  by  the 
government  inadmissible;  again  a convention  was  signed  Sept.  25th  at  Ma- 
saya,  which  had  no  effect  because  the  authorities  at  Leon  insisted  on  amend- 
ments. Air.,  Boletin  Gob.  (Leon),  Aug.  4,  19,  28,  Sept.  4,  1869;  Id.,  In forme 
Mm.  Gobem.,  Doc.  no.  iv.  5-6;  Id.,  Doc.  Mediation,  1-32;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Aug. 
28-Oct.  23,  passim;  Nov.  6,  1869. 

13 They  claimed  a signal  victory,  for  which  their  commander,  Seferino 
Gonzalez,  wounded  in  the  tight,  was  promoted  to  gen.  of  division.  A Tic.,  Boletin 
Gob.  (Leon),  July  30,  Aug.  4,  1869;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  28,  1869. 

14  According  to  Gen.  Jerez’  report  of  Aug.  31st,  the  fight  lasted  from  3 
o’clock  till  dark;  Medina’s  defeat  was  complete,  losing  360  rifles  and  4 pieces 
of  artillery.  The  victors  also  had  several  prominent  officers  killed  and 
wounded.  Nic.,  Boletin  Gob,  (Leon),  Aug.  31,  1869. 


474 


POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  IN  NICARAGUA. 


President  Guzman  took  command  of  the  forces  in 
the  field,15  leaving  the  executive  office  temporarily  in 
charge  of  Senator  Pedro  Joaquin  Chamorro.  The 
insurgents  took  Jinotepe,  and  about  the  middle  of 
September  were  concentrated  in  Masatepe,  surrounded 
from  north  to  south  by  the  well-fortified  and  garrisoned 
towns  of  Managua,  Granada,  Rivas,  and  Nandanne. 
An  attempt  made  by  them  October  13tli  against  Mata- 
galpa  proved  disastrous,  and  they  had  to  retreat  to 
Leon.  On  the  14th  they  were  utterly  undone  by 
Guzman  at  Niquinohomo.  Their  force,  1,500  strong, 
attacked  Guzman  at  a little  past  one  o’clock,  and  was 
repulsed  with  heavy  losses.  The  next  morning  Guz- 
man went  in  pursuit,  and  on  approaching  Jinotepe 
the  enemy  dispersed  in  all  directions,  abandoning 
the  western  department.16  Guzman  reached  Pueblo 
Nuevo  on  the  21st,  and  sent  a proclamation  on  the 
2 2d  to  the  Leonese,  assuring  them  that  he  had  no 
desire  of  doing  them  any  injury,  but  he  must  punish 
the  men  who  had  so  unreasonably  caused  the  desola- 
tion and  misery  of  the  past  four  months.1'  However, 
upon  a mediation  being  offered  by  General  Charles  N. 
Riotte,  United  States  minister  resident,  at  the  request 
of  the  insurgent  leaders,  for  a settlement  of  the  diffi- 
culties without  further  bloodshed,  Guzman  accepted 
it,  and  the  war  terminated  with  the  surrender  of  the 
rebels.18 

15  Sept.  12th.  The  former  gen. -in-chief,  J.  D.  Estrada,  an  officer  who  dis- 
tinguished himself  in  the  campaign  against  Walker,  had  died  Aug.  12th. 
Nk. , Gaceta,  Sept.  18,  1809. 

16 Nk. , Informe  Min.  Gobem.,  1870,  Doc.  iv.  G,  14—15. 

17  He  also  asked  them  to  forsake  the  cause  of  those  men.  The  govt  had  on 
the  21st,  decreed  a full  pardon  to  all  who  should  voluntarily  surrender.  Nic. , 
Gaceta,  Oct.  23,  1869. 

18  Convention  of  Oct.  24th,  between  Guzman  and  Riotte,  associated  with 

Francisco  Zamora,  the  representative  of  the  insurgent  chiefs.  1.  Full  am- 
nesty. 2.  Gen.  Sebastian  Gutierrez,  one  of  the  two  officers  asked  for  by  the 
revolutionists,  was  to  be  made  military  governor  of  the  dept  of  Leon.  3.  A 
constituent  congress  to  be  convoked  within  six  months,  or  earlier,  if  possible. 
4.  The  constituent  congress  to  resolve  upon  the  recognition  and  payment  of 
the  debt  contracted  by  the  revolution,  the  govt  being  willing  to  place  it  on 
the  same  footing  with  that  incurred  by  it  since  June  25th.  5.  The  insurgents 

were  to  surrender  all  public  arms  and  war  material  of  every  kind  to  the  per- 
son appointed  by  Guzman  to  receive  them.  Riotte  was  authorized  to  do  so. 
6.  Perfect  freedom  in  the  elections  about  to  be  made.  7.  The  government 


PEACE  AGAIN. 


475 


The  acting  president,  on  the  29th  of  October,  gave 
Guzman  a vote  of  thanks  for  his  services,  and  conferred 
on  him  the  rank  of  general  of  division.  After  a short 
visit  by  the  government  and  Guzman  to  Granada,  and 
peace  being  fully  restored,  Guzman  resumed  at  that 
place  the  presidential  office  on  November  25th.19  On 
the  17th  of  December  he  decreed  the  reestablishment 
of  the  constitution  from  the  1st  of  January,  1870.  The 
national  congress  was  installed  on  the  20th  following, 
and  on  the  22d  gave  vote  of  thanks  to  Guzman.20 
Nothing  worthy  of  particular  notice  occurred  this 
year,  except  the  election  of  president  for  the  next 
term,  Vicente  Quadra  having  been  the  candidate  fa- 
vored with  the  requisite  majority  of  votes.  He  took 
possession  of  the  office  on  the  1st  of  March,  1871  21 
Congress  being  about  to  close  its  session,  the  executive 
in  a special  message,  March  30th,  called  its  attention 
to  important  affairs  demanding  prompt  measures.  The 
treasury  was  exhausted,  and  the  government  needed 
resources  to  meet  its  obligations.  It  also  should  be 
clothed  with  powers  and  means  to  face  the  complica- 
tions that  might  arise  from  the  disturbed  relations  of 
Salvador  with  Honduras.  But  congress  suspended 
the  session  for  twenty  days,  though  not  without  liav- 


to  place  at  the  head  of  the  departments  only  peaceably  disposed  men,  to  pro- 
mote and  maintain  conciliation  between  political  parties.  8.  The  convention 
to  be  definitive  from  the  moment  of  its  l>eing  signed,  Riotte  promising  that 
the  delivery  of  arms  by  the  insurgents  should  begin  on  the  26th.  This  con- 
vention was  ratified  at  Managua  Oct.  25th  by  Acting  Pres.  Chamorro,  coun- 
tersigned by  Antonio  Falla,  sec.  of  govt  and  war.  Nic. , Gaceta,  Jan.  8,  March 
19,  1870;  Nic.,  Semanal  Nic.,  Jan.  2,  1873;  Nic.,  Informe  Min.  Gobern. , 1870, 
Doc.  iv.  In  1870  congress  rejected  the  3d  clause  and  approved  the  4th. 
During  these  troubles  the  rights  of  foreign  residents  were  protected  by  Min. 
Riotte.  Id.,  Informe  Min.  Del.,  1S70,  1-24.  Credit  is  also  due  to  the  efforts 
of  the  commissioners  from  the  other  Cent.  Am.  states  to  bring  about  peace. 
The  revolutionists  began  the  surrender  of  arms  on  the  27th,  placing  at  Riotte ‘s 
command  20  pieces  of  artillery,  2,292  other  fire-arms,  etc. 

19  Ale.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  30,  Nov.  20,  Dec.  4,  1869. 

20  ‘ Por  el  tino,  firmeza,  y energia  que  supo  desplegar  en  la  emergencia  por- 
que  acaba  de  pasar  Nicaragua.’  Id.,  Jan.  29,  1870;  Nic.,  Decretos Legist.,  1869- 
70,  94. 

21  In  his  inaugural  speech,  he  promised  to  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  his 
predecessor,  whose  policy  he  extolled,  expressing  his  acknowledgments.  His 
words  were:  ‘ Dejando  en  practica  principios  politicos,  y mejoras  materiales, 
que  antes  de  el  apenas  se  habian  ensayado.  ’ Id.,  March  4,  11,  1871;  Id., 
Manif.  Disc.  Inaug.,  no.  ix. ; Id.,  Mensaje,  March  1,  1871,  1—10. 


476 


POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  IN  NICARAGUA. 


ing  first  authorized  the  president  to  raise  loans  for 
covering  the  more  pressing  needs  of  the  treasury,  and 
empowered  him  to  act  as  he  might  think  best  on  be- 
half of  the  honor  and  interests  of  the  country  during 
the  recess.22  In  the  war  between  the  above-named 
states,  Nicaragua  maintained  the  strictest  neutrality, 
and  had  the  good  fortune  to  escape  being  mixed  up  in 
that  trouble. 

The  country  being  at  peace,  both  at  home  and 
abroad,  the  government  was  enabled  to  devote  its 
whole  attention  to  the  finances,  which  were  in  an  un- 
satisfactory state,  owing  to  a marked  decrease  of  the 
revenues  in  the  two  last  fiscal  years.23  The  general 
situation,  if  not  good,  was  nevertheless  far  from  dis- 
couraging. But  a new  element  was  now  ushered  in, 
which  was  destined  to  become  erelong  an  agent  of 
disturbance.  I refer  to  the  coming  of  seventy  mem- 
bers of  the  society  of  Jesus,  who  on  their  expulsion 
from  Guatemala  landed  unopposed  at  Realejo,  and 
journeyed  to  Reon,  where  a portion  of  the  inhabitants 
gave  them  a warm  reception.  Discussions  ensued; 
some  were  in  favor  of  giving  the  new-comers  convents, 
turning  over  to  them  public  education,  and  allowing 
them  every  privilege  as  they  had  had  at  their  late 
field ; others  demanded  that  they  should  be  sent  away. 
The  government  took  no  action,  other  than  permitting 
them  to  remain,  and  they  soon  ingratiated  themselves 
with  the  masses.24 

Toward  the  end  of  the  year  rumors  of  an  impend- 
ing revolution  were  rife.  There  was  no  cause  for  it. 
Quadra’s  administration  certainly  was  deserving  of 
public  support.25  But  it  seemed  the  fashion  of  Xica- 

22  Message  and  reply  in  Nic.,  Oaceta,  Apr.  8,  1871. 

23  The  gov.  encountered  much  difficulty  to  effect  a loan,  except  on  ruinous 
terms.  Meantime,  the  utmost  economy  was  observed;  nearly  all  public  works 
were  at  a stand-still. 

24  Their  supporters  believed  that  their  example  would  be  beneficial  io  the 
morals  of  the  native  clergy,  which  made  a writer  remark:  ‘ Debe  hacerle 
mucha  cosquilla  & nuestros  clerigos.  que  casi  todos  son  doblemente  padres.’ 
El  Porvenir  de  Nic.,  Dec.  3,  1871. 

23  Its  opponents  abused  Quadra  for  doing  what  the  condition  of  the  coun- 
try required.  Easing  the  treasury,  reforming  the  administrative  system,  and 


PARTIES  AND  PRINCIPLES. 


477 


racma  either  to  be  on  the  eve  of  or  in  the  throes  of 

O 

revolution,  or  at  least  to  talk  of  one.26  At  the  present 
time  there  were  three  political  parties,  and  a club  as- 
piring to  that  rank.  The  party  in  power  was  called  by 
some  of  its  members  liberal  conservador,  and  by  others 
republicano.  This  party  had  a large  following  of  well- 
to-do  and  sedate  citizens.  It  had  no  monarchical,  aris- 
tocratic, or  theocratic  tendencies;  on  the  contrary,  its 
principles  were  liberal  and  progressive,  but  it  moved 
slowly,  from  fear  of  disturbing  peace  and  order. 
Another  party  was  formed,  of  men  who  at  one  time 
used  to  call  themselves  democrats,  but  had  lately  taken 
a conservative  for  a leader,  become  associated  with 
the  clergy,  and  adopted  the  name  of  moderado.  The 
third  party,  hardly  entitled  to  the  rank,  was  made  up 
of  young  men  anxious  for  the  greatest  development  of 
liberty  and  progress.  Its  members  were  scattered,  or 
affiliated  with  other  parties.  Then  there  was  the  club, 
composed  of  a few  hot-heads  who  insisted  on  being 
the  mountain,  and  parodying  the  French  Jacobins  of 
1793.  The  fears  of  revolution  were  on  the  increase 
in  the  first  part  of  1872.  The  self-styled  moderados 
of  the  five  states  were  working  together  in  Leon,  the 
native  clergy  and  the  jesuits  being  the  common  cen- 
tre of  the  revolutionary  propaganda,  and  the  govern- 
ment of  President  Medina  of  Honduras  encouraging 
them. 

The  congressional  elections  took  place  in  October 
with  much  agitation  and  disturbance  in  several  locali- 
ties.27  There  was  considerable  independence  exhibited 


restoring  public  credit.  For  this  they  called  him  a retrogressionist,  a despot, 
and  a fool;  for  being  a respecter  of  the  laws  they  claimed  he  should  be  cen- 
sured. 

26  It  was  insinuated  that  the  Pan.  R.  R.  Co.  might  be  underhandedly 
promoting  discord,  to  throw  obstacles  in  the  way  of  an  interoceanic  canal 
being  made  in  Nic.  The  company  had  been  also  suspected  of  doing  so  in  the 
late  war  between  Salv.  and  Hond.,  to  prevent,  or  at  least  retard,  the  construc- 
tion of  an  interoceanic  railway  in  the  latter  state.  Such  reports  probably 
had  no  foundation  in  fact. 

27  In  Subtiava,  dept  of  Leon,  there  was  a sedition  of  Indians,  accompanied 
with  murders,  and  finally  the  authorities  had  to  resort  to  force.  Salgado, 
Mem.,  1-18;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  12,  19,  1872.  There  were  scandalous  pro- 
ceedings in  Rivas,  Chinandega,  Chichigalpa,  island  of  Ometepe,  Matagalpa, 
and  elsewhere.  In  some  places  the  priests  headed  the  drunken  rabble,  rmed 


478 


POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  IN  NICARAGUA. 


by  the  voters.  The  liberal  conservatives  obtained  a 
working  majority,  and  high  hopes  were  entertained 
from  the  congress  which  was  to  sit  on  the  1st  of  Janu- 
ary, 1873. 

The  year  1872  was  a happy  one  for  Nicaragua. 
Not  only  was  peace  consolidated,  but  party  animosity 
greatly  decreased.  Trade  and  agriculture  yielded 
good  results;  the  public  administration  was  much 
improved ; the  treasury  also  felt  easy,  and  public  credit 
was  restored.  Congress  assembled  on  the  appointed 
day,  and  the  president’s  message  contained  an  en- 
couraging report.  He  said  that  the  rights  of  citizens 
had  been  respected,  and  an  asylum  allowed  to  the 
refugees  of  other  states,  including  the  jesuits.23  He 
labored  to  impress  upon  the  representatives  the  neces- 
sity of  providing  means  to  increase  the  revenue;  but 
nothing  had  been  done  at  the  end  of  February,  and 
the  president  saw,  besides,  that  notwithstanding  his 
moderate,  impartial,  and  conciliatory  policy,  a consider- 
able portion  of  the  citizens  refused  to  lend  him  their 
cooperation.  In  view  of  all  this,  and  of  his  advanced 
aafe  and  ill  health,  he  tendered  his  resignation  on  the 
1st  of  March,  setting  forth  the  reasons  for  his  doing 
so;  but  the  chambers  refused  to  accept  it.29  Congress 
adjourned  on  the  20tli  of  March  to  continue  its  labors 
in  1874.  Several  important  laws  had  been  passed,  for 
which  the  legislature  deserved  credit.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  was  blamed  for  a lavish  bestowal  of  pensions, 
and  for  an  excessive  number  of  pardons  and  other 
favors  to  criminals.  The  jesuit  question  was  resolved 
February  12th  in  favor  of  permitting  the  priests  to 
remain.30 

with  clubs  and  crying  Viva  la  religion!  Mueran  los  herejes!  To  the  native 
priests  and  jesuits  were  imputed  all  the  troubles.  El  Porvertir  de  Nic.,  Oct. 
20,  1872. 

98  He  spoke  cf  certain  exiles,  ‘ individuos  de  ordenes  monasticas,  cuyo 
establecimiento  definitivo  en  el  pais  no  permiten  las  leyes,  peroque  permanecen 
aum  p.silados.’  Id.,  Jan.  12,  1873;  Nic. , Oaceta,  Jan.  11,  1873;  Id.,  Senuinal 
Nic.,  Jan.  2,  1873. 

99  Several  members  visited  him  to  congratulate  him  on  the  second  anniver- 
sary of  his  accession  to  the  executive  office.  Nic. , Renuncia,  1-3;  Id.,  Oaceta, 
March  8,  1873. 

39  By  a vote  of  10  against  5 in  the  chamber  of  deputies.  El  Porvenir  de  Nic., 
Fell  1C.  1ST).  v<>  ('.  -'•"I-  A - 12.  1873. 


PRESIDENT  QUADRA. 


479 


The  relations  with  Costa  Rica  were  most  unsatis- 
factory, and  the  government  took  action  to  meet  any 
possible  emergency.  Pursuant  to  its  decree  of  Au- 
gust 28th,  congress  assembled  September  16th,  when 
President  Quadra’s  message  made  known  that  events 
had  taken  place  calling  for  an  abandonment  of  the 
policy  he  had  hitherto  pursued  of  absolute  abstention 
from  interference  in  the  affairs  of  the  other  Central 
American  states.31  His  administration  reported  the 
intrigues  of  President  Guardia  of  Costa  Rica  with 
discontented  Nicaraguans  for  its  overthrow.  It  wTas 
generally  believed  that  a disturbance  of  the  public 
peace  was  impending,  and  that  Costa  Rican  money  had 
circulated  among  the  men  concerned  in  the  plot.32 
These  men,  some  of  whom  were  officers  in  the  service 
of  Nicaragua,  concealed  themselves,  and  a number  of 
them  went  to  Costa  Rica  to  tender  their  services  to 
the  enemy  of  their  country.  Meantime  a body  of 
armed  men  raised  by  the  reactionary  party  of  Central 
America  made  its  appearance  in  Honduras,  which 
alarmed  the  governments  of  Guatemala  and  Salvador. 
These  powers  represented  to  Nicaragua  the  move- 
ments to  be  unquestionably  the  work  of  Costa  Rica, 
proposing  an  alliance  against  the  latter.33  A defensive 
alliance  was  concluded  on  the  26th  of  August,  the 
plenipotentiaries  being  Anselmo  H.  Rivas  and  B.  Ca- 
razo.  This  treaty  was  approved  by  the  three  govern- 
ments.34 It  contained,  besides,  two  other  clauses; 
namely,  the  allied  powers  were  to  endeavor  to  bring 

31  Congress  acknowledged  that  Nic.  could  not  remain  a passive  spectator 
of  those  events.  Nic. , Menrnje,  1-8;  Nic.,  Semanal  Nic.,  Aug.  28,  1873;  El 
Porvenir  de  Nic.,  Sept.  7,  1873;  Nic. , Gaceta,  Sept.  27,  Oct.  4,  18,  1873. 

32  The  Costa  Rican  officer  Ramon  Tinoco  was  implicated.  The  money — 
some  $22,000 — was  brought  by  P.  Salamanca,  apparently  for  the  purchase  of 
cattle,  but  really  for  revolutionary  purposes.  Both  Salamanca  and  Tinoco, 
when  their  plan  became  known,  escaped,  Nic.,  Semanal  Nic.,  Aug.  28,  1873. 

33 The  memorandum  of  B.  Carazo,  minister  of  Guatemala  and  Salvador, 
had  for  its  main  objects  the  overthrow  of  the  existing  govt  of  Costa  R.,  and 
the  expulsion  of  the  jesuits  from  Nicaraguan  territory.  After  a discussion 
on  the  latter  point,  Carazo  no  longer  insisted  on  that  action.  Nic.,  Informe 
Min.  Pel.,  in  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  18,  1S73.  In  the  last  preceding  chapter  this 
subject  was  also  mentioned. 

34  Gnat.,  Recap.  Ley.,  Gob.  Democ.,  i.  198-200;  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  H.  Ex. 
Doc.,  Cong.  43,  Sess.  2,  112,  117,  123. 


4S0 


POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  IN  NICARAGUA. 


about  a settlement  of  the  boundary  question  between 
Nicaragua  and  Costa  Biea,  and  cooperate  toward  the 
reorganization  of  Central  America  under  a single  gov- 
ernment.33 

Congress  closed  the  session  on  the  15th  of  October, 
and  shortly  after  the  government  was  apprised  of  the 
departure  from  Puntarenas,  Costa  Pica,  on  the  vessel 
named  Tigre,  of  an  expedition  of  Nicaraguans  under 
Tinoco  bound  to  Nicaragua.36  The  expedition  landed  on 
the  3d  of  November,  not  in  Nicaraguan  territory,  but 
in  San  Bernardo,  a small  port  of  Honduras.  Nicara- 
gua at  once  sent  a force  to  the  frontier,  and  Minister 
Delgadillo  started  for  Honduras  to  obtain  permission 
from  the  government  to  pursue  the  invaders  within 
her  limits,  which  being  granted,  the  Nicaraguans 
marched  from  Somotillo  into  Honduras,  and  acting 
in  accord  with  another  force  from  Salvador,  the  in- 
vaders abandoned  Corpus,  and  repaired  to  Teguci- 
galpa, where  Tinoco  capitulated.37  The  Nicaraguan 
government’s  force  then  returned  home.33 

The  elections  for  president  and  members  of  con- 
gress took  place  within  the  last  three  months  of  1874 
under  no  hindrance,  and  without  any  serious  disturb- 
ance of  the  peace.39  Quadra’s  message  of  January 
13,  1875,  announced  that  public  confidence  in  a con- 

33  Maximo  Jerez,  though  a champion  of  unity,  opposed  the  treaty  on  the 
groimd  that  it  violated  that  of  friendship  with  Costa  Rica,  wherein  it  was 
stipulated  that  neither  party  should  wage  war  against  the  other,  nor  enter  into 
offensive  alliances  without  tirst  having  asked  for  explanations;  which  formality 
he  claimed  had  not  yet  been  complied  with.  Nic. , Oaceta,  Oct.  18,  Nov.  8, 

1873.  The  treaty  was  approved  in  the  senate  by  nine  votes  against  two,  the 
two  nays  being  those  of  Jerez  and  Seferino  Gonzalez.  Nic.,  Senmnal Nic.,  Oct. 
9, 1873;  El  Porvenir  de  Nic. , Oct.  12,  1873. 

36 The  loyal  people  of  Nic.  at  once  manifested  their  resolve  to  sustain  the 
govt.  Nic.,  Serna nal  Nic. , Nov.  20,  29,  Dec.  4,  6,  11,  20,  1873;  Jan.  3,  10, 

1874. 

31  Dec.  Gth,  to  Gen.  F.  Espinosa,  the  Salvadoran  commander.  Nic. , Mem. 
Min.  Gobcrn , 1875,  3-5;  Id.,  Semanal  Nic.,  Nov.  6-20,  1873;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Nov. 
15,  Dec.  20,  1873;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Dec.  16,  1S73. 

38  The  troops  were  congratulated  on  their  good  fortune  in  not  being  used 
as  ‘ instrumentos  inocentes  de  venganzas  y pasiones  ajenas,’  as  so  many 
before  them  had  been.  Nic. , Semanal  Nic.,  .Ian.  31,  1874.  The  proprietor 
and  editor  of  this  journal  was  A.  H.  Rivas,  the  min.  of  foreign  affairs. 

39  There  were  a few  local  riots,  and  the  government  was  made  the  subject 
of  violent  abuse  in  flying  sheets.  Nic.,  Mem,  Min.  Gobern.,  1875,  7-12;  Id., 
Gaceta,  Oct.  10,  Nov.  21,  1S74. 


PRESIDENT  CHAMORRO. 


4S1 


tinued  peace  was  not  yet  fully  restored ; but  a dispo- 
sition to  work  and  maintain  order  was  taking  deep 
root  among  the  masses.40 

Pedro  Joaquin  Chamorro,  the  elect  of  the  people 
for  the  next  presidential  term,  w’as  inducted  into  office 
on  the  1st  of  March,  1875. 41  Quadra  returned  with 
alacrity  to  private  life.  The  new  administration  soon 
had  to  deal  with  seditious  attempts  which  had  been 
prepared  during  Quadra’s  rule.  One  of  Chamorro’s 
first  acts  was  to  issue  an  unconditional  pardon  to  the 
parties  implicated,  hoping  that  it  would  bring  the  gov- 
ernment’s opponents  to  a better  feeling.  But  the  re- 
sult was  quite  different;  for  they  began  a series  of 
plots,  and  it  then  became  necessary  to  issue,  on  the 
17th  of  November,  1875,  a decree  of  expulsion  and  of 
partial  banishments.  This  quieted  the  country,  and 
peace  would  have  become  consolidated  but  for  the 
opportunities  afforded  the  agitators  in  the  neighboring 
states  to  start  another  conflagration.  Costa  Rica  be- 
came the  asylum  of  the  discontented  of  Nicaragua, 
who  took  advantage  of  the  interrupted  relations  be- 
tween the  two  governments  to  promote  a war  that 
might  give  them  the  control  of  affairs  in  their  country. 

Costa  Rica  suspended  diplomatic  and  commercial 
relations  with  Nicaragua ; but  the  latter  concluded  not 
to  decree  a suspension  of  trade,  with  the  view  of  not 
injuring  innocent  persons.  No  actual  war  existed, 
but  it  might  break  out  at  any  moment,  in  view  of 
Costa  Rica’s  menacing  attitude.42  At  last  the  gov- 
ernment found  itself  threatened  from  various  quarters. 
It  then  called  on  all  patriotic  citizens  for  new  sacri- 

48  Nic. , Mensaje  del  Presid.,  1-11;  Id. , Contestation,  1-2;  Pan.  Star  and 
Herald,  Feb.  3,  1875. 

41  No  policy  was  laid  down  by  him  to  be  pursued  without  deviation,  except 
that  in  general  terms  he  assured  congress  and  the  people  of  his  disposition  to 
respect  the  laws,  maintain  peace,  and  do  his  best  for  the  happiness  and  pros- 
perity of  his  country.  Salv.,  Diaiio  Ojic.,  Apr.  10,  11,  1875. 

42  She  placed  a large  force  in  Guanacaste,  and  Nic.  had  to  station  another 
on  the  frontier  under  Gen.  Joaquin  Zavala.  A plot  was  discovered  in  March 
18(6,  and  about  20  prominent  persons  concerned  in  it  were  expelled,  some 
going  to  Costa  R.,  and  others  ta  Hond.  Salv.,  Diario  Otic.,  March  22, 
26,  1876. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  31 


4S2 


POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  IN  NICARAGUA. 


fices,  to  which  they  responded  with  enthusiasm.43 
Martial  law  was  proclaimed,  and  the  president  assumed 
personal  command  of  the  forces,  the  executive  office 
being  temporarily  placed  in  charge  of  Senator  Pedro 
Balladares.  When  the  danger  of  war  had  passed,  the 
decree  of  martial  law  was  repealed.44  Elections  for 
supreme  and  local  authorities  took  place  without  hin- 
drance and  in  good  order.  But  the  country  suffered 
severely  from  natural  causes.45 

Peace  reigned  during  the  last  two  years  of  Cha- 
morro’s rule,  which  enabled  him  to  devote  his  attention 
to  the  advancement  of  the  country’s  interests.  Not- 
withstanding the  past  difficulties,  the  national  finances 
had  attained  a better  organization,  and  the  national 
credit  was  on  a higher  plane.  The  people  showed  a 
growing  disposition  to  employ  themselves  in  the  arts 
of  peace,  their  civil  and  political  rights  being  fully 
respected  by  the  authorities.  Friendly  relations  ex- 
isted with  foreign  powers,  and  no  complications  were 
apprehended  with  the  neighbors.40  The  elections  for 
president,  deputies,  and  senators  were  effected  at  the 
usual  time,  the  government  abstaining  from  all  inter- 
ference. General  Joaquin  Zavala,  having  been  the 
popular  choice  for  chief  magistrate,  took  possession  of 
his  office  with  the  customary  formalities  on  the  1st  of 
March,  1879,  promising  to  follow  the  conciliatory 
policy  of  his  predecessor.  He  congratulated  the  rep- 
resentatives on  the  stability  which  the  republic  was 
evidently  arriving  at.47 

43  The  govt  had  endeavored  to  maintain  and  develop  the  harmony  which 
Quadra  had  established  with  the  ecclesiastical  authorities.  The  bishop  and 
his  clergy  efficaciously  impressed  on  the  masses  respect  for  pub.  authority, 
love  for  their  institutions,  and  a spirit  of  independence.  Nic. , Mensaje  del 
Presid.,  Jan.  24,  1877. 

44  Nov,  15,  1876.  Later  on  the  govts  of  Guat.  and  Salv.  united  their  efforts 
to  restore  a friendly  feeling  betw.  Nic.  and  Costa  R.,  and  finally  succeeded  in 
their  purpose.  Salv.,  Gaceta  OJic.,  June  7,  12,  1877.  Relations  were  reopened 
in  June  1878. 

45  A visitation  of  locusts  did  great  havoc  in  the  corps;  and  a succession  of 
gales  from  the  3d  to  the  5th  of  October  caused  heavy  damages  in  the  city  and 
department  of  Managua,  in  Granada,  Rivas,  and  other  parts,  including  a 
large  portion  of  Mosquitia,  ruining  many  valuable  estates. 

46  Chamorro.  Discurso  en  el  acto  de  entrega,  March  1,  1879. 

47  He  based  his  conclusion  on  this  ground:  ‘La  trasmision  legal  y tranquila 


PEACE  AND  PROGRESS. 


483 


Congress  closed  the  session  on  the  1st  of  April. 
The  results  of  its  three  months’  labors  were  quite  im- 
portant.48 Though  acting  with  independence,  the  ut- 
most harmony  prevailed  in  its  relations  with  the  execu- 
tive. At  the  opening  of  the  next  legislative  session 
in  January  1881,  the  president  made  known  that 
peace  had  been  undisturbed  both  at  home  and  abroad, 
and  there  was  no  cause  to  apprehend  any  immediate 
change.  As  far  as  the  government’s  scanty  means 
permitted,  works  of  public  utility  had  been  fostered.4'1 
Public  education  made  considerable  progress.  The 
finances  were  duly  attended  to,  and  a few  reforms  in- 
troduced.50 The  president  congratulated  the  nation 
on  the  fact  that  all  had  been  accomplished  with  the 
ordinary  revenues.  The  public  credit  stood  higher 
than  ever.  The  foreign  debt  had  been  cancelled,  and 
the  internal,  which  amounted  to  $1,600,000,  reduced 
to  one  half  this  sum.51  Congress  adjourned  March  6th. 
Several  important  measures  were  introduced  and  dis- 
cussed, but  left  for  completion  in  the  following  year.52 


del  Mando  Supremo,  que  viene  repitiendose  desde  tantos  aiios  en  Nicaragua.' 
Nie.,  Discurso  /navy,  del  Presid.  Zavala,  March  1,  1879;  Salv.,  Diario  OJic., 
Sept.  28,  Nov.  12,  Dec.  12,  22,  1878;  Jan.  22,  March  13,  1879;  Voz  de  Mej., 
May  6,  1879. 

48 The  following  measures  were  passed:  law  of  civil  registration;  penal 
code;  mode  of  procedure  in  criminal  cases;  creation  of  justices  of  the  peace, 
and  military  courts  of  first  resort,  to  take  the  place  of  the  governors  of  de- 
partments, where  for  greater  economy  it  has  been  deemed  expedient  to  sup- 
press these  officers,  as  well  as  the  respective  military  garrisons;  restoration 
of  the  universities;  and  the  appropriations  for  the  current  fiscal  biennial  term. 
It  also  sanctioned  the  treaty  concluded  with  Guat.  and  Salv.  in  1877,  and  the 
treaties  and  conventions  lately  entered  into  with  Hond. ; namely,  amity,  com- 
merce, extradition,  exportation  of  cattle,  postal,  and  telegraphic. 

49  Those  ou  the  railway  decreed  by  the  assembly  of  1870,  and  begun  by  the 
former  administration,  were  progressing.  Two  important  contracts  were 
made,  one  for  navigation  on  the  lake  by  fair-sized  steam  vessels,  and  another 
for  the  construction  of  a railroad  from  Chinandega  to  Moabitaor  Leon  Viejo, 
and  thence  to  Granada.  The  section  between  Corinto  and  Chinandega  went 
into  operation  Jan.  1st.  Telegraphic  lines  were  in  working  order.  A contract 
had  also  been  concluded  to  lay  a submarine  cable  to  connect  with  the  Mexi- 
can telegraphs. 

50  Excise  tax  on  real  estates,  export  duties,  and  certain  monopolies  were 
abolished. 

51  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March  5,  1881. 

62  Among  them  were  one  for  amending  the  constitution,  and  for  abolish- 
ing judicial  fees,  in  order  to  have  gratuitous  administration  of  justice.  An 
act  to  seize  private  lands,  by  paying  for  it,  for  facilitating  the  construction  of 
railroads,  was  passed.  Id..  Apr.  1,  1881. 


484 


POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  IN  NICARAGUA. 


The  apprehensions  felt  by  a large  number  of  citizens 
of  serious  troubles  from  the  presence  of  the  jesuits 
were  realized  in  May  1881.  On  the  6th  there  was  an 
Indian  insurrection  in  Matagalpa,  accompanied  with 
considerable  bloodshed,  and  the  jesuits  were  said  to  ne 
the  instigators.53  Twenty  members  of  the  order  resid- 
ing in  that  place  were  arrested  and  taken  under  guard 
to  Granada.  A still  more  alarming  revolt  took  place 
in  Leon.  At  the  opening  of  the  Institute  de  Occi- 
dente,  an  educational  establishment  under  the  special 
protection  of  the  national  authorities,  Professor  J. 
Leonard,  from  Spain,  made  certain  remarks,  at  which 
the  jesuit  fathers  took  umbrage.54  They,  together 
with  a certain  Apolonio  Orozco,  accused  Leonard  and 
Calderon  of  being  free-thinkers  and  assailants  of  reli- 
gion.  The  forty  or  fifty  fathers  living  in  Leon  took 
the  matter  in  hand  energetically,  and  in  two  days 
there  was  hardly  a person  in  the  place  who  had  not 
been  told  that  the  religion  of  their  fathers  was  imper- 
illed by  the  propaganda  of  the  free-thinkers  of  the 
instituto.  Relying  on  the  support  of  a fanatical  rabble, 
they  assumed  a bold  attitude,  and  demanded  prompt 
action  on  the  part  of  Bishop  Ulloa  y Larios.  But  the 
latter  would  not  uphold  them.  This  greatly  exasper- 
ated them.  Meantime  the  rabble  became  seditious. 
Parties  of  armed  men  intrenched  themselves  in  the 
old  Recoleccion  convent,  and  laboring  under  the  excite- 
ment produced  by  the  speeches  of  their  leaders  and 
the  free  use  of  rum,  they  resisted  the  troops  engaged 
in  an  effort  to  preserve  order,  eight  or  ten  being  killed, 
and  many  more  wounded.  The  mob  retreated  to  the 
Recoleccion,  resolved  to  continue  the  fight,  defying 
the  local  authorities,  who,  in  fact,  did  not  show  much 
disposition  to  put  them  down,  the  prefect  being  a 

53  It  was  proved  beyond  a doubt.  El  Porvenir  de  Nic.,  May  28,  1881. 

61  In  exhorting  the  young  to  avail  themselves  of  the  advantages  the  insti- 
tute would  afford  them,  he  said  that  Christianity  was  the  true  basis  of  educa- 
tion, and  added  that  liberty  of  conscience  and  of  speech  was  necessary  for 
the  perfect  education  of  free  men. 


JESUIT  DISTURBANCES. 


485 


friend  of  the  jesuits.  The  commander  of  the  forces 
was  an  aged  soldier,  who  could  not  do  much  active 
service.  However,  he  captured  the  two  chief  leaders, 
Bermudez  and  Duvon,  and  sent  them  to  Managua, 
where  they  were  imprisoned.  The  supreme  govern- 
ment adopted  prompt  measures,  despatched  troops  to 
Leon,  who  brought  the  rebels  under  subjection,  anti 
then  expelled  the  jesuits  from  the  country.55  It  was 
believed  that  the  real  object  of  those  movements  was 
to  overthrow  Zavala  and  place  Pedro  Balladares  in 
the  executive  chair.  The  question  for  a time  seemed 
to  be  who  should  rule — the  government  or  the  jesuits. 
Zavala’s  energy  settled  it. 

In  July  1882  there  was  a slight  rebellion  in  Gracias 
& Dios,  and  later  disturbances  in  Matagalpa,  Telica, 
and  Subtiaba;  but  though  causing  some  expense, 
because  the  government  had  to  station  a strong  force 
there  during  a considerable  time,  public  works  were 
not  thereby  interrupted.  The  president,  in  his  mes- 
sage to  congress  at  the  inception  of  1883,  expressed 
himself  as  gratified  with  the  report  he  had  to  make, 
and  retained  the  most  perfect  confidence  in  the  future 
progress  and  prosperity  of  the  republic.  His  suc- 
cessor, Adan  Cdrdenas,50  elected  by  popular  suffrage, 
was  placed  in  possession  of  the  office  on  the  1st  of 
March,  1883. 5‘  Congress  adjourned  on  the  12th  of 
March.  The  new  government  issued  a decree  pardon- 
ing all  who  were  concerned  in  the  revolutionary  dis- 
turbances at  Matagalpa  and  Leon  in  1881  and  1882. 

55  Several  prominent  citizens,  among  whom  were  Ex-president  Chamorro, 
and  Ex-minister  Rivas,  urged  the  govt  to  let  the  jesuits  remain;  hut  their 
arguments  could  not  stand  against  Zavala’s  determination  to  rid  his  country 
of  a dangerous  religions  and  political  body.  Nic. , Mem.  Mm.  Oobern.,  1883, 
5-li,  annexes  A and  B;  Costa  It. , June  9,  1885;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  May 
21,  June  16-18,  1883;  S.  F.  Bulletin,  July  6,  16,  1881. 

06  He  was  a man  about  55  years  of  age,  of  small  stature,  gray-haired,  and 
wearing  spectacles.  His  sharp,  intelligent  eyes  showed  the  man  of  culture 
and  shrewdness. 

51  He  organized  his  cabinet  with  the  following  ministers:  Teodoro  Delga- 
dillo, ot  justice  and  religion;  Francisco  Castellon,  of  foreign  affairs  and  pub. 
instruction;  Jos6  Chamorro,  of  pub.  works;  Joaquin  Elizondo,  of  war  and 
marine.  Hie.,  Mem.  Min.  Bel.,  1884,  8;  Pan.  Star  ami  Herald,  Oct.  20,  Dec. 
1,  1882;  March  20,  Apr.  17,  1883. 


4SG 


POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  IN  NICARAGUA. 


The  question  of  reconstructing  the  republic  of  Cen- 
tral America  was  now  being  considered  by  the  five 
governments.68  Nicaragua  was  at  peace  and  progress- 
ing both  morally  and  materially.  It  must  be  con- 
fessed, however,  that  priestcraft  and  bigotry  still 
reigned  almost  supreme.  The  country  had  suffered, 
however,  during  the  last  two  years  from  epidemics 
and  other  causes.59 

On  the  receipt  at  Managua  in  March  1885  of  in- 
formation respecting  the  resolution  of  the  assembly  of 
Guatemala  to  effect  the  reconstruction  of  Central 
America  by  force,  and  the  order  of  President  J.  Rufino 
Barrios,  styling  himself  general-in-chief  of  the  Central 
American  forces,  the  people  became  greatly  excited, 
manifesting  a resolution  to  oppose  Barrios’  schemes 
with  all  their  might.  The  government  entered  into 
an  alliance  offensive  and  defensive  with  Salvador  and 
Costa  Rica  to  provide  for  their  mutual  defence  against 
Barrios,  and  troops  were  organized,  President  Cdr- 
denas  taking  command  of  the  Nicaraguan  forces  in 
the  field,  first  calling  Pedro  Joaquin  Chamorro  to 
temporarily  occupy  the  executive  office.60  Nicaragua 
at  once  despatched  500  men  to  the  aid  of  Salvador, 
and  prepared  500  or  600  more.61  After  the  defeat  and 
death  of  Barrios,  the  scheme  of  forcible  reconstruc- 
tion was  abandoned  by  Guatemala,  and  peace  being 
restored,  Nicaragua  returned  to  her  normal  condition. 
In  the  latter  part  of  1885,  however,  a movement  was 

58  Vicente  Navas,  Enrique  Guzman,  Gilberto  Larios,  and  Ladislao  Argiiello 
were  appointed  to  represent  Nic.  at  the  conference  of  delegates  of  the  live 
republics. 

69  Sinall-pox  and  dysentery  broke  out  in  several  districts,  destroying  many 
lives.  The  town  of  San  Carlos  was  burned  down;  and  the  eruption  of  Ometepo 
volcano  drove  the  inhabitants  of  that  island  from  their  homes.  The  govt 
afforded  relief  to  the  sufferers.  Other  places  have  been  lately  injured  by 
earthquakes.  Jfic.,  Mensaje  Pres.  Cardenas,  Jan.  15,  18S5;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta, 
Feb.  3,  4,  1885. 

60  On  the  13th  and  14th  of  March  they  issued  manifestos  to  Central 
Americans  in  general,  as  well  as  to  their  own  people,  inviting  them  to  resist 
Barrios,  who,  as  they  said,  claiming  to  seek  the  reconstruction  of  the  old 
union,  really  was  bent  on  conquest  for  his  own  aggrandizement.  Costa  R., 
Boletin  Ofic.,  March  13,  23,  29,  Apr.  2,  1885;  U.  S.  Gov.  Dor.,  Sen  Jour., 
1884-5,  5(58-71;  S.  F.  Call,  March  13,  1885;  S.  F.  Chronicle,  March  13,  1885. 

61  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  June  2,  1885. 


DISCOMFITED  REVOLUTIONISTS. 


487 


made  with  the  view  of  overthrowing  Cdrdenas.  A 
party  of  revolutionists,  calling  themselves  liberals, 
landed  atNancital;  but  being  unable  to  effect  their 
purpose,  took  refuge  in  Honduras,  where  they  were 
disarmed.62 

6jThey  fled  in  disorder  on  the  approach  of  govt  troops.  Costa  R.  and 
Hond.  had  placed  forces  on  the  frontiers  to  secure  their  neutrality.  Id.,  Nov. 
4,  8,  10,  Dec.  4,  1885;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Dec.  1885. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  ISTHMUS. 
1S01-1S22. 


Administration  under  Spain — Influence  of  Events  in  Europe  and  Span- 
ish America  on  the  Isthmus — Hostilities  in  Nueva  Granada — Con- 
stitutional Government — General  Hore’s  Measures  to  Hold  the 
Isthmus  for  Spain — MacGregor’s  Insurgent  Expedition  at  Porto- 
bello — Reestablishment  of  the  Constitution — Captain -general 
Murgeon’s  Rule— The  Isthmus  is  Declared  Independent — Its 
Incorporation  with  Colombia — Jos£  Fabrega  in  Temporary  Com- 
mand— Jose  Maria  Carreno  Appointed  Intendente  and  Coman- 
dante  General — Abolition  of  African  Slavery. 


The  intimate  relations  of  tlie  Panama  Isthmus  with 
Central  America,  and  indeed  with  the  whole  Pacific 
coast,  led  me  in  the  first  instance  to  give  its  history; 
and  in  continuation  of  that  purpose,  1 herewith  carry 
on  the  narrative  of  events  in  that  quarter,  although 
in  the  later  political  partition  Panamd  is  not  classed 
among  the  Central  American  states. 

We  have  seen  in  a preceding  volume  how  Panamd, 
formerly  the  entrepot  for  the  trade  of  Spain  with  her 
South  American  colonies  on  the  Pacific,  in  the  course 
of  the  eighteenth  century  descended  from  her  lofty 
position,  and  became  veiled  in  obscurity,  until  the 
name  of  the  once  famous  Castilla  del  Oro  is  well- 
nigh  consigned  to  the  pages  of  modern  mythology. 
The  events  of  the  following  century,  which  so  bene- 
ficially changed  the  political  condition  of  most  of  the 
American  provinces,  only  tended  to  impoverish  the 
Isthmus.  However,  its  important  geographical  posi- 

(488) 


UNDER  THE  VICEROYS 


489 


tion,  making  it  a bridge  between  the  two  great  oceans, 
brought  back  for  a time  the  old  prosperity,  notably  by 
reason  of  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California,  the  build- 
ing of  a railway,  and  the  much-discussed  project  of  an 
interoceanic  ship  canal. 

The  Isthmus  was  enjoying  in  1801  its  usual  tran- 
quillity under  the  rule  of  the  Spanish  viceroy  at  Santa 
Fe  de  Bogota,  Pedro  de  Mendinueta  y Muzquiz,  as 
well  as  under  the  more  immediate  one  of  Brigadier 
Antonio  Narvaez  y la  Torre,  the  governor  and  co- 
mandante  general.  He  was  in  1803  promoted  to  ma- 
riscal  de  campo,  and  relieved  on  the  15th  of  March  the 
same  year,  by  Colonel  Juan  de  Marcos  Urbina,  who  at 
his  death  in  1805  was  succeeded1  by  Brigadier  Juan 
A.  de  la  Mata.  The  latter  is  represented  to  have  been 
a man  of  estimable  character,  and  as  he  was  both  re- 
spected and  liked,  he  found  during  his  term  but  little 
difficulty  to  rule  the  three  provinces  of  Portobello, 
Veragua,  and  Darien,  and  the  partidos  of  Natd  and 
Alange,  into  which  this  region  had  been  divided.2 
Pursuant  to  the  customary  policy  of  Spain,  an  asesor, 
or  legal  adviser,  was  appointed  to  consult  with  him, 
while  the  military  functions  of  the  governor,  in  case 
of  his  being  prevented,  were  assumed  by  another  sub- 
stitute, also  nominated  beforehand,  with  the  title  of 
teniente  de  rey. 

1 Urbina  was  made  a brigadier  a few  months  after  he  became  governor, 
and  died  Feb.  22,  1805,  on  which  day  the  teniente  rey  Mata  took  the  govt. 
Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Oct.  3,  1808. 

2 Each  province  was  ruled  by  a governor  and  comandante  de  armas,  and 
the  partidos  by  alcaldes  mayores,  all  being,  however,  under  the  governor  at 
the  capital,  in  whose  hands  were  the  superior  civil  government,  the  real 
patronato,  and  the  superintendency  of  the  treasury.  Pan.  Docs.,  in  Pan., 
Col.  Docs.,  MS.,  no.  36,  6;  Arosemena,  Apunt.  Hist.,  3-4;  Id.,  in  Pan.  Bol. 
OJtc.,  Feb.  25,  1868;  Arosemena,  Mariano,  Apuntamientos  llist&ricos ccm  relation 
al  lstmo  de  Panama,  Pan.,  1868,  8vo,  48  pp.  The  author,  one  of  the  promi- 
nent citizens  who  took  an  active  part  in  the  affairs  related  by  him,  and  was 
one  of  the  signers  of  the  independence,  kept  a diary  of  events  occurring  on 
the  Isthmus  during  many  years,  and  in  1868,  as  he  tells  us,  purposed  the 
publication  of  his  memoranda  from  1S01  to  1840.  I have  succeeded  in  ob- 
taining a portion  of  his  writings,  and  find  them  important  for  the  period 
embraced.  Mariano  Arosemena  died  at  Panama  on  the  31st  of  May,  186S. 
He  had  several  sons  and  daughters,  one  of  the  former  being  the  distinguished 
Colombian  statesman,  Justo  Arosemena,  who  has  held  high  diplomatic  posi- 
tions in  Europe,  the  United  States,  and  South  American  republics,  besides 
some  of  the  most  important  offices  in  his  own  country. 


490 


INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  ISTHMUS. 


The  judicial  organization  was  equal  to  those  of  other 
Spanish  colonies;  matters  of  little  importance  were 
decided  by  the  ordinary  alcaldes  or  the  city  councils, 
and  only  appeals  were  brought  before  the  courts  of 
Bogotd.3  There  was  also  an  extensive  financial  de- 
partment, comprising  the  custom-houses  of  Porto- 
bello,  Chagres,  and  Panamd,  a general  treasury  with 
its  dependent  offices  and  the  different  administrations 
of  customs  and  monopolies  belonging  to  the  crown. 
Put  their  product  was  not  sufficient  to  cover  the  ex- 
penses of  the  provinces,  with  their  numerous  officials 
and  a permanent  military  force,4  required  as  garrisons 
for  Portobello,  Chagres,  and  Panamd,  all  of  which 
places  were  then  fortified,  and  temporarily  financial 
subventions  from  Peru  became  necessary.  The  reason 
vTas  the  decline  of  commerce  which  involved  a corre- 
sponding neglect  of  husbandry,  and  other  branches, 
agriculture  producing  only  what  was  required  for 
home  consumption.  Stock-raising,  for  which  the  soil 
of  Veragua  was  so  well  adapted,  decreased;  and  min- 
ing in  Portobello  and  Darien  was  scarcely  worthy  of 
mention.  Such  a depressing  state  of  affairs  could  but 
have  a degfeneratiugf  influence  on  the  inhabitants, 
which,  if  not  fostered  by  the  government,  at  least  was 
allowed  to  gm  on  without  an  effort  to  check  it.  Ldu- 

O 

cation  was  at  a low  ebb  everywhere;  in  the  capital 
there  was  one  primary  school  and  a Latin  class. 
Nearly  all  books  not  of  a certain  religious  character5 
were  forbidden,  intercourse  with  foreigners  was  hin- 
dered, and  the  diffusion  of  liberal  ideas  was  effectually 
repressed.  The  facility  of  obtaining  the  few  means  of 

3 Arosemena,  Apunt.,  5;  Bol.  Of.  (1868),  32.  For  the  district  of  Panami 
proper,  there  was,  moreover,  a high  justice,  ‘ justicia  mayor  de  cruces,’  who 
on  entering  the  city  had  power  to  take  cognizance  of  all  affairs  laid  before  the 
alcaldes. 

4 In  addition  to  the  regular  troops  of  one  company  of  artillery  and  one  bat- 
talion of  infantry,  distributed  in  various  places,  there  were  militia  forces  com- 
prising one  battalion  of  white  and  one  of  colored  soldiers  at  Panama,  an  equal 
force  at  Nata,  one  battalion  of  whites  in  Veragua,  and  seven  companies  in 
fan  try  and  artillery  scattered  in  different  places.  Bol.  Of.  (1888),  32. 

5Arosemena,  Apunt.,  10-11,  gives  several  titles  of  such  books,  of  which  as 
specimens  may  be  mentioned  Las  Fdbulas  da  Samaniejo  El  A no  Cristiano, 
El  Semanarw  Santo. 


HAPPY  DAYS. 


491 


suosistence  required  in  such  a climate  contributed  to 
produce  that  state  of  indolence  which  characterized 
the  inhabitants  at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  Most  of  their  time  was  spent  in  bull-fights, 
gambling,  and  religious  performances,  there  being  more 
than  one  hundred  holidays  in  the  year.  The  regular 
clergy,  as  in  other  parts  of  Spanish  America,  had  al- 
ways been  powerful  in  Panamd,,  and  possessed,  not- 
withstanding the  decadence  of  the  country,  a number 
of  establishments  independent  from  those  belonging 
to  the  bishopric.6 

Thus  all  was  lethargy  in  Panamd  while  the  new 
viceroy  of  New  Granada,  Antonio  Amar  y Borbon, 
quietly  assumed  the  government  at  Bogotd.  F ew  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Isthmus  had  a clear  understand- 
ing of  the  political  convulsions  that  had  taken  place 
in  France  and  in  the  United  States.  The  masses 
were  totally  indifferent  to  and  suffered  little  from  the 
policy  of  the  government,  which  carefully  suppressed 
all  information  about  the  countries  where  anti-mo- 
narch ical  principles  prevailed.  The  course  pursued 
by  the  crown  in  this  respect  was  as  fruitless  as  was 
another  effort  made  at  the  time  to  revive  trade  by 
reestablishing  on  January  20,  1803,  the  casa  de  con- 
tratacion  de  Indias.  The  hope  of  Panamd,  again  be- 
coming the  great  entrepot  for  all  ports  on  the  Pacific 
was  not  realized.  Not  a single  vessel  came  from 
Spain  during  the  year;  and  open  trade  with  foreign 
countries  being  unlawful,  smuggling  was  resorted  to 
by  the  merchants  of  Panamd  and  Jamaica,  their 
rendezvous  being  generally  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Chagres,  where  English  vessels  transferred  their  car- 
goes to  small  boats,  which  took  the  goods  on  shore.7 

6 There  was  a college  de  propaganda  fide  of  Franciscans;  convents  of  bare- 
footed Augustinians,  Dominicans,  and  the  order  of  Mercy;  nunneries  of  la 
Concepcion  and  San  Juan  de  Dios;  moreover  a hospital,  and  a charitable  in- 
stitution, dedicated  to  Santo  Tomas  de  Villanueva,  for  poor  women.  Hos- 
pitals belonging  to  the  order  of  San  Juan  de  Dios  existed  likewise  at  Nat;i 
and  Portobello.  Bol.  Of.  (1SG8),  32. 

' The  transportation  into  town  was  effected  at  night,  and  generally  in 
packages,  similar  in  size  and  shape  to  those  used  for  carrying  country  pro- 
ducts to  market.  Arosernena,  Apunt.,  8. 


492 


INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  ISTHMUS. 


This  trade  was  continued,  even  in  1804,  after  Spain 
had  declared  war  against  England,  an  event  which 
otherwise  caused  much  excitement  on  the  Isthmus. 
But  the  people,  instead  of  preparing  for  defence,  con- 
tented themselves  with  invoking  the  Lord  of  hosts 
for  favor  to  the  Spanish  arms,  and  for  relief  of  their 
own  distress,  or  in  other  words,  their  laziness.8 

The  government  and  priesthood,  acting  in  accord, 
thus  kept  most  of  the  population  under  control;  and 
it  was  only  in  1808  that  liberal  ideas  began  to  have 
expression  in  the  province,  and  this  was  due  altogether 
to  foreign  influence.  The  government  of  the  mother 
country,  having  declared  the  American  possessions  to 
be  no  longer  colonies,  but  integral  parts  of  the  mon- 
archy, their  people  having  the  same  rights  as  the 
people  of  Spain9 — although  the  declaration  of  the 
cortes  to  this  effect  was  not  generally  known  or  ap- 
preciated, to  the  intelligent,  its  significance  was  fully 
understood.  The  movements  for  independence  made  in 
other  provinces  could  no  longer  be  concealed  from  the 
people,  and  the  idea  rapidly  gained  ground  that  Span- 
ish domination  of  America  was  approaching  its  end. 
This  greatly  exacerbated  the  ill  feeling  always  exist- 
ing, though  only  to  a limited  extent  on  the  Isthmus, 
between  the  Spaniards  and  the  native  Panamenos.10 

In  connection  with  it,  a system  of  espionage  was 
established  by  the  rulers,  the  discussion  of  politics 
was  discountenanced,  and  the  holding  of  meetings  for- 
bidden. But  this  policy  was  without  effect;  the  lib- 
erty to  trade  with  Jamaica,  granted  in  1809  with  a 
view  to  appease  the  discontent  of  the  Isthmians,  in- 
vigorated not  only  their  commercial  but  also  their 
political  life.11  Newspapers  from  Jamaica  were  occa- 

8 Prompted  by  the  Franciscans,  public  processions  were  held,  at  which 
some  persons  wore  crowns  of  thorns,  others  carried  heavy  crosses  on  their 
shoulders,  or  ropes  round  their  necks,  etc. 

9 Full  particulars  on  this  point  have  been  given  in  connection  with  the 
histories  of  Mexico  arid  Guatemala  for  that  period. 

19  Distinctions  of  classes,  resulting  from  differences  of  color,  were  natural 
enough;  but  the  rivalry  was  now  intense  between  natives  of  Spain,  and 
Americans  of  pure  Spanish  descent. 

“ The  permission  was  granted  by  the  governor  of  Panami,  and  never  re- 


REVOLUTIONARY  WAR. 


493 


sionally  received,  and  the  contract  with  an  enlightened 
people  gave  rise  to  new  ideas. 

In  New  Granada  the  first  resistance  occurred  at 
Cartagena,  where  the  governor,  Francisco  Montes, 
opposed  the  establishment  of  a diputacion  provincial, 
and  assumed  an  attitude  hostile  to  the  liberal  c-abildo. 
He  made  his  report  to  the  viceroy,  but  before  any  re- 
dress could  be  made  he  was  arrested  on  June  14, 
1810,  and  sent  away  to  Habana.12  Hardly  one 
month  later  a similar  movement  broke  out  at  Bo- 
gota, where  several  previous  plans  to  overthrow  the 
viceregal  authority  had  failed;13  but  the  agitation  be- 
ing continued,  on  the  20th  of  July  a trifling  incident14 
sufficed  to  cause  an  outbreak.  Three  days  later  the 
viceroy  was  imprisoned  and  the  government  placed  in 
charge  of  a junta.15  The  revolutionary  movement  in 
Bogota  as  in  Cartagena  did  not  at  the  time  purpose 
to  break  wholly  with  Spain;  its  real  object  was  to 
obtain  an  autonomic  government  without  ignoring  the 
supremacy  of  that  of  the  mother  country.16  It  was 
with  such  intent  that  both  juntas  extended  invitations 
to  all  the  provinces  of  New  Granada  to  meet  in  con- 
gress and  discuss  the  form  of  government  to  be 
adopted.  The  governor  of  Panamd  declined  to  take 
part,  and  endeavored  to  persuade  the  people  of  the 
Isthmus  that  there  was  no  need  for  such  a revolu- 
tion.1' That  the  absence  of  the  Panamehos  from  the 
congress,  which  met  early  in  1811,  had  not  been  of 

yoked  even  though  its  political  influence  became  apparent,  because  of  the 
increase  of  revenue  resulting  from  that  trade.  Bol.  Of.  (ISOS),  72. 

12  A detailed  account  of  the  occurrences  at  Cartagena  is  given  in  Restrepo, 
Hist.  Col.,  ii.  1C5-8. 

13  The  governor  of  Panama  had  hastened  to  send  an  auxiliary  force  of  sev- 
eral hundred  men,  but  it  arrived  too  late.  Arosemcna,  Apwit.,  19. 

14  ‘Una  espresion  indiscreta  que  el  espanol  Don  Jose  Llorente  dijo  a Don 
Francisco  Morales ....  por  la  que  despreciaba  a los  americanos.  ’ Restrepo, 
Hist.  Col.,  ii.  174. 

10  In  August  the  same  junta  obliged  the  viceroy  to  go  to  Cartagena,  and 
thence  to  Spain.  Id.,  191. 

16  Indeed,  the  authority  of  the  Spanish  cortes  was  formally  recognized  by 
the  several  provinces  as  late  as  1811,  and  it  was  only  afterward  that  thoughts 
of  absolute  independence  were  expressed. 

17  The  Spanish  party  ridiculed  the  aspirations  of  the  patriots,  because  of 
certain  dissensions  already  cropping  out  among  them.  Bol.  Ojic.,  1808,  75. 


494 


INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  ISTHMUS. 


their  own  choice,  was  not  a secret  to  that  body;  and 
when  the  fundamental  act  of  the  federation  was  passed, 
it  contained  a clause  binding  all  those  represented  in 
the  congress  to  labor  for  the  freedom  of  the  other 
provinces  which  were  still  under  Spanish  control.18 

It  seemed,  however,  as  if  Panamd  was  more  distant 
than  ever  from  gaining  her  independence.  Early  in 
1812  a new  viceroy,  Benito  Perez,  arrived,  and  being 
unable  to  get  to  Bogotd,  established  his  residence  on 
the  Isthmus,19  where  the  audiencia  and  other  offices 
were  also  established  Thus  Panamd  became  tempo- 
rarily the  capital  of  New  Granada,  an  honor  little 
cherished  at  that  time  by  the  friends  of  independence. 
Perceiving  the  unsafe  condition  of  the  government, 
the  new  viceroy  took  steps  to  increase  his  military 
force.  Upon  his  request,  three  men-of- war  were  sent 
from  Cuba  and  a battalion  of  soldiers  from  Spain, 
part  of  which  reenforcements  were  despatched  to  Santa 
Marta,  then  at  war  with  Cartagena.  The  latter  place 
was  blockaded,  and  being  hard  pressed  for  supplies, 
the  insurgents  despatched  two  commissioners  with  the 
avowed  object  of  treating  with  the  viceroy  for  an  ar- 
mistice. The  project  was  favored  by  the  vice-admiral 
of  the  English  squadron  at  Jamaica,  Charles  Sterling, 
who  guaranteed  the  commissioners  a safe  return. 
They  arrived  at  Panamd  in  October  1812,  and  at  once 
began  pretended  negotiations,  their  real  purpose  being 
to  gain  time  for  the  besieged  town,  obtain  if  possible 
a suspension  of  hostilities,  and  ascertain  the  feeling  of 
the  population.  But  some  correspondence  intercepted 
by  the  governor  of  Santa  Marta,20  and  forwarded  to 
to  Viceroy  Perez,  apprised  the  latter,  who  at  once  had 
the  commissioners  arrested  and  brought  to  trial.  They 

18  • Deben  scr  el  primer  objeto  de  la  defensa  y de  la  tierna  solicitud  del 
congreso . . . redimiendo  las  segundas  de  las  cadenas  que  hoy  las  oprimen.’ 
A rosemena,  Apunt.,  22;  Dol.  Ojic.,  1868,  75. 

19  He  assumed  the  government  at  Portobello,  Feb.  19th,  and  somewhat 
later  transferred  himself  to  Panamd.  Ifcxtrepo,  Hist.  Col.,  viii.  28,  followed  hy 
Perez,  Jeog.,  109. 

20  A letter  from  the  vice-president  of  the  junta  gubemativa  at  Cartagena 
to  Commandant  Rlbon  at  Mompos  let  out  the  object  of  the  mission.  Arose- 
niena,  Apunt.,  24. 


THE  VICEREGAL  PARTY. 


495 


would  have  been  severely  dealt  with  but  for  the  timely 
interference  of  Sterling,  who  energetically  demanded 
their  release,  which  the  viceroy  at  last  acceded  to, 
returning  them  to  Cartagena.  They  had  meantime 
become  satisfied  that  the  intelligent  part  of  the  popu- 
lation strongly  favored  the  emancipation,  and  that  the 
new  governor,  Cdrlos  Meyner,21  could  not  prevent 
any  effort  for  independence.  The  only  opposition  to 
be  feared  would  be  from  the  viceroy  and  the  chief 
officers  of  the  garrison,  most  of  whom  were  loyal  and 
energetic.  But  fortune  seemed  to  smile  on  the  revo- 

O 

lutionary  party;  several  vessels  with  troops  and  mili- 
tary supplies  despatched  by  Perez  to  the  relief  of 
Santa  Marta,  then  beseiged  by  the  insurgents,  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  latter,  and  the  viceroy  himself 
was  removed  from  his  position  by  the  government  in 
Spain.22  His  successor  was  the  mariscal  de  campo, 
Francisco  Montalvo,  who  with  some  reenforcements 
Furnished  by  the  governmnent  of  Cuba  proceeded  from 
Habana  directly  to  Santa  Marta,  where  he  arrived  in 
May  1813,  and  forthwith  began  to  push  the  military 
operations  against  the  revolutionists  of  Cartagena. 

The  natives  of  Panamd  rejoiced  on  hearing  of  the 
establishment  of  the  viceregal  seat  at  Santa  Marta, 
and  for  obvious  reasons.  The  danger  was  removed 
that  Panaind  might  become  the  theatre  of  a bloody 
war,  and  on  the  other  hand,  there  would  be  less  diffi- 
culty in  working  for  the  emancipation  of  the  province. 
The  cause  of  independence  gained  more  and  more 
sympathy;  and  when  toward  the  close  of  1813  it  was 
proposed  to  form  a confederation,  comprising  New 
Granada,  Quito,  Venezuela,  and  Tierra  Firme,  the 
idea  was  eagerly  embraced  by  the  patriotic  party  on 
the  Isthmus.  The  friends  of  independence  gradually 
became  bolder;  they  openly  manifested  their  dislike 

21  Gov.  Mata  had  died  in  1S12,  soon  after  his  promotion  to  mariscal  de 
campo.  He  was  succeeded  by  Brigadier  Victor  Salcedo,  who  ruled  only  a 
few  days. 

22  The  cause  was  dissatisfaction  of  the  regency  at  Cadiz  because  he  had 
remained  in  Panama  instead  of  selecting  some  other  place  from  which  he 
might  have  reached  Bogota. 


496 


INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  ISTHMUS. 


of  Spanish  rule  at  parties  and  in  public  songs,  and 
induced  the  cabildo  to  demand  and  obtain  from  the 
government  at  C&diz  the  removal  of  the  bishop,23  and 
the  transfer  of  the  officials  of  the  audencia,  then  in 
Panama,  to  other  places.  But  the  latter  met  with 
opposition  from  the  senior  oidor,  Joaquin  Carrion,  who 
well  understood  the  workings  of  the  patriotic  party, 
and  disregarding  the  protestations  of  the  city  council, 
continued  alone  to  exercise  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
audiencia  till  1816.  Strange  though  it  may  appear, 
and  perhaps  owing  to  the  listlessness  Panama  had 
thus  far  exhibited,  when  revolution  prevailed  every- 
where else,  the  city  came  to  be  looked  upon  by  the 
government  in  Spain  as  most  loyal;  whereupon  the 
cortes  resolved  to  reward  it,  establishing  there  a dipu- 
tacion  provincial,24  which  did  not  then  come  to  pass, 
for  only  one  month  later  King  Fernando  suppressed 
all  such  bodies,  together  with  the  constitution  o£ 
18 12. 25 

Unwilling  to  relinquish  her  hold  on  the  American 
colonies,  Spain,  early  in  1815,  fitted  out  an  expedition 
comprising  sixty-five  large  and  several  smaller  trans- 
port vessels,  convoyed  by  the  line-of-battle  ship  San 
Pedro  Alcantara  of  seventy-four  guns  and  several  frig- 
ates; the  total  number  of  sailors,  soldiers,  and  marines 
being  15, 000, 26  all  well  provided  with  artillery  and 
supplies,  the  soldiers  being  veterans  of  the  war  against 
Napoleon’s  army. 

The  original  plan  had  been  to  send  both  fleet  and 


23  1 Arrancd  el  ayuntamiento  de  Panama  con  insidiosos  manejos  del  gobier- 
no  de  Cadiz  el  decreto  de  que  fuese  el  R.  Obispo  removido  de  su  silla.  Torrente, 
Hist.  Rev.,  ii.  69.  The  name  of  the  bishop  was  Joaquin  Gonzalez,  who  died 
in  July  1813.  His  successor  was  Jose  Hijinio  Duran  y Martel,  mentioned 
as  bishop  for  the  first  time  in  1814,  who  was  one  of  the  signers  of  the  inde- 
pendence— Bol.  Of.  (1868),  88 — and  still  in  office  in  1821.  See  also  Pan.  Col. 
Doc.,  no.  125,  MS. 

24  Other  distinctions,  among  which  an  addition  to  the  coat  of  arms,  were 
also  resolved  in  the  same  session.  C6rtes,  Actas  Ord.  (1814),  ii.  206. 

23  His  decree  of  May  4,  1814,  was  carried  out  on  the  Isthmus  in  August 
of  the  same  year.  Pan.,  Doc.  Hist.,  in  Pan.,  Col.  Doc.,  no.  36,  MS.,  8-19. 

26  Bustamante,  Cwul.  Hist.,  iv.  161-3,  gives  the  number  as  10,473,  which 
agrees  with  the  figures  given  by  Restrepo,  Ihut.  Col.,  vi.  49;  but  this  author- 
ity refers  only  to  the  troops. 


GOVERNOR  HORE. 


497 


army  to  Montevideo,  but  subsequently  it  was  consid- 
ered more  urgent  to  regain  possession  of  Venezuela 
and  New  Granada,  and  to  strengthen  the  forces  on 
the  Isthmus.27  The  general-in-chief  was  Marisctd  de 
campo  Pablo  Morillo,  a brave  man  of  firm  character, 
who,  in  nine  years,  had  risen  from  sergeant  to  gen- 
eral. Soon  afterward  more  forces  were  sent  out  from 
Spain  to  cooperate  with  those  of  Morillo,  after  which 
they  were  to  be  stationed  at  Panamd.  Their  com- 
mander, Alejandro  de  Hore,  was  appointed  governor. 
Military  supplies  were  also  sent  to  equip  troops  for  a 
campaign  in  Peru.  The  expectations  of  the  Isthmi- 
ans were  now  almost  beyond  the  possibility  of  realiza- 
tion. It  made  but  little  difference  that  a part  of 
Hore’s  force  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  insurgents  of 
Cartagena,28  and  that  Hore  himself  barely  escaped 
with  the  auxiliaries  that  Morillo  could  furnish  almost 
at  any  time;  he  was  always  able  to  maintain  the  Span- 
ish regime  on  the  Isthmus.  No  sooner,  indeed,  had  he 
arrived  at  Panama  and  established  the  government 
on  a military  basis,29  than  he  displayed  his  harsh,  de- 
spotic character.30  An  extensive  system  of  espionage 
was  organized,  and  it  is  said  that  Hore  treated  the 
members  of  the  patriotic  party  “according  to  their 
proclivities  for  independence,  always  availing  himself 
of  some  false  pretext  to  strike.”  Much  as  the  Isth- 
mians suffered  under  his  iron  rule,  their  anxiety  be- 
came greater  when  it  was  said  that  Morillo  was  on 

2:  This  was  the  principal  object;  ‘ asegurar  este  isttno  en  sugecion  perpetua 
a la  Espafia,  fuera  cual  fuese  el  ecsito  liual  de  la  guerra  de  la  indepeudeueia 
<le  las  colonias  de  S.  M.  C.  en  el  Nuevo  Mundo;’  which  is  confirmed  by  the 
words  of  the  royal  order  of  May  9,  IS  1 5,  speaking  of  the  expedition  as  made 
in  view  of  ‘ la  importancia  de  poner  en  el  respetable  pie  de  defensa  que  con- 
viene,  al  Istmo  de  Panama,  Have  de  ambas  Americas.’  Arosemena,  Apunt., 
29-30. 

J'  The  vessel  carrying  Hore  and  part  of  his  force  was  captured  near  Car- 
tagena by  two  small  ships  belonging  to  the  revolutionists.  Restrepo,  Hist.  Col., 
vi.  93-0;  Torrente,  Hist.  Rev.,  ii.  178-9. 

,Jlt  had  been  held  ad  interim  by  Juan  Domingo  Iturralde,  Arosemena, 
Apunt.,  30-1,  who  was  the  governor  of  Veragua  and  adjoining  districts. 
Pan.,  Doc.  Hist.,  in  Pan.,  Col.  Doc.,  no.  36,  MS.,  8. 

"’Arosemena,  Api/nt.,  31,  speaks  of  his  ‘detestacion  de  los  principios  de 
gobierno  representative,  ’ and  says  on  page  42  that  he  was  the  man  employed 
by  Feruando  VII.  to  dissolve  in  1814  the  Spanish  cortes. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  32 


408 


INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  ISTHMUS. 


his  way  to  Panama  to  place  the  city  in  a state  of 
defence;  fortunately  it  proved  to  be  a false  alarm. 

Hore  was  a partisan  of  absolute  authority;  but 
when  it  suited  his  purposes  he  would  support  liberal 
ideas  and  policies.  Thus  we  see  him  cooperating 
with  the  people  of  Panamd  in  opposing  the  reinstate- 
ment of  the  jesuits.31  He  did  not  like  priestly  inter- 
ference in  state  affairs.  The  governor  also  manifested 
a strong  inclination  to  foster  trade  with  foreigners, 
and  it  is  said  that  he  never  refused  to  honor,  with  his 
acceptance,  such  gifts  as  the  smugglers  awarded  him. 

Early  in  1819,  news  arrived  that  a formidable  ex- 
pedition had  been  prepared  in  England  by  friends  of 
the  insurgent  cause,  and  was  on  its  way  to  America, 
intended  to  wrest  the  Isthmus  from  Spanish  domina- 
tion. The  rumor  proved  well  founded.  A former 
officer  of  the  revolutionists,  one  Gregor  MacGregor, 
together  with  Josd  Marfa  del  Real,  the  agent  in  Lon- 
don of  the  “United  Provinces  of  New  Granada,”  had, 
with  the  aid  of  some  English  merchants,  fitted  out  an 
expedition,32  which,  consisting  of  three  ships,  carrying 
417  fiffhtinn  men,  sailed  from  Gravesend  on  the  18th 
of  December,  1818,  and  in  the  following  February  cast 
anchor  off  Aux  Cayes  in  Hayti.  Here  they  were 
joined  by  two  other  vessels,  and  together  they  contin- 
ued the  voyage  to  San  Andres,  the  rendezvous,  of 
which,  on  the  4th  of  April,  1819,  they  took  formal 
possession  in  the  name  of  the  United  Provinces.  Four 
days  after,  the  squadron  appeared  off  Portobello  and 
captured  the  place,  meeting  with  scarcely  any  resist- 
ance. Governor  Hore  had  expected  the  landing  at 
Chagres,  and  made  preparation  to  meet  the  invaders.33 

31  The  king  had  decreed  the  reestablishment  of  the  order  in  Spanish  Amer- 
ica, but  it  was  not  carried  out  on  the  Isthmus,  there  being  no  members  of 
the  society  here,  nor  any  one  willing  to  join  it.  ‘Audabamos  ya  algo  des- 
preocupados,’  says  an  authority.  The  society  was  already  looked  on  as  an 
agent  of  despotism  and  perpetual  state  of  vassalage.  Bol.  Ofic.,  1868,  112. 

32  ‘Prometidndoles  ganancias  enormes,  pero  propias  de  las  circunstancias.  ’ 
Restrepo,  Hist.  Col.,  vii.  168. 

33  While  the  assailants  had  all  their  attention  centred  on  Portobello,  a 
Spanish  vessel,  with  $70,000  on  board,  passed  the  port  unperceived.  Weath- 
er head's  Darien,  29. 


ENGLISH  EXPEDITION. 


499 


Most  of  the  troops  were  forthwith  landed,  and  the 
town  having  been  almost  entirely  deserted,  the  sol- 
diers found  ready  quarters,  and  garrisons  were  placed 
in  the  forts,  and  the  batteries  were  manned.  Mac- 
Gregor issued  a high-sounding  bulletin,  in  which  he 
set  forth  that  “the  first  division  of  the  army  of  New 
Granada  had  won  immarcescible  glory.”  Detachnlents 
were  sent  out  to  reconnoitre,  and  no  hostile  force  be- 
ing discovered,  the  march  to  Chagres  and  Panama 
was  spoken  of  as  if  neither  nature  nor  the  Spaniards 
would  offer  any  obstacles.34  Two  exiles  from  New 
Granada,  Jose  Elias  Lopez  and  Joaquin  Vargas  Besga, 
who  had  accompanied  the  expedition,  were  made  gov- 
ernor and  vice-governor  respectively.  After  a te 
deum,  and  a few  days  time,  the  inhabitants  of  the  town 
who  had  returned  to  their  homes  were  harangued  to 
induce  them  to  take  up  arms  against  the  Spanish 
yoke.  About  100  men,  mostly  colored,  responded 
to  the  appeal  and  enlisted,  forming  the  nucleus  of  a 
regiment  called  America  Libre,  which,  under  the 
command  of  some  foreign  officers,  was  to  be  the  ad- 
vanced guard  on  the  march  to  Panannl.  The  scheme 
proved  a failure,  for  soon  these  same  free  Americans 
disbanded  or  deserted,  most  of  them  joining  the  enemy. 

The  condition  and  general  discipline  of  the  invading 
force  were  far  from  satisfactory.  The  men  clamored 
for  their  pay,  and  there  being  no  money  in  the  mili- 
tary chest,  the  people  were  called  upon  to  furnish 
funds,  which  caused  them  to  again  leave  the  place. 
Sickness  also  broke  out  among  the  troops,  several  of 
the  officers  and  men  becoming  victims  of  the  climate. 
Discipline  was  neglected,  and  all  semblance  of  order 
disappeared.  The  soldiers  sold  their  ammunition  and 
effects  for  liquor.35  This  same  carelessness  prevailed 


34  MacGregor  had  probably  never  read  the  adventures  of  Vasco  Nunez  de 
Balboa. 

30  Weatlierhead,  Darien,  43,  says  that  Spanish  officers  in  disguise  fearlessly 
walked  the  streets,  and  entered  the  fort  to  drink  with  the  men.  They  had 
passports  issued  by  the  former  alcalde,  who  had  returned  after  the  occupation 
of  the  city,  and  in  whom  MacGregor  foolishly  placed  confidence. 


500 


INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  ISTHMUS. 


even  when  toward  the  end  of  April  news  came  of  the 
near  approach  of  Spanish  forces  from  Panamd.  It 
seems  that  as  soon  as  Hore  heard  of  the  loss  of  Porto- 
bello  he  concentrated  his  forces,  and  with  about  500 
men  marched  across  the  Isthmus,  bent  upon  expelling 
the  invaders.  Taking  a route  different  from  the  usual 
one,  and  favored  by  the  carelessness  of  the  English 
and  the  thick  forests  surrounding  Portobello,  Hore 
arrived  near  the  town  unperceived  on  the  29th  of 
April. 

On  the  same  day  a vessel  with  supplies  and  provis- 
ions for  the  invaders  had  arrived  from  Jamaica,  an 
event  which  wasgayly  celebrated  in  the  town.  In  the 
evening  the  alcalde  and  some  priests  took  part  in  the 
carousals,  which  were  kept  up  to  a late  hour,  with  a 
complete  neglect  of  duty  on  the  part  of  the  officers. 
At  six  o’clock  next  morning  one  division  of  Hore’s 
troops,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant-colonel  Jose 
de  Santa  Cruz,  surprised  the  soldiers  and  took  the  town, 
killing  all  who  came  in  their  way.  Among  the  slain 
were  the  newly  appointed  governor,  Lopez,  and  many 
of  the  officers,  who  perished  either  at  their  quarters 
or  while  attempting  to  reach  the  fort.  MacGregor 
leaped  over  the  balcony  of  the  government  house,  ran 
to  the  beach,  and  thence  swam  to  one  of  his  vessels. 
Unsuccessful  attacks  were  made  on  the  forts,  though 
the  beseiged  were  unable  to  use  the  unwieldy  guns, 
unsupported  as  they  were  by  the  vessels,  which  made 
no  preparation  to  aid  them.  The  Spaniards  were  not 
disposed  to  storm  the  forts,  but  knowing  that  the  gar- 
risons had  suffered  severely,  they  demanded  their  sur- 
render. This  was  refused;  and  notwithstanding  the 
cowardly  conduct  of  some  of  the  officers,  the  negotia- 
tions might  have  been  broken  off,  but  the  soldiers 
declined  further  to  fight.  A capitulation  was  then 
entered  into,  under  which  the  invaders,  after  deliver- 
ing up  their  arms,  were  to  retain  their  baggage  and 
reembark  to  go  whither  they  chose.  At  this  juncture, 
orders  came  from  MacGregor  not  to  surrender,  giving 


FAILURE  OF  THE  EXPEDITION. 


501 


assurance  that  the  ships  would  soon  be  ready  to  open 
upon  the  Spaniards.  But  the  surrender  had  already 
been  made,  and  the  men,  about  340  in  all,  had  been  dis- 
armed and  marched  to  the  main  plaza,  where,  instead 
of  being  permitted  to  go  their  way,  they  were  declared 
prisoners,  to  be  conveyed  as  convicts  to  Panama.38  On 
learning  the  result,  the  gallant  MacGregor,  from  whose 
coming  the  New  Granadinos  had  expected  so  much 
put  to  sea,  leaving  his  companions  to  their  fate.3' 

The  matter  did  not  end  at  Portobello,  however. 
Hore  despatched  his  prisoners  to  Panama  on  the  2d 
of  May,  and  reported  his  achievement  to  Viceroy  Sa- 
niano,  who  commanded  that  the  prisoners,  none  ex- 
cepted, should  be  shot.38  But  for  some  reason  Hore 
did  not  carry  out  the  order.  The  prisoners  were,  nev- 
ertheless, subjected  to  cruel  treatment,  being  kept  in 
chain-gangs  at  work  on  the  fortifications,  roads,  and 
streets,  which,  added  to  the  ravages  of  the  deadly 
climate,  soon  reduced  their  numbers.  Several  of  the 
officers  were  shot  afterward  at  Cana  in  Darien  on  the 
pretext  of  their  having  attempted  to  escape.39  When 
after  seventeen  months  of  suffering  the  release  of  the 
survivors  was  ordered  on  September  20,  1820,  only 
121  remained,40  who  were  at  an  early  day  taken  to 
Chagres,  whence  they  embarked  for  Jamaica. 

36  Such  is  Weatherhead’s  version.  Darien,  57-62.  Hore  denied  having 
agreed  to  the  capitulation,  adding  that  he  regarded  the  men  as  bandits;  and 
had  demanded  their  surrender  at  discretion.  Restrepo,  giving  no  credence  to 
Hore’s  assertion,  declares  his  proceeding  ‘ accion  vil,  digna  de  los  gefes  espa- 
uoles  de  America.’  Arosemena  says:  ‘Bajo  capitulacion,  6 sin  ella,  piles  esto 
no  es  del  todo  conocido,  se  rindieron.’  Apunt.,  3S-9.  Santa  Cruz,  who  was 
made  governor  of  Portobello,  shortly  after  Hore  went  to  Panama  captured 
two  vessels  which  had  on  board  about  100  men  brought  from  England  to  re- 
enforce MacGregor;  but  it  is  unknown  what  became  of  the  prisoners.  Res- 
trepo, Hist.  Col.,  vii.  173-4,  176. 

3‘  ‘ Termino  por  la  ineptitud  del  gefe  esta  espedicion  que  hizo  mucho  ruido, ’ 
observes  Restrepo,  Hist.  Col.,  vii.  175.  Weatherhead,  Darien,  63-7,  though 
admitting  the  general's  incompetency,  tries  to  apologize  for  his  behavior. 

38 This  was  pursuant  to  general  orders  from  the  king.  The  same  treat- 
ment was  to  be  awarded  to  persons  captured  under  similar  circumstances, 

‘ sin  dar  cuenta,  ni  consultar  a esta  superioridad  hasta  despues  de  haberlo 
verificado.’  Doc.,  in  Detrespo,  Hist.  Col.,  x.  190. 

39  Weatherhead,  Darien,  96,  speaks  of  14,  while  Restrepo,  Hist.  Col.,  vii. 
177-8,  mentions  only  10. 

J0  Restrepo  says  that  only  40  had  survived,  while  Weatherhead  gives  the 
figures  as  in  the  text.  I have  in  most  cases  preferred  to  follow  the  latter 


502 


INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  ISTHMUS. 


Important  events  had  meantime  taken  place  in 
Spain,  by  which  constitutional  regime  was  restored. 
A change  in  the  government  of  the  Isthmus  soon  fol- 
lowed, the  people  for  the  first  time  being  called  upon 
to  exercise  the  right  of  suffrage.41  The  newly  organ- 
ized ayuntamiento42  was  composed  of  men  well  dis- 
posed toward  independence.  The  change  of  system 
curtailing  Hore’s  powers  so  preyed  upon  his  mind  that 
he  died.43  This  was  a serious  loss  to  the  Spanish 
cause,  whose  interests  the  deceased  had  ever  been 
ready  to  uphold  by  fair  or  foul  means. 

Brigadier  Pedro  Buiz  de  Porras,  who  succeeded 
Hore  in  the  military  command,  if  not  a partisan  of  in- 
dependence, was  a friend  of  constitutional  government. 
The  civil  governor,  or  gefe  politico,  Pedro  Aguilar, 
showed  so  much  indifference  that  little  opposition  was 
feared  from  him.  The  new  cabildo  demanded  the  in- 
stallation of  a diputacion  provincial,  the  election  of  a 
deputy  to  the  Spanish  cortes,  and  other  measures 
provided  for  in  the  national  constitution.44  These  de- 
mands were  not,  however,  complied  with.  The  inde- 
pendent party  saw  the  necessity  of  close  relations  with 
their  friends  outside  of  Panamd,  and  developed  them, 
without  disregarding  the  precautions  demanded  by  the 


authority  in  his  An  A ccomit  of  the  Late  Expedition  against  the  Isthmus  of  Darien, 
London,  1821,  pp.  134,  map,  by  W.  D.  Weatherhead,  as  the  work  was  written 
under  the  fresh  impression  of  the  events  described,  and  by  one  whose  position 
and  participation  in  the  expedition  as  a surgeon  enabled  him  to  obtain  the 
most  reliable  information.  This  is  furnished,  together  with  such  other  his- 
torical data  as  the  author,  by  means  of  slight  investigation,  could  procure  in 
addition  to  the  narrative  of  the  expedition  and  descriptions  of  different 
places  on  the  Isthmus.  Appended  is  professional  information  on  diseases, 
climates,  and  state  of  medical  science  in  the  province  of  Tierra  Firme. 

41  The  constitution  of  the  Spanish  monarchy  was  published  on  the  Isthmus 
about  May  1821.  Its  publication  in  Alange  took  place  in  that  month.  Pan., 
Doc.  Hist.,  in  Pan.,  Col.  Doc.,  MS.,  no.  36,  fol.  26. 

43  Alcaldes — Luis  Laso  de  la  Vega,  and  Mariano  Arosemena.  Regidores — 
Manuel  de  Arce  Delgado,  Juan  Manuel  Berguido,  Pedro  Jimenez,  Carlos 
Icaza,  Juan  Jose  Calvo,  RemigioLaso,  Jose  Pablo  Jimenez,  and  Tadeo  Perez. 
Secretary — Manuel  Maria  Ayala.  Arosemena,  A punt,.,  41-2. 

43  He  died  July  8,  1820.  Arosemeno,  Apunt.,  42,  places  the  death  in  Aug. 
Another  trouble  was  his  inability  to  pay  the  soldiers,  who  clamored  for  their 
dues.  Weatherhead' 8 Darien,  116  17. 

44  The  application  of  municipal  revenue  to  local  purposes;  and  that  the 
police  be  composed  of  citizens  under  the  control  of  the  cabildo;  the  military 
patrols  should  be  discontinued. 


COMING  OF  S^MANO. 


503 


presence  of  a strong  hostile  garrison  in  their  midst. 
They  were  now  greatly  hindered  by  the  sudden  appear- 
ance in  Panamd,  of  Viceroy  Sarnano,  who  came  by  way 
of  Jamaica.  His  object  wTas  to  establish  his  govern- 
ment on  the  Isthmus,  which  the  cabildo  and  constitu- 
tionalists opposed  on  the  ground  of  his  having  forfeited 
the  viceregal  office  by  a refusal  to  take  the  oath  to 
support  the  constitution.  He  had  been  detained  sev- 
eral days  at  Las  Cruces,  but  the  military  party  proved 
the  stronger,  and  admitted  him  into  the  city.  His 
coming  caused  general  uneasiness,45  as  he  was  known 
to  be  a man  of  bad  temper.  However,  as  he  met 
with  no  further  opposition,  and  as  his  health  was  pre- 
carious, he  limited  himself  to  levying  a forced  loan.46 

Free  ideas  had,  however,  gained  too  strong  a hold 
to  be  easily  suppressed  by  the  mere  opposition  of  the 
ruler,  and  when  in  1821  a new  city  council  was 
elected,  the  members47  were  again  liberal-minded  men. 
They  repeated  the  demand  for  the  establishment  of  a 
diputacion  provincial,  and  for  the  election  of  a deputy 
to  the  Spanish  cortes;  but  the  viceroy  only  returned 
evasive  answers.  Fortunately,  the  province  was  soon 
relieved  of  him,  by  his  death,  on  the  3d  of  August, 
1821. 48  Then  the  press  resumed  a bold  tone,  and 
hopes  were  revived  in  political  circles.  Soon  after 
came  to  succeed  Samano,  the  mariscal  de  campo  Juan 
de  la  Cruz  Mourgeon.49  He  had  been  appointed  as 
captain-general  of  New  Granada  only,  with  the  prom- 
ise of  the  office  of  viceroy  when  he  should  have 
reconquered  two  thirds  of  New  Granada.50 

Mourgeon  brought  from  Spain  some  troops,  adding 
to  their  number  at  Puerto  Cabello  in  Venezuela.  His 
rule  was  based  on  principles  entirely  opposite  to  those 

4 ’ Many  families  abandoned  the  city  to  escape  his  persecutions. 

4,1  His  influence  was  to  be  seen,  nevertheless,  in  the  low  tone  of  the  press, 
and  in  the  discontinuance  of  political  meetings. 

41  Their  names  are  given  in  Bol.  Of.  (1809),  31. 

48  Restrepo,  l hat.  Col.,  viii.  *28;  Arosemena,  Apunt.,  47. 

49  Perez,  Jeoy.,  110,  calls  him  Murjea. 

60  His  arrival  at  Chagres  is  set  down  by  Arosemena,  Apunt.,  47-8,  on  the 
2d  of  Aug.,  1821;  others  place  him  in  Panama,  on  the  17th.  Reatrepo,  Hist. 
Col.,  viii.  29;  Perez,  Jeoy.,  110. 


504 


INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  ISTHMUS. 


of  his  predecessor,  namely,  on  the  constitution  and 
the  new  organic  laws  of  the  monarchy.  Members 
for  the  diputacion  provincial  and  a deputy  to  the 
Spanish  cortes  were  elected,  and  the  former  was 
installed  amidst  the  usual  demonstrations.  This  lib- 
eral policy  permeated  his  whole  administration;  the 
press  was  protected,  patriotic  societies  were  formed, 
and  to  strengthen  the  ties  between  Spaniards  and 
Americans  a masonic  lodge  was  founded,  and  offices 
of  trust  and  honor  were  bestowed  on  men  from  both 
branches.  Every  effort  was  made  by  the  new  ruler 
to  do  away  with  the  old  rivalry.  But  it  all  came  too 
late.  The  idea  of  independence  had  become  deepl}r 
rooted,  and  could  not  be  affected  by  the  new  policy, 
the  duration  of  which  was  also  uncertain.  The  na- 
tives of  the  Isthmus  exhibited  a remarkable  circum- 
spection, which  deluded  the  captain-general  and  the 
Spaniards.  Mourgeon  felt  confident  of  Panama’s 
loyalty,  and  still  more  so  after  Jose  de  Fabrega,  a 
native  of  the  Isthmus,  was  appointed  temporary  co- 
mandante  of  Tierra  Firme;51  and  began  to  think  of 
securing  his  promised  viceregal  office  by  the  recon- 
quest of  Quito  or  Ecuador.  He  accordingly  set 
himself  to  make  preparations  for  that  underaking; 
but  the  impoverished  condition  of  Isthmian  finances 
greatly  hampered  him.  Nevertheless,  though  with 
the  utmost  difficulty,52  he  fitted  out  a squadron,  com- 
posed of  the  corvette  Alejandro,  and  three  schooners, 
on  which  he  embarked  two  battalions  of  infantry,  two 
dismounted  squadrons  of  cavalry,  and  some  artillery- 
men ; and  assuming  personal  command  of  the  force, 
set  sail  on  the  2 2d  of  October,  1821. 53 

This  was  the  most  propitious  opportunity  the  friends 

51  Porras  had  been  transferred  to  Yucatan,  and  his  successor,  Brigadier 
Tomds  Cires,  had  been  detained  at  Puerto  Cabello.  Arosemena,  A punt.,  48. 
Fabrega  was  the  governor  of  V eragua  and  adjoining  districts.  Pan. , Doc.  Hist. , 
in  Pan.,  Col.  Doc.,  MS.,  no.  36,  25. 

52  The  church  lent  him  some  money,  and  he  obtained  §20,000  more  from 
the  sale  of  armament  to  Peru.  Bol.  Ofic.,  1869,  31. 

53  Mourgeon  had  the  idea  of  taking  with  him  some  persons  whom  he  sus- 
pected of  disloyalty,  but  desisted.  Arosemena,  A punt.,  48. 


SUB  REVOLUTION. 


505 


of  independence  could  hope  for,  and  they  lost  no  time 
in  availing  themselves  of  it.  Secret  meetings  were 
held,  at  which  they  matured  their  plans.  While  thus 
engaged  at  Panamd,  a revolutionary  movement  broke 
out  in  the  villa  de  Los  Santos,  which,  not  being  the 
result  of  any  preconcerted  plan,  caused  the  greatest 
alarm  at  the  capital.  The  outbreak  had  been,  indeed, 
one  which  merely  proclaimed  independence,  without 
pretending  to  establish  any  form  of  government.54 
The  governor,  local  authorities,  and  other  prominent 
officials,  after  a hasty  consultation,  resolved  upon 
gentle  means  to  quell  the  disturbance,  and  commis- 
sioners were  despatched  at  once  to  Los  Santos  to 
restore  peace  if  possible.55  But  the  more  impatient 
among  the  friends  of  independence  hoped  that  their 
mission  would  fail,  and  that  the  spirit  of  sedition, 
known  to  exist  throughout  the  Isthmus,  would  boldly 
assert  itself  as  soon  as  the  capital  should  give  the 
signal.  But  this  signal  could  not  as  yet  be  given. 
Both  the  cabildo  and  diputacion  countenanced  the 
revolution,  and  it  was  believed  that  Fabrega  would 
not  oppose  a movement  to  free  his  own  country;  but 
resistance  was  certain  from  the  troops  of  the  garrison. 
Any  sudden  insurrection  would,  therefore,  be  untimely, 
and  probably  end  in  disaster. 

New  plans  were  devised,  and  it  was  finally  resolved 
to  undermine  the  military  power  by  encouraging 
desertions,56  and  at  the  same  time  to  spread  among  the 
masses  the  scheme  of  independence.  Four  prominent 
citizens57  undertook  the  first  task,  to  facilitate  which 
a fund  was  raised,  and  were  very  successful.  Deser- 
tions became  frequent,  and  their  number  increased 
from  day  to  day,  till  the  government  began  to  suspect 

54  ‘No  cleclararon  el  gobierno  que  sedaban,  ni  cosa  alguna  sobre  los  nego- 
cios  de  la  transformacion  politica:  novieios,  se  contentaron  eon  llamarse  inde- 
pendientes.  ’ Bol.  Ofic.,  1869,  81. 

55  The  commissioners  were  Jose  Maria  Chiari  and  Juan  de  la  Cruz  Perez. 

66Mollien,  Colombie,  ii.  140-1,  asserts  that  the  officers  were  induced  to 

desert,  partly  by  threats,  and  partly  by  paying  them  two  months’  arrears 
due  them  by  the  government. 

o:  Bias,  Mariano,  and  Caspar  Aroseinena,  and  Jose  Maria  Barrientos. 


50G 


INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  ISTHMUS. 


the  cause,  hut  the  independent  agents  were  reticent. 
Measures  were  adopted  which  only  partially  succeeded 
in  checking  desertions.  The  garrison  was  soon  so 
reduced  that  there  were  hardly  men  enough  to  guard 
the  jail,  hospital,  and  powder  magazine.  In  the  night 
of  November  27,  1821,  sixty  soldiers  disappeared, 
together  with  their  muskets. The  government  now 
became  convinced  that  a revolution  was  impending, 
and  took  measures  to  resist  it.  The  few  remaining 
troops  were  distributed  in  the  most  convenient  places, 
and  artillery  was  placed  at  street-crossings. 

The  day  so  anxiously  waited  for,  the  memorable 
day  in  the  history  of  the  Isthmus,  came  at  last.  On 
the  28th  of  November,  1821,  at  the  call  of  a number 
of  citizens,  the  ayuntamiento  held  a session,  and  the 
governor,  diputacion  provincial,  bishop,  and  other  chief 
officials  were  invited  to  take  part  in  their  deliberations. 
The  meeting  was  held  with  open  doors;  people  might 
come  and  go  as  they  chose.  The  question  was,  Should 
or  should  not  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  declare  its  in- 
dependence from  Spain?  A motion  to  that  end  met 
with  approval.09 

The  next  subject  discussed  was  the  form  of  govern- 
ment to  be  adopted,  which  resulted  in  a voluntary 
annexation  to  the  republic  of  Colombia,60  to  whose 
general  congress  the  Isthmus  was  to  accredit  a deputy. 
Other  resolutions  were  passed  concerning  the  military 
force  in  the  state,61  and  the  organization  of  a new 
government,  which  was  intrusted  to  the  former  gov- 
ernor, Jose  de  Fdbrega,  who  now  assumed  the  title, 

58  The  deserters  became  so  many  recruits  for  an  independent  army. 

59  ‘ Panama,  espontaneamente,  y conforme  al  voto  general  de  los  pueblos  de 
su  comprension,  se  declara  libre  e independiente  del  Gobieruo  espanol.  ’ Bol. 
Ofic.,  1869,  32.  The  anniversary  of  the  independence  has  been  ever  since 
celebrated  with  due  honors  on  the  28th  of  November. 

68  Some  had  favored  absolute  independence,  and  others  union  with  Peru. 

61  The  military  were  left  free  to  stay  or  leave  the  Isthmus.  In  the  latter 
event  they  would  be  furnished  means  to  go  to  Cuba,  provided  they  pledged 
themselves  not  to  use  arms  against  the  independent  states  of  America.  Simi- 
lar provisions  were  made  for  soldiers  and  officers  detained  by  sickness.  An- 
other document  speaks  only  of  defraying  the  expenses  to  Chagres  or  Porto- 
bello,  the  transfer  to  be  made  as  soon  as  the  forts  there  surrendered.  Pan. 
Doc. 


DECLARATION  AND  REORGANIZATION. 


507 


Jefe  Superior  del  Istmo.  All  the  civil,  municipal, 
and  ecclesiastical  authorities  were  to  continue  in  office, 
and  in  the  same  manner  the  existing  laws  were  to 
remain  in  force,  when  not  conflicting  with  the  inde- 
pendence, and  until  a new  code  could  be  framed. 
Fabrega  was  directed  to  adopt  measures  for  preserv- 
ing peace,  to  obtain  the  surrender  of  Chagres  and 
Portobello,  and  to  raise  a loan  to  meet  necessary  ex- 
penses. The  several  authorities  and  officials  of  all 
grades  were  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  copies 
of  the  proceedings  were  to  be  circulated,  together  with 
requests  for  pecuniary  contributions.  A special  com- 
mittee then  drew  up  a formal  minute  of  the  declaration 
and  of  the  resolutions  passed,  and  amid  the  cheers  of 
the  multitude,  the  document  was  signed  by  Jose  de 
Fabrega,  the  bishop  Jose  Higinio  Duran  y Martel,  a 
number  of  other  citizens,6'2  and  the  public  notary  Jose 
de  los  Santos  Correoso.  Thus  ended  the  28th  of  No- 
vember, 1821. 63  Two  days  later  the  support  of  the 
declaration  of  independence  was  publicly  sworn  to  with 
great  solemnity,  and  on  the  1st  of  December  a similar 
proclamation  was  made  at  Santiago  de  Veragua.64 

On  the  day,  however,  that  the  celebration  occurred 
at  Panamd,  the  inhabitants  were  thrown  into  conster- 
nation by  the  arrival  of  two  Spanish  frigates  accom- 
panied by  Mourgeon’s  transports.  It  was  at  first 
feared  that  he  had  returned  from  Ecuador,65  till  it 
was  ascertained  that  the  war  ships  had  come  in  quest 
of  the  general,  and  the  transports  for  reenforcements. 

62  In  the  Bol.  Of.  (1869),  32,  the  names  of  25  are  given,  whereas  a printed 
copy  of  the  act  in  Pan.  Doc.  gives  four  more.  Other  copies  of  the  text  will 
be  found  in  the  Gac.,  Imp.  Mex.  (1821),  ii.  110-12;  Gac.,  Guad.  (1822),  315- 
lb;  Am.  St.  Pap.,  iv.  832-5;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Nov.  28,  1883. 

M Niles,  S.  Am.  and  Me.r.,  ii.  118,  gives  the  day  as  Dec.  15th,  a date  also 
vaguely  indicated  by  Scheffer  in  Revue  Amir.,  i.  183. 

01  The  motion  had  been  made  by  the  inhabitants  of  Nata,  and  was  adopted 
by  the  citizens  assembled  at  Santiago  under  the  presidency  of  Casimiro  del 
Bal,  the  political  chief  ad  interim.  The  oath  of  independence  included  also 
the  condition  to  uphold  the  Roman  catholic  religion,  and  to  defend  the  purity 
of  the  virgin  Mary.  The  full  text  is  given  in  Veraguas , Actade  Independcnaa, 
in  Pan.  Col.  Dor.,  no.  54,  a certified  manuscript  copy  of  the  original  record  in 
the  archives  of  Santiago. 

° ’ ‘ Otros  pensaron  que  viniera  otra  espedicion  espanola  sin  que  tuvieramoa 
previo  conocimiento  de  ella.’  Bol.  OJic.,  1869,  32. 


50S 


INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  ISTHMUS. 


The  alarm  was  well  founded,  for  the  place  had  no  means 
of  defence.  Nevertheless,  the  authorities  made  prepa- 
rations for  resistance,  and  the  town  soon  assumed  a war- 
like appearance.  The  suspense  lasted  six  days,  at  the 
end  of  which  the  commanders  of  the  frigates  offered 
to  surrender  to  the  new  government,  the  only  condi- 
tion required  in  return  being  that  the  latter  should 
pay  the  wages  due  the  crews.  It  will  be  a matter  ol 
surprise  that  so  modest  a demand  was  not  complied 
with.  It  is  true  that  the  treasury  was  empty,  but  it 
does  not  appear  that  any  efforts  were  made  to  procure 
the  funds.  An  agreement  was,  however,  entered  into, 
the  two  commanders  binding  themselves  not  to  assail 
the  Isthmus,  nor  afford  aid  to  Mourgeon,  but  to  sur- 
render to  the  government  of  Peru,  which  was  done.66 

About  the  time  that  Panama  became  free,  other 
Spanish  colonies  also  secured  their  independence. 
Consequently,  Panannt  found  no  difficulty  to  effect  a 
union  with  the  then  republic  of  Colombia,  whose  con- 
stitution, framed  in  the  latter  part  of  1 8 2 1 ,6'  became  the 
political  groundwork  of  Tierra  Firme.  In  January, 
1822,  Fabrega  assured  the  people  that  there  was  no 
further  cause  to  fear  Mourgeon’s  attacks,  should  he 
attempt  them ; troops  in  sufficient  number  for  defence 
had  arrived ; but  funds  for  their  support  were  at  the 
same  time  called  for.  However,  as  late  as  October, 
1827,  there  were  apprehensions  of  a Spanish  invasion, 
and  Bolivar,  the  president  of  Colombia,  issued  a mili- 
tary order  for  the  protection  of  the  coast.63  Early  in 

66  ‘ Con  esta  clase  de  pasaporte  zarparon  del  puerto,  diciendo,  sin  embargo, 
que  no  podian  1 levari  efecto  el  convenio. . . .Pero  mas  tarde  se  entregaron,  al 
tin,  al  Gobierno  republieano  del  Peril.’  Bol.  Ojic.,  1S69,  32.  From  that  time, 
it  is  believed  no  Spanish  war  vessel  visited  the  Isthmus  till  August  1863, 
when,  though  Spain  had  not  as  yet  recognized  Colombia’s  independence,  a 
squadron  of  that  nation  entered  Panama  Bay.  The  visit  was  altogether 
friendly.  Bidicell's  Isth.  Pan.,  71 

6;  Copies  of  the  various  constitutions  framed  from  1811  to  1821  will  be 
found  in  Restrepo,  Hist.  Col.,  i.  1 3o — 42;  viii.  5-19,  22 1 -44 ; ix.  5-31;  x.  37-54. 
A French  translation  of  the  last  of  Aug.  30,  1821,  appears  in  Colombia  Const., 
in  Ancillon,  Melanges  Pol.,  9-120,  and  commented  on  in  Revue  Amir.,  i.  ISO- 
215. 

68  Yeraguas,  Decretos  del  Libcrtador  Bolivar,  Presulcnte  de  Colombia,  1827-8, 
in  Pan.  Col.  Docs.,  MS.,  no.  64. 


ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY. 


509 


February  1822,  Jose  Marfa  Carreno  was  appointed 
intendente  and  comandante  general  of  the  Isthmus, 
with  a command  independent  from  Cartagena,  and 
F dbrega  was  made  governor  and  comandante  general 
of  Alange,  Ceragua,  and  annexes.63  This  same  year 
Mexico  received  with  high  honors  a Colombian  min- 
ister,  and  formally  recognized  the  independence  of  the 
republic.70 

The  republican  government,  among  its  first  acts, 
not  only  prohibited  the  importation  of  African  slaves, 
but  made  provision  for  extinguishing  slavery  within 
its  limits  in  the  near  future.  Slaves  were  allowed  to 
purchase  their  own  freedom,  and  all  children  born  of 
slave  parents  after  the  21st  of  June,  1821,  were  de- 
clared free,  the  masters  being  required  to  feed,  clothe, 
and  educate  them,  in  return  for  which  the  children 
were  to  work  till  their  eighteenth  year  for  the  masters 
of  their  mothers.71  In  1850  the  government  redeemed, 
by  offering  compensation  to  the  owners,  all  colored 
men  and  women  who  had  not  at  that  time  attained 
their  freedom.72 

63 Pan.  Comnnd.  gen.  del  istmo,  in  Pan.  Col.  Doe.,  MS.,  no.  30,  p.  3-8,  11. 
The  Spanish  cortes,  not  knowing  what  had  occurred  on  the  Isthmus,  author- 
ized the  government,  Apr.  30,  18*22,  to  create  an  intendencia  in  Panama. 
('Men,  Diano,  1822,  v.  Apr.  30,  2. 

10  A laman,  Hist.  Mij.,  v.  581-2;  Mix. , Col.  Ord  y Dec.,  ii.  38-9. 

11  Seemanns  Voy.,  i.  301.  In  Veragua  orders  were  issued,  July  23,  1822, 
to  register  in  future  as  free  all  colored  children  born  of  slave  mothers.  In 
1847  there  were  only  about  3S0  slaves  in  the  province  of  Panama.  The  na- 
tional government  in  April  of  that  year  prohibited  the  importation  and  expor- 
tation of  slaves.  In  the  latter  part  of  1S49  there  were  left  in  the  province  of 
( 'hiriqui  only  32  slaves,  and  measures  were  proposed  for  their  manumission. 
Oor.  Herrera's  mess.,  Sept.  15,  1847,  in  Bogota,  Gaceta  OJic.,  Feb.  6,  1848;  Pan. 
Col.  Doc.,  MS.,  nos.  81,  82;  Chiriqui,  Mem.  de  su  prim,  gobr,  in  Id.,  no.  85,  p. 

,2Soon  after  there  were  no  slaves  in  the  country.  Bidwell’s  Isth.  Pan.,  32- 
3;  Pan.,  Crdn.  Ofic.,  Jan.  22,  March  29,  Aug.  29,  1852;  S.  F.  Daily  Herald, 
Feb.  9,  1852.  It  was  currently  reported,  and  indeed  with  good  foundation, 
that  a plot  was  carried  out  by  certain  parties  from  Cartagena,  in  or  about 
1882,  who  ran  off  a number  of  colored  men  and  women  of  Panama  to  Cuba, 
where  they  were  sold  into  slavery.  Pan.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  Nov.  27,  1SC2. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 


DIVERS  PHASES  OF  SELF-GOVERNMENT. 

1S19-18G3. 

Panama  Congress — Provincial  Organizations  — Alzuru’s  Rebellion 
and  Execution — Secession  from  Colombia  and  Reincorroration — 
Differences  with  Foreign  Governments — Crime  Rampant — Sum- 
mary Treatment  of  Criminals — Riots  and  Massacre  of  Foreign 
Passengers  — Attempts  to  Rob  Treasure  Trains — Neutrality 
Treaties — Establishment  of  Federal  System — Panama  as  a State 
—Revolutionary  Era  Begins — A Succession  of  Governors — Sedi- 
tious Character  of  the  Negro  Population— Revolution  against 
Governor  Guardia  and  his  Death — Another  Political  Organiza- 
tion— Estado  Soberano  de  Panama— Liberal  Party  in  Full  Con- 
trol— Stringent  Measures. 

Owing  to  its  geographical  position,  Panama  was 
selected  as  the  place  of  meeting  of  a congress  of 
American  states,  called  at  the  suggestion  of  Bolivar, 
the  liberator  of  South  America,  in  1822,  for  the  pur- 
pose, as  it  was  understood,  of  devising  measures  to 
counteract  the  menacing  plans  of  the  so-called  holy 
alliance  of  European  monarchs.1  The  government  of 
the  United  States  being  invited  to  send  representatives 
agreed  to  do  so,  and  did  appoint  plenipotentiaries,  de- 
clining, however,  to  bind  itself  to  any  course  of  action, 
but  to  remain  a passive  witness  of  the  proceedings,  so 

1 It  was  supposed  that  France,  now  under  an  absolute  king,  by  the  prompt- 
ing of  the  alliance,  had  conceived  a vast  plan  for  the  conquest  of  the  Spanish 
American  countries,  which  till  within  a few  years  had  been  under  the  catholic 
king’s  domination.  Many  eminent  men  in  Europe  and  the  U.  S.  approved  the 
idea  of  the  American  congress,  and  bestowed  high  encomiums  on  its  author. 
Abbe  de  Pradt  championed  it  in  his  ,work,  Congres  de  Panamd,  saying:  ‘ The 
congress  of  Panama  will  be  one  of  the  greatest  events  of  our  times,  and 
its  effects  will  be  felt  to  the  remotest  posterity.’  Pradt,  Cong,  de  Pan.  (Sp. 
Transl.),  171. 


( 510) 


PANAMA  CONGRESS  OF  NATIONS. 


531 


long  as  the  executive  and  congress  should  be  in  igno- 
rance of  the  real  aims  and  tendencies  of  that  assembly. 
Its  representatives  did  not  take  any  part  in  the  delib 
erations.2  England,  which  had  recognized  the  inde- 
pendence of  Colombia  in  1824,  and  Holland,  having 
been  likewise  invited  to  be  present  by  commissioners, 
partly  complied,  but  refrained  from  participating  in 
the  work  of  the  congress.3 

The  congress  assembled  on  the  22d  of  June,  1826, 
the  only  American  nations  therein  represented  being 
Colombia,  Central  America,  Peru,  and  Mexico.4  Chile 
had  reluctantly  promised  her  attendance,  but  failed 
to  comply,  owing  to  civil  war.  Buenos  Aires  refused 
her  cooperation.  Without  waiting  for  further  arrivals, 
the  commissioners  present  entered  into  certain  cove- 
nants, establishing  the  contingent  of  land  and  naval 
forces  each  nation  was  to  contribute  to  the  projected 
league ; and  likewise  agreeing  upon  the  points  to  be 


2 The  plenipotentiaries  of  the  U.  S.  were  R.  G.  Anderson,  then  minister  to 
Bogota,  and  J.  Sergeant.  Anderson  died  at  Cartagena  while  on  his  journey 
to  the  Isthmus.  Sergeant  arrived  too  late,  but  afterward  proceeded  to  Mex- 
ico for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  his  instructions.  Full  particulars  on  th 
course  of  the  U.  S.  government  will  he  found  in  Niles'  Reg.,  xxviii.  131-2; 
xxix.  index  ‘Panama’  and  ‘Congress,’  subhead  ‘Pan.;’  xxx.  index,  p.  iv.. 
p.  vii.,  54-172,  passim,  248;  xxxi.  index  ‘ Pan.,’  2G3,  318,  400,  16,  38,  44-7,  65, 
129,  3 1 2—  1 G ; xxxii.  214,  282,  308;  xxxvi.  index  ‘Pan.’,  p.  iii. , 23-80,  passim; 
Bentons  Thirty  Years,  i.  65-9;  Am.  St.  Pap.,  For.  Rel.,  v.  834-40,  899-905, 
916-20;  vi.  (new  set)  356-65,  383-4,  555;  U.  S.  Cong.  Debates,  1825-6,  i.  in- 
dex, p.  ii.  iii.  viii.  x. ; ii. , app.  p.  43-105;  Id.,  1828-9,  Index,  p.  i. ; U.  S.  Gov. 
Doe.,  Cong.  19,  Sess.  1,  H.  Doc.,  740;  Id.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  144,  viii.;  Id.,  Cong. 
19,  Sess.  2,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  23,  ii.  St.  Pap.;  Id.,  Cong.  19,  Sess.  2,  Sen.  Doc., 
i.  p.  9,  vol.  i. ; Id.,  Cong.  19,  Sess.  1,  Sen.  Jour.,  411-70;  Id.,  Cong.  19,  Sess. 
1,  Rept  Commit.,  ii.  Doc.  137,  app.  nos.  36-41;  Pan.  Miss.  Speeches;  John- 
sons Speech  on  Pan.  Miss.;  Haynes  Speech  on  Pan.  Miss.,  Mayer  s Mex.  as  it 
was,  etc.,  368;  Rev.  Amir.,  111-25,  542-8;  Deni.  Rev.,  i.  489;  Young's  Am. 
Statesman,  352-61;  La/ond,  Very.,  i.  bk.  i.  289-90;  N.  Am.  Rev.,  xxi.  162-76; 
Am.  Annual  Reg.,  1825-6,  79-126;  Pub.  Doc.  49,  103. 

3 Dawkins,  the  British  commissioner,  according  to  Restrepo,  Hist.  Revol. 
Colombia,  acted  with  commendable  frankness.  He  limited  himself  to  impart- 
ing good  advice,  assuring  the  Sp.  Am.  plenipotentiaries  that  his  government 
would  assuredly  mediate  with  Spain;  meantime  they  should  avoid  all  cause 
of  offence  to  European  powers.  Col  Van  Veer,  the  gentleman  from  Holland, 
held  no  public  capacity;  his  mission  was  a private  one,  confined  to  the  expres- 
sion of  his  sovereign’s  warm  wishes  for  the  happiness  of  the  American  repub- 
lics. Bidwell’s  Isth.  Pan.,  186-90. 

4 Their  representatives  were:  for  Colombia,  Pedro  Gual  and  Pedro  Briceno 
Mendez;  for  Central  America,  Pedro  Molina  and  Antonio  Larrazabal ; for 
Peru,  Manuel  de  Vidaurre  and  Manuel  Perez  de  Tudela;  and  for  Mexico, 
Jose  Mariano  Michelena  and  Jose  Dominguez.  Santangclo,  Cong.  Pan.,  1-166. 


DIVERS  PHASES  OF  SELF-GOVERNMENT. 


512 

submitted  to  the  acceptance  of  the  several  allies. 
Some  not  very  practical  propositions  were  agreed  to.5 
Bolivar  was  displeased  at  the  course  of  affairs,  and 
disappointed  at  the  failure  of  a plan  which,  if  realized, 
would  have  been  his  crown  of  glory.6  He  thereupon 
turned  his  attention  to  other  objects. 

The  congress  then  adjourned  to  meet  again  at 
Tacubaya  in  Mexico.  This  step  was  attributed  to 
the  influence  of  the  Mexican  plenipotentiary  Michel- 
ena,  who,  it  has  been  said,  had  in  view  to  secure  his 
country’s  predominance  in  America.7  It  was  also 
resolved  at  the  adjournment  that  the  legations  should 
divide  themselves,  one  member  from  each  going  to 
report  to  his  government  what  had  been  done,  and 
the  others  repairing  at  once  to  Mexico.  The  minis- 
ters of  Colombia  and  Central  America,  after  waiting 
two  years  in  vain  for  the  ratification  by  Mexico  of 
the  treaties,  had  finally  to  depart,  deeply  regretting 
the  dissolution  of  a body  upon  which  Spanish  America 
had  centred  her  hopes,  and  the  enlightened  world  had 
so  Ion  o'  fixed  its  attention.8 

O 

5 In  proof  of  the  assertion,  Colombia  was  to  furnish  15,250  men  of  the 
three  arms,  one  line-of -battle  ship  of  70  to  80  guns,  one  frigate  of  64,  and  two 
of  44.  These  vessels  would  cost  her  nearly  two  and  a quarter  million  dollars, 
besides  the  expense  to  maintain  them  armed,  manned,  and  otherwise 
thoroughly  equipped.  Where  was  Colombia,  already  burdened  with  a con- 
siderable annual  deficit,  to  get  the  means  for  supporting  such  an  army  and 
navy  ? 

6 On  the  Stli  of  Aug.,  1826,  he  wrote  to  Gen.  Paez  from  Lima:  ‘Tne  con- 
gress of  Panama,  an  admirable  institution  were  it  more  efficacious,  resembles 
the  Greek  lunatic  that  wanted  to  direct  from  a rock  the  sailing  of  ships.  Its 
power  will  be  but  a shadow,  and  its  decrees  mere  counsels.’  Caicedo,  Union 
Lnt.  Am.,  33-40,  97-110. 

7 There  were  doubtless  other  reasons,  such  as  the  agitations  menacing 
Colombia,  fear  of  an  invasion  by  France  in  the  name  of  the  holy  alliance;  or 
the  bad  climate  and  lack  of  facilities  in  Panama.  Mix.,  El  Sol,  no.  1203; 
Cunt.,  Redaitor  Gen.,  suppl.  to  no.  27;  Manure,  Bosq.  Hid.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  138-9. 

8 The  enemies  of  Bolivar  accused  him  of  aiming,  through  au  American 
league,  at  the  control  of  all  Spanish  America  to  make  himself  its  ruler.  The 
following  authorities  have  also  treated  more  or  less  fully  of  the  Panama  con- 
gress: Mora,  Jlevol.  Mej.,  i.  354-8;  La  Palanca,  Sept.  14,  Oct.  26,  1826; 
Zavala,  Revol.  Mex.,  i.  389-90;  Cuevas,  Porvenir,  387-497;  Mix. , Mem.  Pel., 
1S27,  Doc.  2,  11-13;  Bustamante,  Voz  de  la  Patna,  ii.  no.  15,  2-3;  Amigo  del 
Pueblo,  ii.  no.  5,  132-3;  iii.  395-419;  iv.  223-4;  Cor.  Fed.  Mex.,  Nov.  28, 
1826;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  ii.  395-6;  Tornel,  Breve  Reseila,  48-50;  Gaz.  Mex. 
Extraord.,  1826,  i.  no.  5;  Mex. , Gac.  de  Gob.,  July  4-Sept.  21,  1826,  passim; 
Tucker  's  Monroe  Doctrine,  23-36. 


PANAMA  AND  VERAGUA. 


513 


A congress  held  in  Angostura,9  in  December  1819, 
under  the  presidency  of  Simon  Bolivar,  constituted 
the  republic  of  Colombia,  with  the  former  viceroyalty 
of  Nueva  Granada,  including  Ecuador,  and  the  cap- 
tain-generalcy  of  Caracas  or  Venezuela.  One  of  its 
departments  was  the  Isthmus  divided  into  two  prov- 
inces, namely,  Panamd,  which  embraced  the  region  of 
Darien,  and  Areragua.10 

The  secession  of  Venezuela  after  some  years  having 
brought  on  the  disruption  of  Colombia,  a convention 
assembled  at  Bogota11  in  1831  organized  the  Estado 
de  la  Nueva  Granada  with  the  central  provinces,  those 
of  the  Isthmus  forming  a section  of  the  new  organiza- 
tion.1’ The  new  state  was  divided  into  provinces,  under 
governors  who  received  their  appointments  from  the 
general  government.13  The  decree  was  dated  Novem- 
ber 21,  1831.  The  new  constitution,  sanctioned  by 
the  convention  on  the  29th  of  February,  1832,  was 
published  in  Panamd  on  the  28th  of  April.14  Each 
province  was  subdivided  into  departments.15 

0 The  capital  of  Spanish  Guiana,  near  the  Orinoco  and  Old  Guiana. 

lu  Among  the  governors  of  Veragua  were,  in  Jan.  1S23,  Jose  M.  Chiari; 
in  June  1823,  Miguel  A.  Figueredo;  in  1824-5,  Pedro  Guillen;  and  in  1828, 
F.  Fabrega.  Gov.  of  Panama,  1826,  J.  J.  Argote.  Intendente  and  coman- 
dante  general  of  the  departm.  of  the  Isthmus  in  1827,  Col  Man.  Munoz;  in 
June  1828,  J.  Sarda.  Veragtias,  Gob.,  in  Pinart,  Pan.  Col.  Doc.,  MS.,  no.  29, 
34 Pinart,  Pan.  Col.  Doc.,  MS.,  no.  2,  80,  et  seq. 

11  Jose  Vallarino  of  Panama  was  one  of  its  members,  and  soon  after  was 
made  vice-president,  and  a little  later  councillor  of  state.  A popular  man  in 
his  section,  he  was  at  one  time  thought  of  for  a senatorship,  and  at  another 
for  the  presidency  of  the  republic.  In  1816  he  had  been  the  royal  treasurer, 
an  office  conferred  on  him  as  a reward  of  his  own  past  services,  as  well  as  of 
those  of  his  father,  Bernardo,  and  his  uncle,  Bruno,  who  had  been  a member 
of  the  council  of  the  Indies.  At  the  separation  from  the  mother  country  he 
joined  the  independent  movement,  afterward  holding  several  honorable  po- 
sitions. His  descendants  live  on  the  Isthmus.  Icl.,  no.  1,  1-8. 

“Since  1829  Nueva  Granada  had  been  divided  into  departments  with  a 
prefect  at  the  head  of  each.  The  prefect  of  Panama  was  J.  Sarda.  His  rule 
was  despotic,  involving  the  abuse  of  prominent  citizens,  and  levying  a forced 
loan  for  pretended  defence  of  the  Isthmus.  Sarda,  J.,  Decreto,  May  25,  1829. 
11  - was  executed  at  Bogota  in  1833  under  sentence  of  the  law  for  a plot  to 
murder  the  president.  Nec.rolojla,  in  El  Constitutional  del  Istmo. 

1 ’ Their  functious  were  those  of  the  former  prefect.  Pinart,  Pan.  Coll.  Doc., 
MS.,  no.  62. 

“The  constitution  of  1830,  of  the  old  republic,  had  been  in  force  till  now. 
Obando,  ,7.  M.,  Decreto,  i zi  Pinart,  Pan.  Coll.  Miscell.  Pap.,  no.  14;  El  Consti- 
tutional del  Istmo,  Jan.  14,  28;  Apr.  21,  May  7,  14,  28,  1832;  Veraguas,  Recop. 
Ordenanzafi,  20. 

lo  The  following  authorities  appear  in  official  documents:  Province  of 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  33 


514 


DIVERS  PHASES  OF  SELF-GOVERNMENT. 


Civil  war  broke  out  in  1831.  Colonel  Alzuru, 
who  had  arrived  from  Guayaquil  with  troops,  by  the 
instigation  of  some  prominent  men,  rose  in  arms  in 
Panamd  to  detach  the  provinces  from  Nueva  Granada. 
On  the  news  reaching  Bogotd,  the  national  govern- 
ment despatched  Colonel  Tornds  Herrera  with  a force 
to  quell  the  rebellion;  and  upon  his  approaching  the 
city,  the  more  prominent  families  fled  to  the  island  of 
Tabogd.  Those  who  had  prompted  Alzuru’s  act  now 
forsook  him,  and  rendered  aid  to  Herrera,  with  all  the 
information  they  possessed.  The  rebels  were  attacked 
on  their  way  to  La  Chorrera,  while  crossing  marshy 
ground,  and  defeated.  Alzuru  was  taken  prisoner, 
tried  by  court-martial,  and  shot  in  the  cathedral  plaza 
of  Panamd. 

General  Jose  Fdbrega  restored  order  in  Veragua, 
and  made  it  known  to  the  general  government  on  the 
30th  of  August.16  The  garrison  at  Panamd,  together 
with  Tomds  Herrera,  the  comandante  general,  assured 
the  president  of  the  Nueva  Granada  convention  of 
their  unswerving  fealty.17  Later,  in  March  1832,  an 
attempt  was  made  by  two  subalterns18  to  induce  the 
sergeants  of  their  battalion  to  join  them  in  a conspir- 
acy for  upsetting  the  government.  The  two  officers 
were  tried  and  executed,  and  two  of  the  sergeants 
sent  into  exile.  Chaos  reigned  throughout  the  re- 
public in  1840;  then  came  revolution.  The  chief  men 
of  Panamd  met  in  a junta  and  resolved  to  detach  the 
Isthmus  and  form  an  independent  republic.  Cdrlos 
Icaza,  the  governor,  who  was  a Panameno,  signified 
his  acquiescence,  and  the  proclamation  of  indepen- 

Panairul,  1832-3,  Gov.  Juan  Jose  Argote;  in  1834,  acting  gov.,  M.  A.  Hur- 
tado; in  183G-8,  Gov.  Pedro  Obarrio.  Prov.  of  Veragua,  in  1874,  Gov.  M.  J. 
Guisado;  in  1835-7,  Gov.  Manuel  de  Ayala.  In  1836  Veragua  had  a provin- 
cial legislature.  Pinart,  Pan.  Col.  Doc.,  MS.,  no.  25,  no.  31,  p.  4,  12,  18,  38, 
40,  75,  91;  nos.  59,  65,  78,  104;  El  Constitutional  del  Istmo,  May  7,  14,  1832; 
Oct.  30,  1824;  Aug.  30,  1836;  Registro  Ofic.,  Ar.  Gran.,  8;  Veraguas,  Esposic., 
in  Pinart,  Pan.  Col.  Doc.,  MS.,  no.  76. 

16  For  which  he  was  awarded  thanks.  El  Constitutional  del  Istmo,  Dec.  28, 
1831. 

17  Dec.  3,  1831.  Id.,  Dec.  21,  1831. 

18  Lieut  Melchor  Duran,  and  Brevet  Sub-lieutenant  F.  Casana  of  the 
battalion  No.  9.  Id.,  March  14,  1832. 


REPUBLIC  OF  PANAMA. 


515 


dence  was  made,  TomAs  Herrera  assuming  by  appoint- 
ment of  the  junta  the  office  of  jefe  superior,  on  the 
18th  of  November,  1840.19  On  the  21st  the  governor 
of  Veragua,  Cdrlos  Fabrega,  was  asked  to  join  the 
movement;  but  he  answered  from  Santiago  on  the 
29tli  declining;20  whereupon  Herrera  issued  addresses, 
on  the  5th  and  11th  of  December,  announcing  his 
march  with  troops  to  Veragua.21  The  expedition, 
however,  marched  only  a part  of  the  distance,  the 
people  of  Veragua  submitting  to  the  force  of  neces- 
sity. The  independence  existed  de  facto  nearly  two 
years.  In  1841  Tomds  Herrera  and  Cdrlos  de  Icaza 
were  chosen  president  and  vice-president,  respectively, 
of  the  ephemeral  republic.  Mariano  Arosemena,  sec- 
retary of  foreign  affairs,  despatched  Pedro  de  Obarrio 
as  a special  commissioner  to  the  government  of  Costa 
Rica  to  notify  it  of  the  organization  of  the  state  of 
the  Isthmus,  and  apply  for  its  formal  recognition.22 
During  this  period  of  independence,  persons  and  prop- 
erty were  protected,  and  commerce  was  liberally 
encouraged.23 

The  government  had  carefully  avoided  the  commis- 
sion of  any  act  of  hostility  against  Nueva  Granada; 
but  the  time  came  when  news  reached  Panama  that 
the  government  of  Bogota  was  fitting  out  a force  to 
bring  the  Isthmus  into  subjection.  Whereupon  the 

19  During  the  past  nine  years  the  Isthmurj  seems  to  have  enjoyed  compara- 
tive quiet.  In  Sept.  1833,  the  provincial  legislature  chose  Agustin  Talia- 
ferro deputy  to  the  national  congress,  and  Juan  de  la  Cruz  Perez  his 
suplente.  Id.,  Sept.  15,  1833. 

29  He  accompanied  resolutions  of  the  officials,  heads  of  families,  and  other 
citizens  of  Santiago  to  remain  under  the  national  authority,  and  lend  no  aid 
to  any  attempt  to  sever  the  connection  or  promote  public  disturbance.  El 
Constitutional  de  Cundinamarca,  March  27,  1842. 

21  He  said:  ‘ March  are  hasta  donde  sea  necesario  para  arreglarnos  con 
Veraguas  definitivamente.  ’ Though  hoping  that  for  the  common  interest, 
the  voice  of  peace  will  be  heeded,  ‘ la  fuerza  alcanzara  lo  que  se  le  ha  negado 
a la  fraternidad  ya  los  principios.  ’ Gaceta  del  Istmo,  Sept.  15,  1840,  in  Pinart, 
Pan.  Coll.  Doc.,  no.  3;  Herrera,  Decreto,  in  Pinart , Miscell.  Pap.,  no.  13. 

22  Costa  Rica  recognized  the  independence  of  the  Isthmus,  and  entered 
with  Obarrio  into  a convention  of  amity  and  trade.  The  boundary  question 
was  left  open  for  future  settlement  Gaceta  del  Istmo,  Oct.  20,  1841;  Costa  R., 
Col.  Ley.,  vii.  234-6. 

23  This  was  acknowledged  on  the  16th  of  October,  1841,  by  F.  W.  Byrne, 
acting  Brit,  consul,  in  a note  to  Sec.  Arosemena. 


516 


DIVERS  PHASES  OF  SELF-GOVERNMENT. 


< tfficers  of  the  British  charge  d’affaires  at  Bogota  were 
asked  to  obtain  the  consent  of  Nueva  Granada  to  re- 
ceive a commissioner  in  the  interest  of  peace.24  But 
the  other  parts  of  Nueva  Granada  having  become 
pacified  in  the  course  of  1841,  two  commissioners  came 
from  the  general  government,  and  the  people  of 
Panamd,  being  convinced  of  the  folly  of  resistance, 
peacefully  submitted.25  Herrera  so  managed  that  he 
was  appointed  governor  of  the  restored  province.28 
The  constitutional  reforms  of  1842  and  1843  tended 
to  reestablish  good  understanding  between  the  prov- 
inces, and  Panama  again  appeared  satisfied  with  the 
connection.27 

The  Canton  de  Alange,  detached  from  Veragua, 
and  the  districts  of  David,  Dolega,  San  Pablo,  and 
Alange,  were  on  the  24th  of  July,  1849,  formed  into 
a separate  province  under  the  name  of  Provincia  de 

24  Meantime  Jose  Agustin  Arango,  sec.  of  war,  had  been  engaged  in  regu- 
lating the  national  guard.  Id.,  Sept.  20,  1841. 

26  It  is  understood  that  the  commissioners  were  not  even  clothed  with  suf- 
(icient  powers;  but  the  chief  men  surrendered  the  Isthmus  to  them.  The 
men  of  the  revolution,  Jose  Obaldia,  Pedro  de  Obarrio,  Mariano  Arosemena, 
Carlos  de  Icaza,  Jose  Agustin  Arango,  and  others,  now  left  Herrera  to  the 
consequences. 

26 Gen.  Herrera  fell  in  battle,  not  in  the  state  of  Panama,  on  the  4th  of 
Dec.,  1854,  in  defence  of  liberal  institutions.  The  legislature  of  Pan.,  Sept. 
22,  1S55,  decreed  that  several  of  his  portraits  should  be  placed  inofficial  halls. 
In  Oct.  1857  it  appropriated  $3,000  to  bring  his  remains  to  Panama;  in  May 
] 868  a monument  was  decreed.  A statue  of  the  general  was  placed  in  the 
cathedral  plaza  of  the  city  of  Panama.  Pan.,  Gaceta  del  Eat.,  Sept.  29,  1855; 
hi.,  Oct.  15,  1857;  Pan.,  Boletin  OJic.,  Jan.  8,  May  12,  1868. 

27  Gen.  Tomds  C.  Mosquera,  commander-in-chief  of  the  forces  on  the  coast, 
Aug.  1,  1842,  at  Panama,  granted  in  the  name  of  his  government  an  amnesty 
to  the  revolutionists.  Again,  March  15,  1845,  congress  passed  a general  am- 
nesty law,  including  all  persons  who  participated  in  the  rebellion  from  1839 
to  1842.  Pinart,  Pan.  Col.  Doc.,  MS.,  no.  31,  183-5;  JV.  Gran.,  Ley.  y Dec., 
1-2;  Seemann’s  Hist.  Isth.  Pan.,  in  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  May  14,  1868.  The 
rulers  of  the  provinces  of  Panama  and  Veragua  in  the  following  years  are 
given  in  continuation:  Gov.  of  Panama  in  1843,  Miguel  Chiari;  in  1844-5,  Col 
Anselmo  Pineda;  in  1845,  Joaquin  M.  Barriga,  with  Jose  Agustin  Arango  as 
government  secretary.  Intendentc  gen.  de  hacienda  in  1848,  Mariano  Arose- 
mena. Gov.  of  Veragua  iu  1840-2,  Carlos  Fabrega;  acting-gov.  in  1843,  Jose 
Fabrega  Barrera;  in  1843-5,  Antonio  del  Rio;  in  1845-9,  Escolastico  Romero; 
in  June  1849,  Diego  Garcia;  in  Aug.  1849,  Ricardo  de  la  Parra;  in  1850-2, 
J.  Fabrega  Barrera;  in  1852,  Francisco  de  Fabrega;  in  Oct.  1853,  Eustasio 
Fabrega;  in  1855,  Agustin  Lopez;  May  15,  1855,  Francisco  Fabrega.  Ap- 
pointed gov.  Aug.  1855,  Agustin  Lopez.  Pinart,  Pan.  Col.  Docs.,  MS.,  nos.  17, 
21,  31,  53,  57-8,  68-75,  79,  105;  El  Movimiento,  Dec.  29,  1844;  Verayuas,  Pc- 
cop.  Ordenanzas,  2-66;  Pan.,  Gaceta  del  Est.,  Aug.  28,  1855;  N.  Gran.,  Ley.  y 
Dec.,  1-3. 


PROVINCE  OF  CHIRIQUL 


517 


Chiriqul,  with  its  governor  and  assembly  of  seven 
members.28  This  organization  continued  several  years, 
though  the  province  subsequently  took  the  name  of 
Fabrega,  and  so  continued  until  August  1851,  when 
it  resumed  the  former  name  of  Chiriqul.29  The  terri- 
tory which  in  early  days  was  embraced  in  the  province 
of  Veragua  appeared  in  August  1851  divided  into 
three  provinces,  each  having  a governor  and  legisla- 
ture; namely,  Chiriqul,  Veragua,  and  Azuero.30  This 
new  arrangement  lasted  only  till  April  30,  1855,  when 
the  province  of  Azuero  was  suppressed.31 

The  district,  or  as  it  was  called,  Canton  de  Bocas 
del  Toro,  was  organized  by  decree  of  the  government 
of  Chiriqul  or  Fdbrega,  with  a jefe  politico  at  its  head. 
But  a law  of  the  republic 32  formed  into  a canton  or 
district  the  territories  of  San  Andres,  Darien,  and  San 
Martin.  Another  law  of  April  12,  1851,  applied  the 
former  one  to  Bocas  del  Toro.33 

Owing  to  grievances  complained  of  by  foreigners 

28  Aug.  1,  1849,  the  electoral  junta  chose  one  proprietary  senator,  Antonio 
Villeros,  and  his  suplente,  Nicolas  Lopez;  one  deputy,  Domingo  Arosemena, 
and  his  substitute,  Gabriel  Diez,  to  the  national  congress;  seven  deputies  and 
an  equal  number  of  suplentes,  to  constitute  the  provincial  legislature.  The 
first  local  legislature  met  Sept.  15th,  and  closed  the  session  on  the  24th  of 
Oct.  From  this  time  the  new  province  had  the  following  governors,  namely : 
July  24  to  Dec.  20,  1849,  Pablo  Arosemena;  Dec.  20,  1849,  acting  gov.  Juan 
Man.  Gallegos;  June  1850,  P.  Arosemena  again  in  office  till  Aug.  1851,  when 
Rafael  Nunez  succeeded  ad  int. ; Sept.  1851  to  1852,  Francisco  Esquivel; 
Sept.  1852,  Escolastico  Romero;  1854,  Santiago  Agnew;  Aug.  1855,  Domingo 
Obaldia,  against  whom  complaints  were  made  of  abuses  of  power.  Pinart, 
Pan.  Coll  Doc.,  MS.,  2-11,  31,  4G-8,  83-93;  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  Cong.  36,  Sess. 
2,  House  Ex.  Doc.,  vi.  41,  p.  59;  Pan.,  Gaceta  del  Est.,  Dec.  1,  1855. 

29  The  first  official  doc.  I have  found  with  the  name  of  Fabrega  in  a decree 
of  the  gov.  of  July  25,  1850.  Phiart,  Pan.  Coll.  Doc.,  MS.,  no.  89,  p.  59-60. 

30  Chiriquf’s  capital,  David;  Veragua’s,  Santiago;  Azuero’s,  Villa  de  los 
Santos.  The  first  gov.  of  Azuero,  receiving  like  the  rest  his  appointment 
from  the  gen.  government,  was  Juan  Arosemena,  in  1851.  Antonio  Baraya 
became  gov.  in  April  1852.  Gobn.  Prov.  Azuero,  in  Pinart,  Pan.  Coll.  Doc.,  MS., 
no.  43. 

31  Annexed  to  Veragua.  Sac.  Daily  Union,  May  18,  1855;  Veraguas,  Ord. 
y Pesol.,  in  Pinart,  Pan.  Coll.  Doc.,  no.  6;  Pan.,  Gaceta  del  Est.,  Sept.  15, 
1855. 

32  Dated  June  22,  1850.  Chiriqul,  Ofic  de  la  Gobn.,  in  Pinart,  Pan.  Coll. 
Doc.,  MS.,  no.  84;  Chiriqul,  Decretos,  in  Id.,  MS.,  no.  89;  Chiriqul,  Inf.  Gen. 
del  Canton,  in  Id.,  MS.,  no.  41. 

33  The  local  authorities  were  paid  out  of  the  national  treasury.  Chiriqui 
could  not  tax  the  inhabitants. 


51S 


DIVERS  PHASES  OF  SELF-GOVERNMENT 


against  acts  of  the  officials  on  the  Isthmus,  the  rela- 
tions ot  the  national  government  with  foreign  powers 
have  been  at  times  complicated.  The  first  difficulty 
arose  from  the  arrest  in  183G  of  Russell,  the  British 
vice-consul,  and  led  to  the  blockade  of  the  whole 
Atlantic  coast  of  the  republic,  which  finally  com- 
pelled Nueva  Granada  to  submit  to  such  terms  as 
the  British  commander  chose  to  impose.34  Another 
trouble  with  the  British  government  resulted  from  a 
certain  claim  of  one  Mackintosh,  which  for  a time  in- 
terrupted diplomatic  relations  in  185G.35 

On  the  26th  of  January,  1854,  the  consuls  of  the 
United  States,  France,  Great  Britain,  Brazil,  Portu- 
gal, Denmark,  Peru,  and  Ecuador  addressed  a protest 
to  the  governor  of  Panamd  against  the  neglect  of  his 
government  to  afford  protection  to  passengers  cross- 
ing the  Isthmus,  notwithstanding  that  each  passenger 
was  made  to  pay  the  sum  of  two  dollars  for  the  privi- 
lege of  landing  and  going  from  one  sea  to  the  other.30 
Governor  Urrutia  Anino,  on  the  14th  of  February, 
denied  the  alleged  neglect,  as  well  as  the  right  of 
those  officials  who  had  no  recognition  from  the  New 
Granadan  government  to  address  him  in  such  a man- 
ner. He  pointed  to  the  public  jail,  which  was  full  of 
prisoners,  some  already  undergoing  punishment,  and 
others  being  tried  or  awaiting  trial.  He  also  reminded 
the  consuls  that  only  a short  time  had  elapsed  since 
three  men  were  executed  for  crimes.37  It  was  a fact. 

34  The  vice-consul’s  release;  restoration  with  all  respect  and  publicity  to 
the  consulate  of  its  archives  and  other  effects,  together  with  satisfaction  to 
the  British  government,  and  a compensation  of  £ 1 ,000  to  Russell.  Peila  y 
Peila,  Prdctica  Forense,  iii.  375-94;  Scarlett’s  S.  Am.,  ii.  257-9;  Mensaje, 
Presid.  N.  Oran.,  1837. 

33  British  war  vessels  made  a demonstration  at  Panama  the  following  year. 
S.  F.  Alta  Cal.,  Dec.  1,  1856;  S.  F.  Even.  Bulletin,  Jan.  2,  May  16,  1857. 

36  They  said  it  was  notorious  that  no  passenger  arrived  at  either  end  of  the 
route  without  being  abused,  robbed,  or  otherwise  maltreated;  many  had  been 
wounded,  and  not  a few  murdered;  hardly  a party  passed  without  their  bag- 
gage being  plundered;  women  were  insulted,  and  even  outraged.  No  effort 
had  been  made  by  the  authorities  to  ferret  out  the  perpetrators  of  such 
crimes.  Pan.,  La  Crdnica  OJic.,  March  1,  1854. 

37  The  governor  did  not  fail  to  mention  that  in  several  instances  his  troops 
had  done  valuable  service  in  protecting  treasure  and  recovering  stolen  prop- 
erty, without  claiming  or  receiving  pay. 


RAN  RUNNELS’  ISTHMUS  GUARD 


519 


nevertheless,  that  the  government  could  not  cope  with 
the  situation — the  Isthmus  being  infested  with  crimi- 
nals from  all  parts  of  the  earth,  that  had  been  drawn 
thereto  by  the  prospect  of  plunder — in  view  of  which 
a number  of  citizens  and  respectable  foreigners  com- 
bined in  organizing  the  Isthmus  guard,  whose  chief 
was  Ran  Runnels,  charged  with  the  duty  of  guard- 
ing the  route  between  Panama  and  Colon,  and  em- 
powered to  punish  even  with  death  all  persons  guilty 
of  crimes.  Urrutia  Ahino,  the  governor,  unhesitat- 
ingly acquiesced  in  the  arrangement.38 

Americans  had  occasional  misunderstandings  with 
the  authorities,  a notable  one  occurring  in  1855,  when 
the  local  governor  of  Pananni  returned  unopened  an 
official  letter  from  the  consul  of  the  United  States, 
who  at  once  threatened  to  strike  his  flag;  but  the 
matter  was  settled  amicably  by  the  chief  officers  of 
the  Isthmus.39  A more  serious  affair  was  the  demand 
of  the  state  government  that  steamships  arriving  at 
Panama  or  Colon  should  pay  tonnage  money.40  This 
raised  the  protest  of  the  American  consul  and  the 
railway  and  steamship  agents.  The  controversy  was 
finally  terminated  by  the  executive  of  the  republic  de- 
claring that  the  law  under  which  the  tonnage  money 
was  claimed  had  been  enacted  by  the  state  of  Panamd, 
without  any  right  to  legislate  on  such  matters,  as  they 
were  of  the  exclusive  province  of  the  general  govern- 
ment.41 

38  Runnels  acted  with  characteristic  energy.  Without  scandal  or  noise, 
he  captured  one  by  one  the  banditti  that  infested  the  roads,  and  out  of  sight 
and  without  witnesses,  other  than  his  own  men,  had  the  criminals  hanged 
and  buried.  Those  of  this  class  that  did  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Isthmus 
guard  made  baste  to  leave  the  country,  which  soon  was  cleared  of  foreign 
evil-doers.  This  object  being  accomplished,  the  guard  was  dissolved,  its  val- 
uable services  being  fully  appreciated.  The  governor  had  no  authority  for 
his  action,  but  no  fault  was  found  with  him.  The  measure  had  been  one  of 
absolute  necessity;  ‘ fu6  redentora. ’ Maldonado,  Asuntos  Polit.  Pan.,  9.  Run- 
nels in  after  years  lived  in  Nicaragua,  and  died  of  consumption  in  Rivas,  July 
7,  1882,  aged  02.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  July  22,  18S2. 

- ' Jefe  Superior  Justo  Arosemena  wrote  Consul  Ward  a courteous  letter  of 
explanation  on  the  29th  of  Sept.  Pan.,  Oaceta  del  Est.,  Oct.  .3,  1855. 

4U  Ships  and  passengers  had  been  paying  a moderate  sum,  and  when  the 
official  s greed  was  aroused  to  levy  a burdensome  tax,  formal  objection  to  it 
was  made. 

41  It  added  that  the  policy  of  demanding  such  a tax  would  be  detrimental 


520 


DIVERS  PHASES  OF  SELF-GOVERNMENT. 


The  lack  of  proper  protection,  as  well  as  a marked 
spirit  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  lower  class  tow- 
ard foreigners,42  was  made  further  evident  in  the 
riot  of  the  fifteenth  of  April,  1856,  when  a considerable 
number  of  American  passengers  were  killed,  and  others 
wounded,  much  property  being  also  appropriated.43 

to  the  interests  of  the  Isthmus.  The  whole  correspondence  appears  in  Pan. 
Cr6n.  OJic.,  March  10,  Apr.  10,  May  23,  1S54;  Pan.,  Gaceta  del  Est.,  Nov.  3, 
10,  18,  *1855;  Id.,  Dec.  11,  1856;  S.  F.  Alta,  Sept.  20,  1850;  Sac.  Union.  Sept. 
22,  1856;  S.  F.  Bulletin,  Sept.  30,  1856;  Minister  Herran  to  Sec.  Marcy,  Dec. 
8,  1856,  in  Pan.,  Gaceta  del  Est.,  March  28,  1857. 

42  It  must  be  confessed  that  the  impression  caused  by  the  influx  of  foreign- 
ers, paradiug  the  streets,  many  of  them  armed  with  bowie-knives  and  revolv- 
ers, often  incited  by  intoxication  and  gambling  to  acts  of  lawlessness,  was  not 
a favorable  one.  They  often  appeared  to  the  natives  as  lawless  invaders. 
The  laws  were  not  framed  for  the  emergency,  and  the  authorities  were  power- 
less to  stop  the  scandals  occurring  every  day  in  the  streets.  Robberies  and 
other  crimes  among  the  foreigners  themselves  were  common.  Gambling- 
houses,  in  violation  of  law,  were  publicly  kept,  exhibiting  strange  signs,  such 
as  Card  Room,  Owls’  Club,  etc.  Once  a crowd  of  Americans  fell  upon  the 
small  guard  of  the  jail,  disarmed  it,  and  set  free  some  of  their  countrymen. 
Maldonado,  Asuntos  Polit.  Pan.,  MS.,  2,  5-6.  A writer  relates  that  he  saw 
ruffians  in  1850  throw  filth  on  religious  processions.  Once  an  American 
rode  a mine  into  the  cathedral,  and  tried  to  make  it  drink  from  the  baptismal 
font.  Fortunately  Theller,  an  American  resident,  interfered.  ‘Often  the 
dirty  red-shirted  fellows  would  stride  into  the  chapels  and  light  their  cigars 
at  the  altar.’  Cal.  Chronicle,  May  20,  1856. 

43  The  trouble  originated  in  the  act  of  a drunken  man  named  Jack  Oliver, 
who  seized  a slice  of  watermelon  from  a fruit  stall,  and  refused  to  pay  for  it. 
Simultaneously  and  without  preconcertion,  fights  occurred  between  parties  of 
passengers  and  the  colored  population  in  various  parts  of  the  town.  The  city 
was  soon  in  commotion.  Residents  retired  to  their  homes  and  barred  them- 
selves in.  The  fights  lasted  about  three  hours,  when  the  foreigners  were 
driven  into  the  depot.  The  negroes,  who  had  formerly  been  humble  and 
submissive  to  the  whites,  remembered  on  that  day  the  abusive  treatment 
often  received  by  them  at  the  hands  of  transient  foreigners;  but  did  not  confine 
their  expressions  of  hatred  to  foreigners  only,  for  they  transversed  the  streets 
crying,  Mueran  los  blancos  ! They  were  now  ungovernable.  They  rushed 
to  the  Panama  depot — at  a moment  when  from  250  to  300  passengers  of  both 
sexes  and  all  ages,  landed  at  Colon  from  the  steamship  Illinois,  were  procuring 
their  tickets  for  San  Francisco — and  began  firing  at  the  building,  hitting  one 
man.  The  doors  were  then  closed,  and  some  of  the  passengers  armed  them- 
selves. It  has  been  stated  by  eye-witnesses  that  some  of  the  armed  passengers 
went  out  and  discharged  their  arms  at  the  black  mob  before  any  shot  had 
been  fired  at  the  building;  but  the  weight  of  testimony  is  against  this  asser- 
tion. U.  S.  Consul  Ward  came  on  horseback,  saying  that  the  government  at 
his  request  would  soon  send  a force  to  quell  the  disturbance.  The  force  did 
come,  but  instead  of  affording  protection  to  the  passengers  huddled  in  the 
depot,  fired  a volley  of  musketry  in  their  midst,  and  followed  it  by  others,  be- 
sides stray  shots.  The  only  reasons  assigned  for  this  conduct  of  the  force 
were  that  it  sympathized  with  the  mob,  or  was  awed  by  it.  The  latter  was 
the  real  cause.  The  active  firing  from  the  outside  continued  about  one  and  a 
half  hours  even  after  it  had  ceased  from  the  inside.  The  mob  for  a time 
did  not  succeed  in  entering  the  building,  but  finally  broke  into  the  baggage- 
room,  killing  and  wounding  several  persons.  Fortunately,  the  rabble  was 
bent  more  on  plunder  than  slaughter.  It  is  said  that  even  the  wounded  had 
their  boots  pulled  from  their  feet  and  carried  away.  Many  robberies  had 


PANAMA  RIOT. 


521 


As  might  have  been  expected,  exaggerated  accounts 
of  this  affray  flew  far  and  wide.  The  official  report, 
however,  showed  smaller  figures,  though  bad  enough 
— of  foreigners,  15  slain  and  16  wounded,  of  whom 
one  died  afterward ; of  natives,  2 killed  and  1 3 
wounded.  The  conduct  of  the  police  and  people  was 
certainly  most  blamable.  The  affair  might,  perhaps, 
have  been  averted  if  the  authorities  had  shown  proper 
energy.  I will  admit,  however,  that  there  was  cause 
of  provocation.44 

Consequent  on  this  affair,  the  city  of  Panama, 
which,  owing  to  the  misgovernment  of  previous  years, 
was  already  on  the  decline,  had  to  suffer  still  more. 
Many  business  houses  closed  their  doors,  because  the 
American  transient  passengers,  who  during  their  stay 
were  wont  to  scatter  gold,  thenceforth  remained  on 
shore  only  a few  minutes.45  Much  diplomatic  corre- 
spondence passed  between  the  American  and  New 
Granadan  governments  on  the  subject,  the  former  send- 
ing a commissioner  to  Panama  to  investigate  the  cir- 
cumstances,48 and  finally  claiming  a large  indemnity. 

also  been  committed  by  the  negroes  in  the  city,  principally  in  shops  and  bar- 
rooms. S.  F.  Bulletin,  May  1-3,  17,  Aug.  30,  Oct.  14,  Dec.  17,  1S56;  Cal. 
Chronicle,  May  20,  1856;  Sac.  Union,  May  5,  13,  1S5G;  S.  F.  Alta,  May  2,  3, 
18,  1856. 

41  Totten,  chief  engineer  of  the  railroad,  and  Wal’d,  in  their  protests  held 
Fabrega ’s  government  responsible,  and  claimed  damages.  They  also  de- 
manded protection  for  the  passengers  and  treasure  then  expected  from  Cali- 
fornia on  the  Golden  Gate.  Fabrega,  upon  the  latter  point,  gave  the  required 
assurances,  recommending  that  the  railroad  officials  should  also  adopt  pre- 
cautionary measures.  In  his  report  to  the  supreme  government  on  the  22d 
of  April,  1856,  he  denied  the  charges  preferred  against  him  by  Totten  and 
Ward,  declaring  that  the  whole  affair  had  been  sudden  and  unpremeditated; 
and  he,  as  well  as  the  gens  d’armes  had  the  best  intentions  to  protect  the  pas- 
sengers, and  the  firing  upon  them  had  been  unauthorized,  though  resulting 
from  the  fact  that  the  passengers  had  continued  shooting.  He  kept  to  him- 
self, however,  that  fear  for  the  lives  of  himself  and  the  few  other  white  peo- 
ple of  the  city,  which  were  in  great  peril  from  the  infuriated  blacks,  had 
deterred  him  from  attacking  the  mob.  The  latter  was  calmed  and  dispersed 
only  through  the  good  offices,  called  for  by  Fabrega,  of  the  influential  men 
among  the  negro  population.  Pan.,  Gaceta  del  Est.,  Apr.  26,  May  3,  10,  27, 
1856. 

40  On  their  landing  at  Colon,  the  other  steamship  was  ready  at  Panama  to 
receive  them  and  put  off  as  soon  as  they  were  on  board.  They  traversed  the 
Isthmus  without  scarcely  setting  foot  on  the  soil.  Maldonado,  Asuntos  Pollt. 
Pan.,  MS.,  11-12. 

411  Convive's  Rep.  and  Coll,  of  Evidence,  1-69;  U S.  Gcrvt  Doc.,  Cong.  34, 
Sess.  1,  vol.  xi.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  no.  103,  154-76. 


522 


DIVERS  PHASES  OF  SELF-GOVERNMENT. 


At  last  a convention  was  concluded  on  tlie  10th  of 
September,  1857,  between  Secretary  Cass,  and  Gen. 
eral  P.  A.  Herran,  minister  of  New  Granada,  for  the 
settlement  of  all  claims,  the  latter  having  acknowl- 
edged the  responsibility  of  his  government  for  the 
injuries  and  damages  caused  by  the  riot.4. 

The  relations  with  Americans  on  the  Isthmus  con- 
tinued to  be  unsatisfactory  for  some  time  longer. 
Notwithstanding  that  New  Granada  was  apparently 
inclined  to  cordiality,  cases  of  injustice  or  ill  treatment 
to  American  citizens  often  occurring,  at  last  the  presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  asked  congress,  on  the  18th 
of  February,  1859,  for  power  to  protect  Americans  on 
the  Isthmus. 4S  In  later  years  Americans  have  seldom 
had  any  serious  cause  of  complaint. 

The  question  of  neutrality  of  the  Isthmus  has  occa- 
sionally been  on  the  tapis.  A case  in  point  occurred 
in  1864,  during  the  sectional  war  in  the  United  States, 
when  a number  of  southern  confederates  went  on 
board  the  American  steamer  Salvador  at  Panama, 
with  the  purpose  of  seizing  her  at  sea,  and  turning 
her — as  she  had  guns  on  board — into  a confederate 
cruiser,  to  be  used  in  capturing  the  first  treasure 
steamer  from  California.  The  men  engaged  in  the 
enterprise  were  themselves  arrested  at  sea  on  the 
Salvador,*0  by  an  American  war  vessel.  The  admiral, 
Pearson,  asked  the  government  of  Paiiauid  for  per- 


47  It  stipulated  a board  of  arbitration  composed  of  commissioners  of  both 
governments  to  award  upon  claims  presented  prior  to  Sept.  1,  1S59.  The  total 
amount  of  awards  N.  Granada  would  pay  in  equal  semiannual  instalments,  the 
first,  six  months  after  the  termination  of  the  commission;  and  the  whole  pay- 
ment to  be  completed  within  eight  years;  each  of  the  sums  bearing  interest  at 
0 per  cent  per  annum.  To  secure  said  payments,  N.  G.  govt  appropriated 
one  half  of  the  compensation  accuring  to  her  from  the  Panama  railroad  com- 
pany; if  such  fund  should  prove  insufficient,  it  was  then  to  provide  for  the 
deficit  from  its  other  sources  of  revenue.  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  Cong.  3(5,  Sess.  2, 
Sen.  Miscell.,  no.  13,  1-7.  After  the  riot  the  federal  government  en- 
deavored to  have  a force  on  the  Isthmus  to  protect  foreign  interests,  which 
it  should  have  done  before.  Maldonado , Asuntov  Polit.  Pan.,  MS.,  10-11. 

48  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  Cong.  35,  Sess.  2,  H.  Ex.  Dec.,  no.  2,  21,  22,  vol.  ii.  pt 
i. ; Id.,  Id.,  Sen.  Doc.,  no.  33,  x.  1-3. 

49  Thomas  Savage,  U.  S.  acting  consul-general  at  Habana,  had  sent  timely 
notice  of  their  plans.  They  were  taken  with  arms,  munitions  of  war,  and 
written  proof  of  their  intent. 


ISTHMUS  ROBBERIES. 


523 


mission  to  send  the  prisoners  overland  to  Colon,  where 
they  might  be  embarked  for  New  York.  The  request 
was  refused;50  in  consequence  of  which  the  prisoners 
were  sent  to  San  Francisco.51 

At  the  commencement  of  the  French  intervention 
in  Mexico,  the  legislature  of  Panamd,  asked  the  gen- 
eral government  of  Colombia  to  allow  no  French 
troops  to  pass  over  the  Isthmus.  The  United  States 
government  was  not  called  upon  to  aid  this  policy. 
In  the  autumn  of  18G4  a body  of  French  marines 
arrived  at  Colon  to  cross  to  the  Pacific  and  replace 
invalids  of  the  fleet  on  the  Mexican  coast.  The  presi- 
dent of  Panama  refused  them  a pass,  and  asked  the 
railroad  company  not  to  transport  them.  The  French 
officers  argued  that  American  and  English  troops  had 
on  several  occasions  been  allowed  to  cross.  It  so 
happened  that  at  this  time  some  American  soldiers 
arrived  and  crossed  over  to  the  Pacific  under  a permit 
previously  granted  by  the  former  president  of  the 
state.  The  French  then  alleging  the  so-called  ‘most- 

o o 

favored-nation’  clause  also  crossed  over.52 

With  other  nations  occasional  misunderstandings 
have  taken  place,  but  in  no  instance  did  they  lead  to 
serious  complications.53  Minor  riots,  attended  with 
more  or  less  killing  and  wounding  of  foreigners,  had 
occurred  in  1850  and  in  1851,  both  on  the  Atlantic 
and  Pacific  sides.54  The  gold-dust  train  from  Cali- 

50Calancha,  president  of  Panama,  pleaded  that  he  had  no  authority  to 
allow  it;  the  national  constitution  reserving  to  the  general  government  of 
Colombia  the  control  of  the  foreign  relations.  Bidwell's  Pan.  Pth. , 207-11. 

61  They  were  sentenced  by  court-martial,  their  chief  to  death,  and  the 
others  to  imprisonment  at  hard  labor;  the  sentence  of  the  first  was  commuted, 
and  all  were  released  at  or  before  the  termination  of  the  war.  Hoijij  et  al.  v. 
U.  S.,  1-22;  S.  F.  Call,  Nov.  2G,  1864;  May  25-31,  June  6-8,  July  6,16,  1865; 
S.  F.  Bulletin,  Nov.  28,  29,  Dec.  7,  1864;  May  22,  1865. 

bi  This  affair  took  place  about  one  month  prior  to  that  of  the  prisoners 
arrested  on  the  Salvador.  Bidwell's  Pan.  Isth. , 206. 

M Questions  of  neutrality  with  Spain  during  the  Cuban  revolution  in 
1871-2;  and  in  18S0,  at  the  time  of  the  war  of  Chile  against  Peru  and  Bolivia, 
on  the  subject  of  contraband  of  war  passing  through  for  the  uses  of  either 
belligerent.  Gaceta  de  Pan.,  Sept.  21,  1871;  Apr.  12,  1872;  July  4,  15,  Sept. 
2,  16,  Nov.  7,  1880. 

54  Pan.  Star,  March  29,  1S50;  Polynesian,  vii.  42,  50;  Holinskie,  La  Cali- 
fornie,  83;  S.  F.  Alta,  Mar.  22,  Apr.  3,  1851;  S.  F.  News,  Apr.  3,  ) 85 1 . The 
most  serious  one  was  on  the  22d  and  23d  of  Oct.,  1851,  at  Chagres,  among 


524 


DIVERS  PHASES  OF  SELF-GOVERNMENT. 


forma  was  thrice  assailed  by  robbers,  while  crossing 
from  sea  to  sea,  without  success.  The  last  attempt 
was  in  September  1851,  by  Americans,  several  of 
whom  wTere  captured.55 

Whilst  the  Isthmus  was  under  the  direct  rule  of  the 
national  government,  peace  and  quiet  reigned.  The 
few  political  commotions  that  occurred  at  long  inter- 
vals had  no  effect  detrimental  to  public  morals,  nor  to 
the  obedience  paid  by  the  people  to  the  authorities. 
It  is  a fact  that  when,  upon  the  discovery  of  the  gold 
placers  in  California,  the  large  influx  of  foreigners  first 
arrived,  they  were  surprised  at  the  extraordinary 
prestige  the  authorities  enjoyed,  and  at  the  blind 
obedience  paid  to  their  mandates.56  Bayonets  were 
not  necessary  to  enforce  order.  This  was  owing  to 
the  harmony  then  existing  between  the  government 
and  the  clergy.5.  And  throughout  the  land  for  sixteen 
years  from  1840,  peace  prevailed,  save  certain  dis- 
turbances in  the  provinces  of  Azuero  and  Veragua  in 
July  1854.58 

boatmen  and  passengers,  in  which  several  lives  were  lost,  and  the  town  was 
much  damaged.  Pan.  Star,  Oct.  2S,  1851;  S.  F.  Alta,  Nov.  18,  20,  1851; 
S.  F.  Daily  Herald,  Nov.  18,  1851.  The  official  report  of  the  jefe  politico  on 
the  3d  of  Nov.  said  there  were  two  or  three  killed  and  a number  wounded. 
Bogota,  Gaceta  OJic.,  Dec.  3,  1851.  The  vigilants  of  the  Isthmus  had  a thief 
well  flogged  at  Chagres  in  1851.  S.  F.  Courier,  Jan.  21,  1851.  Another  case 
of  lynch  law  occurred  on  the  island  of  Taboga  in  1855.  The  carpenter  of 
the  American  steamship  company  was  one  morning  dragged  out  of  bed  and 
murdered.  As  there  was  no  police  on  the  island,  the  employes  of  the  com- 
pany captured  the  murderers,  one  of  whom  made  full  confession,  and  their 
captors  without  more  ado  hanged  them.  The  state  authorities  took  no  notice 
of  the  matter,  other  than  issuing,  some  time  after,  a full  pardon  to  the  exe- 
cutioners. Bidwell’s  I sth.  of  Pan.,  216;  Pan.,  Gaceta  del  Ext.,  Sept.  29,  1855. 

65  This  occurred  on  the  Cruces  route.  The  escort  was  fired  upon,  two 
arrieros  were  mortally  wounded.  The  banditti  endeavored  to  run  off  one  of 
the  laden  mules,  but  were  prevented  by  the  escort  and  passengers.  Holinski, 
La  CaliJ ornie,  83-4;  S.  F.  Alta,  Oct.  18,  1851;  S.  F.  Daily  Herald,  Oct.  18, 
1851. 

66  A mere  alcalde  met  with  no  difficulty  whatever  to  have  his  orders  carried 
out. 

57  Judges  and  alcaldes  were  not  only  civil  officials,  but  also  agents  of  the 
ecclesiastical  authorities.  Their  double  role  insured  them  great  influence 
with  a people  ‘ barbarizado  por  la  ignorancia  y el  fanatismo.’  Maldonado, 
Asuntos  Polit.  Pan.,  MS.,  3. 

68  Public  documents  speak  in  general  terms  of  outrages  committed  by  the 
revolutionists.  They  marched  from  Veragua  against  Los  Santos  in  Azuero, 
and  were  defeated.  Pan.  Golem.,  in  Pinart,  Pan.  Coll.  Doc.,  MS.,  no.  43,  5- 


PANAMA  A STATE. 


525 


Nevertheless,  the  white  population  of  Panama  had 
been  for  some  time  past  discontented  with  the  general 
government,  and  a desire  had  sprung  up  to  get  rid  of 
a yoke  which  was  deemed  oppressive.  The  supreme 
authorities  at  Bogota  were  not  unaware  of  this,  and 
whether  prompted  by  the  fear  of  losing  the  territory, 
or  by  a sentiment  of  justice,  or  by  both,  concluded  to 
allow  the  Isthmians  the  privilege  of  controlling  their 
local  affairs,  which  was  hailed  with  joy  by  all  classes. 
An  additional  clause  to  the  national  constitution  was 
then  enacted  by  the  New  Granadan  congress,  on  the 
27th  of  February,  1855,  by  which  Panamd  was  made 
a state,  and  a member  of  the  confederation  with  the 
four  provinces  of  Panama,  Azuero,  Chiriquf,  and  Ve- 
ragua,59  its  western  boundary  being  such  as  might 
come  to  be  fixed  upon  by  treaty  with  Costa  Rica.60  A 
constituent  assembly  of  31  members  was  convoked 
March  13th  by  the  national  executive,  to  meet  at 
Panama  on  the  15th  of  July  to  constitute  the  state. 

9.  An  amnesty  was  decreed  in  favor  of  the  revolutionists  Sept.  29,  1856, 
excepting  a few  leaders,  who  were  finally  pardoned  in  a later  one  of  Sept.  12, 
1857.  Pan. , Gaceta  del  Est.,  Sept.  16,  23,  1857.  The  following  authorities  ap- 
pear in  pub.  docs.  July  23,  1852,  Gen.  Manuel  M.  Franco,  appointed  from 
Bogota,  comandante  general,  in  place  of  Gen.  Antonio  Morales,  deceased. 
Aug.  6,  1852,  Gov.  Manuel  M.  Diaz  summoned  the  provincial  legislature  to 
hold  its  yearly  session.  Sept.  1,  1853,  Bernardo  Arce  Mata  took  possession 
of  the  office  of  gov.  Jan.  1,  1854,  Jose  Maria  Urrutia  Anino,  who  had  been 
chosen  gov.  of  the  prov.,  assumed  his  duties.  Pan.,  Cr6n.  OJic.,  Aug.  22,  29, 
1852;  Sept.  4,  1853;  Jan.  4,  1854;  Pan.  Gobern.,  in  Pinart,  Coll.  Doc.,  MS., 
no.  43,  1 1 . This  governor  seems  to  have  been  elected  wholly  by  votes  of  the 
interior  departments,  which  greatly  displeased  the  citizens  of  the  capital, 
who  had  hitherto  controlled  affairs.  Anino  was  an  honorable  and  just  man, 
and  fairly  intelligent;  but  was  made  the  object  of  ungenerous  hostility  and 
ridicule,  and  on  one  occasion,  at  least,  his  life  was  in  danger.  In  1855,  under 
the  pretext  of  an  official  visit  in  the  interior,  he  went  to  his  home  and  never 
returned.  Maldonado,  Asuntos  Pollt.  Pan.,  MS.,  10.  The  vice-gov.,  Manuel 
M.  Diaz,  took  the  executive  chair  on  the  19tli  of  May,  and  occupied  it  till  the 
18th  of  July.  Pan.,  Gaceta  del  Est.,  July  28,  1855. 

69  This  arrangement  seems  to  have  been  against  the  wishes  of  the  three 
last  named.  The  national  congress  having  asked  the  provinces  for  their 
opinion,  the  legislature  of  Chiriquf,  on  the  19th  of  Oct.,  1852,  approved  a re- 
port of  Nicolas  Lopez  to  the  effect  that  Veragua,  Chiriquf,  and  Azuero  should 
not  be  harnessed  to  the  car  of  Panama.  Chiriqui,  Ordenanzas,  in  Pinart,  Pan. 
Coll.  Doc.,  MS.,  no.  86,  p.  64. 

“The  gen.  govt  ceded  to  Panama  the  buildings  that  had  been  used  as  cus- 
tom-houses till  1849  in  Portobello  and  Panama;  also  two  others  in  the  plazuela 
de  armas  and  calle  de  Jirardot  in  Pan. ; and  likewise  the  fortresses  of  Panama, 
Chagres,  and  Portobello,  excepting  the  esplanades  and  artillery.  Pan.,  Gaceta 
del  Est.,  July  20,  1855. 


526 


DIVERS  PHASES  OF  SELF-GOVERNMENT. 


The  assembly  was  presided  over  by  Francisco  F abrega, 
and  on  the  18th  passed  an  act  for  the  provisional 
organization  of  the  state.  Justo  Arosemena,  being 
chosen  jefe  superior  provisorio,  took  possession  of  office 
at  once,  and  appointed  Carlos  Icaza  Arosemena  gov- 
ernment secretary.61  The  city  of  Panama  was  declared 
to  be  the  capital,  and  residence  of  the  superior  author- 
ities of  the  state. 

The  constitution  of  the  now  entitled  Estado  de 
Panama  was  promulgated  on  the  17th  of  September, 
1855.  It  was  a liberal  instrument,  including  freedom 
of  religion.  The  executive  authority  was  vested  in 
a governor,  who  was  to  assume  the  office  on  the  1st 
of  October  of  the  following  year,  and  hold  it  two 
years.  A vice-governor  and  two  designados  were  also 
to  be  elected  by  popular  vote,  to  take  charge  of  affairs 
should  the  governor  die  or  be  otherwise  disenabled  to 
discharge  his  duties.  In  the  absence  or  inability  of 
all  the  elect,  then  the  superior  civil  authority  of  the 
capital  was  to  act  as  governor.62  A misunderstanding 
having  occurred  between  the  jefe  superior  and  the 
assembly,  the  former  resigned  his  office  on  the  28th 
of  September,  and  having  insisted  on  his  resignation 
being  accepted,  Francisco  Fabrega,  who  had  been 

61  The  governor’s  salary  was  fixed  at  $400  per  month.  The  new  order  of 
tilings  was  formally  communicated  to  the  foreign  consuls,  all  of  whom  offered 
their  congratulations,  etc.  Id.,  July  2S,  Aug.  4,  1855;  Verayuas,  Ordenanzas 
y Resol.,  in  Pinart,  Pan.  Coll.  Docs.,  MS.,  no.  6S,  p.  68;  Correoso,  II.,  Statemt, 
MS.,  3;  Hcraldo  de  Lima,  Oct-  10,  1855.  A decree  of  the  assembly  of  Sept. 
12,  1855,  divided  the  state  into  seven  departments:  Colon,  Panama,  Code, 
Herrera,  Los  Santos,  Fabrega,  and  Chiriquf.  Their  respective  chief  towns 
were  to  be  Colon,  Panama,  Nata,  Pese,  Los  Santos,  Santiago,  and  David. 
Governors  were  appointed  by  the  executive,  to  enter  upon  their  duties  on  the 
1st  of  Aug.  Pan.,  Gaceta  del  Eat.,  Sept.  15,  1855. 

62  This  assembly  was  the  most  able  and  responsible  body  of  men  that  ever 
came  together  in  Panama,  excepting  only  that  which  proclaimed  the  inde- 
pendence from  Spain.  Maldonado,  Asnnlos  Polit.  Pan.,  MS.,  12-13.  The 
officers  on  the  day  the  constitution  was  signed  were:  Mariano  Arosemena, 
president;  Dionisio  Facio,  vice-president;  Santiago  de  la  Guardia,  designado; 
Manuel  Morro,  deputy  for  Panama,  secretary.  Among  the  other  signers 
were  Bernardo  Arce  Mata,  Jose  Arosemena,  Bartolome  Calvo,  Jil  Colunje, 
1'ermin  Jovane,  Jose  de  Obaldia,  Ramon  Vallarino,  four  Fabregas,  nearly  all 
of  whom  have  since  held  high  office  in  the  republic  and  the  state.  A general 
amnesty  was  also  decreed  on  the  6th  of  Oct.,  for  all  political  offences  to  Sept. 
30th,  whether  the  persons  were  sentenced  or  not.  This  included  some  who 
had  in  July  last  disturbed  the  peace  in  Azuero.  Pan.,  Gaceta  del  Estado,  Sept. 
20,  Oct.  13,  1855. 


DISPUTED  ELECTION. 


527 


elected  vice-oovernor  on  the  22d,  was  inducted  into 
the  executive  office  on  the  4th  of  October.63 

Notwithstanding  the  hopes  of  a bright  future,  from 
this  time  the  Isthmus  was  the  theatre  of  almost 
perpetual  political  trouble,  and  revolution  became 
chronic,  preventing  any  possible  advancement.  In 
185G  there  was  a stormy  electoral  campaign,64  that 
culminated  in  a coup  d’etat,  for  which  the  responsibility 
must  be  about  equally  divided  between  the  executive, 
Francisco  Fabrega,  and  the  demagogues.63 

The  election  for  governor  took  place  on  tne  15th  of 
August,  185G.  The  white  element  claimed  Bartolome 
Calvo,  a colored  man  from  Cartagena,  and  a conserva- 
tive in  politics,  to  have  been  elected  by  4,000  majority. 
The  negroes  insisted  that  Manuel  M.  Diaz,  a white 
man,  had  been  chosen.  The  declaration  by  the  legis- 
lature as  to  who  was  the  elect  had  not  been  made,  as 
required  by  law,  by  the  15th  of  September.  The 
radicals  then  demanded  that  the  vice-governor,  who 
was  in  their  interest,  should  assume  the  executive. 
On  the  15th  of  September  trouble  was  expected 
against  the  white  men,  many  of  whom  took  refuge 
on  the  American  sloop  of  war  St  Mary’s.60  Calvo  was 
finally  declared  by  the  legislature  on  the  18th  of  Sep- 
tember to  have  been  constitutionally  chosen  for  two 
3Tears;  and  Francisco  Fabrega  the  vice-governor.67 
If  not  a man  of  high  order  of  talent,  Calvo  possessed 
good  judgment,  and  he  eventually  succeeded  in  mak- 
ing himself  respected,  even  by  those  who  opposed  his 


63  It  is  understood  that  Fabrega  accepted  the  jefatura  superior  only  on 
condition  that  BartolomO  Calvo  should  assume  the  government  secretaryship, 
which  had  been  thrown  up  by  Icaza  Arosemena.  Calvo  became  the  secretary. 
Id.,  Oct.  3,  10,  27,  1855;  Correoso,  Statemt,  MS.,  3. 

64  Previous  to  it  the  executive  had  to  go  with  troops  to  quell  a disobedience 
to  the  authorities  in  Los  Santos.  No  opposition  being  encountered,  some 
prisoners  were  made,  who  afterward  received  a pardon  on  the  0th  of  March. 
Pan.,  Gacetadel  Est.,  Feb.  2,  25,  March  24,  1856. 

63  Some  deputies  of  the  opposition  were  arrested  in  the  legislative  cham- 
ber, and  despotically  exiled. 

60  This  vessel  hauled  into  shore  and  landed  her  marines  to  protect  the 
whites.  S.  F.  Alta,  Oct.  2,  14,  1856. 

67 Pan.  Star,  Sept.  16,  Oct.  1,  1856;  Pan.,  Gace.ta  del  Est.,  Nov.  20,  1856; 
Correoso,  Statemt,  MS.,  3-4. 


528 


DIVERS  PHASES  OF  SELF-GOVERNMENT 


election.  His  course  was  moderate,  and  it  may  be 
said  of  him  that  he  was  an  honest  man,  and  his  ad- 
ministration a successful  one.  The  finances  were 
improved,  and  public  education  was  encouraged.65 
After  serving1  nineteen  months  he  resigned  office  and 
left  the  state.69  Ramon  Gamboa,  as  first  designado, 
succeeded  him  for  the  rest  of  the  term. 

Jose  de  Obaldfa  was  chosen  by  popular  vote  over 
J.  M.  Hurtado,  the  government  condidate,  amid  a 
great  political  commotion,  his  election  being  recog- 
nized by  the  legislature  at  midnight.  His  term  began 
on  the  1st  of  October,  1858.  Obaldfa  was  one  of  the 
most  talented  and  best  informed  men  in  the  republic, 
and  an  eloquent  orator.  However,  though  a power 
in  the  tribune,  he  proved  himself  unfitted  for  a ruler.70 
During  his  term,  on  the  17th  of  April,  1859,  the  col- 
ored population  attempted  to  assail  the  whites,  and 
after  some  violence  were  dispersed  by  a force  sent 
against  them.71  Another  outbreak  of  the  negroes 
against  the  whites  took  place  the  27th  of  September, 
I860,  necessitating  the  landing  of  an  armed  force  from 
the  British  ship  Clio,  which,  after  order  was  restored, 
returned  on  board.72 

Governor  Obaldfa  was  succeeded  by  Santiago  de  la 
Guardia,73  elected  against  the  opposition  of  the  liberal 

68  ‘ Dejo  el  puesto  sin  haber  merecido  imputacion  de  que  hubiese  tornado 
del  tesoro  publico  otra  cosa  masque  sus  sueldos.’  Maldonado,  Asuntos  Polit. 
Pan.,  MS.,  14. 

0<J  1 1 e had  been  meantime  elected  attorney-general  of  the  republic,  and  his 
residence  had  to  be  in  Bogotd.  Pan.,  Oaceta  del  Est.,  May  20,  1858. 

70  He  showed  weakness  during  his  short  occupancy  of  the  presidential 
seat  at  Bogota,  and  afterward  as  governor  of  Panama.  He  was  also  lazy  and 
negligent. 

71  Capt  Navarro  and  one  soldier  were  killed,  and  two  others  wounded.  The 
governor  himself  was  struck  on  the  head  with  a stone.  An  Am.  force  of 
marines  landed  from  their  ship,  but  had  no  occasion  to  use  their  arms.  No 
damage  was  done  to-  property.  Id.,  Apr.  24,  1859;  S.  F.  Alta,  May  8,  1859. 

72  On  the  29th  it  being  feared  that  there  would  be  another  disturbance, 
the  more  timid  of  the  citizens  sought  refuge  in  the  foreign  consulates.  The 
intendante  general,  J.  M.  Hurtado,  then  asked  the  commanders  of  the  Clio, 
and  U.  S.  sloop  of  war  St  Louis,  to  land  100  men.  It  was  done,  and  the  trouble 
was  warded  off  for  the  time.  S.  F.  Bulletin,  Oct.  29,  Nov.  14,  I860;  U.  S.  Govt 
Doc.,  Cong.  36,  Sess.  2,  Sen.  Doc.,  1,  p.  15,  iii;  pt.  1;  Pan  Scraps,  31. 

73  Member  of  a respectable  family  in  the  interior;  he  was  an  honorable 
man,  and  much  respected  by  the  whites.  He  was  conservative,  and  became 
the  victim  of  politics  when  exerting  himself  to  develop  every  branch  of  his 


ESTADO  SOBERANO  DE  PANAMA. 


529 

negro  vote.  In  September  1860  the  states  of  Cauca 
and  Bolivar  seceded  from  Nueva  Granada,  and  formed 
a confederation  under  the  name  of  Estados  Unidos  de 
Colombia,  with  General  T.  C.  Mosquera  at  the  head. 
By  a clause  of  their  agreement  any  other  state  oppos- 
ing them  was  to  be  conquered  and  annexed.  Wishing 
to  keep  Panannl  neutral  in  the  horrible  struggle  going 
on  in  the  rest  of  the  republic,  Guardia  entered  into  a 
convention  on  the  6th  of  September,  1861,  with  Manuel 
Murillo  Toro,  who  represented  those  states,  by  which 
Panamd  was  to  join  the  confederacy,  but  to  take  no 
active  part  in  the  family  quarrel.74  Early  in  July 
1862  the  state  assumed  the  official  name  of  Estado 
Soberano  de  Panama,  which  it  has  retained  to  the 
present  time. 

This  contest,  out  of  which  the  liberal  party  came 
triumphant  throughout  the  country,  was  known  as 
‘ la  revolucion  de  Mosquera.’  The  minister  of  Nueva 
Granada  in  Washington,  on  the  plea  that  a mere 
naval  force  could  not  afford  security  to  the  Isthmus 
transit,  asked  the  United  States  to  provide  also  a 
land  force  of  300  cavalry,  but  the  request  was  not 
granted.75 

country’s  resources.  BUlwell'x  Ixth.  of  Pan.,  200-2;  Maldonado,  Asuntos  Pol  it. 
Pan.,  MS.,  15-10. 

74 The  gov.  was  authorized  by  the  legislature  on  the  15tli  of  Oct.,  1861,  to 
join  the  state  to  the  new  confederacy.  The  state  was  therefore  thus  annexed, 
and  the  foreign  consuls  were  formally  apprised  of  it.  Justo  Arosemena  was 
appointed  on  the  8th  of  Jan.,  1802,  its  plenipotentiary  to  the  convention. 
Pan.,  Gaceta  del  Ext.,  Sept.  27,  1801;  Feb.  26,  March  8,  1802. 

70  The  Am.  government,  though  willing  to  interpose  its  .aid  for  the  benefit 
of  all  nations  in  the  execution  of  the  neutrality  treaty  of  1S46,  feared  to  be- 
come involved  in  the  revolutionary  strife  going  on  in  Nueva  Granada,  besides 
incurring  danger  of  misrepresentation  by  other  powers  if  it  should  act  without 
consulting  them.  The  35th  art.  of  the  treaty  of  December  12,  1840,  says: 
‘And  in  order  to  secure  to  themselves  the  tranquil  and  constant  enjoyment 
of  these  advantages,  and  as  an  especial  compensation  for  said  advantages,  and 
for  the  favors  they  have  acquired  by  the  4th,  5th,  and  0th  art.  of  this  treaty, 
the  U.  S.  guarantee  positively  and  efficaciously  to  N.  Granada,  by  the  present 
stipulation,  the  perfect  neutrality  of  the  before-mentioned  Isthmus,  with  the 
view  that  the  free  transit  from  the  one  to  the  other  sea  may  not  be  inter- 
rupted or  embarrassed  in  any  future  time  while  this  treaty  exists;  aud  in 
consequence,  the  U.  S.  also  guarantee  in  the  same  manner  the  rights  of  sover- 
eignty and  property  which  N.  Granada  has  and  possesses  over  the  said  ter- 
ritory.’ Sec.  Seward  laid  the  request  of  Gen.  Herran  before  the  British 
and  French  governments  to  ascertain  their  views.  Earl  Russell  thought 
there  was  no  occasion  as  yet  for  armed  intervention.  Should  it  occur,  his 
IIist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  34 


530 


DIVERS  PHASES  OF  SELF-0 OVERNM ENT. 


The  efforts  of  Guardia  to  keep  the  Isthmus  out  of 
the  general  turmoil  were  of  no  avail.  A force  of  about 
150  or  200  men  under  General  Santa  Coloma  came 
from  Cartagena  to  Colon,  with  the  apparent  purpose 
of  enabling  the  governor  to  carry  out  certain  liberal 
measures.  The  latter  protested  against  such  a viola- 
tion of  a solemn  agreement;  but  the  force  insisted  on 
coming  across  to  Panama,  and  there  was  no  way  of 
preventing  it.  In  the  course  of  a few  weeks  Guardia, 
being  convinced  that  he  was  being  employed  as  a pup- 
pet, removed  himself  and  the  capital  to  Santiago  de 
Verao'ua.  As  soon  as  he  was  gone,  with  the  conniv- 
ance  of  Santa  Coloma,  a party  of  men,  all  but  one  of 
whom  were  of  the  colored  race,  assembled  at  the  town 
hall  and  deposed  Guardia,  naming  one  of  their  own 
party,  Manuel  M.  Diaz,  provisional  governor.76  A 
few  days  after,  on  the  19th  of  August,  in  a skirmish 
between  forces  of  the  two  fictions,  Governor  Guardia 
and  two  or  three  others  were  killed.'7  The  govern- 
ment  continued  with  Diaz  at  the  head,'8  till  under  the 
national  constitution  framed  by  the  convention  of  Rio 


government  would  cooperate  with  the  U.  S.  Thouvenel,  French  minister  of 
foreign  affairs,  said  it  the  railway  should  be  in  danger  of  interruption,  he 
would  not  deem  it  improper  for  the  U.  S.  to  interfere.  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  For- 
eign Affairs,  1862,  pp.  132,  164,  380-1. 

76  This  occurred  on  the  25th  of  July,  1862.  Pan.,  Boldin  Ofic.,  July  27, 
1862;  La  Voz.de  Mij.,  Aug.  26,  1862. 

77  At  Paso  de  las  capellanlas  del  Rio  Chico,  or  Matapalo.  Towns  were 
shamefully  sacked  by  the  victorious  liberals,  and  several  families,  especially 
those  of  Guardia  and  Fabrega,  were  ruined.  Maldonado,  Asuntos  Pol  it.  Pan., 
MS.,  16;  Gaceta  de  Pan.,  Aug.  11,  1870.  Santiago  de  Veragua  was  plundered 
Aug.  22.  Pan.,  Boletin  OJic.,  Sept.  6,  1862.  The  constituent  assembly  of  the 
state,  sitting  Aug.  9,  1865,  passed  an  act  recognizing  that  Guardia  had  lost  his 
life  in  defence  of  right,  and  honoring  his  memory.  Id.,  Sept.  11,  1865.  Cor- 
reoso,  who  served  among  his  opponents,  speaks  of  Guardia  in  the  highest 
terms  of  commendation,  and  bewails  the  loss  Panama  suffered  with  his  death. 
Sucenos  de  Pan.,  3. 

78  A decree  was  issued  in  Sept,  for  election  of  deputies;  another  calling  to 
arms,  for  the  defence  of  the  state,  all  citizens  between  the  ages  of  18  and  60. 
Panama  was  on  the  2d  of  that  month  declared  the  provisional  capital  of  the 
state.  On  the  20th  of  Oct.  was  convoked  a constitutional  assembly  which 
met  on  the  28th  of  Nov.,  on  which  date  the  governor,  in  a message,  made  a 
statement  of  events.  On  Oct.  28th  was  issued  an  amnesty  excepting  only 
such  persons  as  still  refused  to  recognize  the  provisional  government.  Id., 
Sept.  6,  19,  Oct.  1,  22,  Nov.  3,  10,  Dec.  11,  1S62;  S.  F.  Bulletin,  Sept.  17, 
Nov.  26,  1862. 


GOVERNOR  DIAZ. 


531 


Negro,73  which  constituted  the  nation  under  the  name 
of  Estados  Unidos  de  Colombia,  the  Isthmus  became 
one  of  the  federal  and  sovereign  states.  To  Governor 
Diaz  was  assigned  the  duty  of  carrying  out  Mosquera’s 
stringent  decrees  against  the  clergy,  an  account  of 
which  is  given  in  the  next  chapter. 

79  May  8,  1863.  Ratified  the  same  day,  by  the  representatives  of  Panama, 
who  were  Justo  Arosemena,  Guillermo  Figueroa,  G.  Neira,  J.  E.  Brandao, 
Guillermo  Lynch,  and  Buenaventura  Correoso.  Colombia,  Const.  Polit.,  1- 
42;  Correoso' s Statemt,  MS.,  2-3;  Pan.,  Boletin  OJic.,  June  25,  1863. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 


FURTHER  WARS  AND  REVOLUTIONS. 

1863-18S5. 

Presidents  Goitia,  Santa  Coloma,  and  C'alancha — Undue  Interference 
of  Federal  Officials — Colunje’s  Administration — President  Olar- 
te’s  Energy — Enmity  of  the  Arrabal’s  Negroes — Short  and  Dis- 
turbed Rules  of  Diaz  and  Ponce — President  Correoso — Negro 
Element  in  the  Ascendent — Conservatives  Rebel,  and  are  Dis- 
comfited— Armed  Peace  for  a Time— Feverish  Rules  of  Neira, 
Miro,  Aizpuru,  Correoso,  and  Casorla — Cervera’s  Long  Tenure — - 
Temporary  Rule  of  Vives  Leon— President  Santodomingo  Vila  — 
Obtains  Leave  of  Absence — Is  Succeeded  by  Pablo  Arosemena — • 
Aizpuru’s  Revolution— Arosemena  Flees  and  Resigns — Outrages 
at  Colon  — American  Forces  Protect  Panama — Collapse  of  the 
Revolution — Aizpuru  and  Correoso  Imprisoned— Chief  Causes  of 
Disturbances  on  the  Isthmus. 


A constituent  assembly  installed  on  the  6th  of 
May,  1863,1  decreed  a constitution  to  conform  with 
the  national  one.2  Pedro  Goitia,  who  for  some  time 
past  had  been  president  of  the  constituent  assembly, 
was  chosen  president  of  the  state,  to  hold  the  position 
till  the  1st  of  October,  on  which  date  the  elect  of 
the  people  was  to  assume  the  executive  authority.3 

1 Its  officers  were:  Pablo  E.  Icaza,  president;  Juan  Mendoza,  vice-presi- 
dent; J.  J.  Maitin,  designado;  Quint  in  Miranda,  sec.  by  appoint.  Id.,  May 
11,  1 863. 

s Dated  July  4,  1863,  and  published  the  6th  of  the  same  month.  It  con- 
tained 21  titles  covering  1 12  articles,  and  was  a most  liberal  fundamental  law, 
intending  to  give,  if  honestly  administered,  every  possible  guaranty  of  life, 
liberty,  property,  and  political  rights.  The  death  penalty,  torture,  and  other 
cruel  punishments  were  done  away  with.  Corporal  punishment  in  no  case 
was  to  exceed  ten  years.  Nearly  all  the  public  functionaries,  representative, 
executive,  and  judicial,  were  made  elective  by  popular  vote.  Id.,  July  11, 
1863;  BidwelVs  Istli.  Pan.,  364-88. 

3 Goitia  took  the  presidency  on  the  5th  of  July,  and  soon  after  received 
the  congratulations  of  several  foreign  consuls.  Pan.,  Boletin  Ofic. , July  17,  1863. 

(5321 


RAPID  SUCCESSION  OF  RULERS. 


533 


After  this,  the  state  being  tranquil,  the  military  force 
was  placed  on  a peace  footing.  But  Goitia  was  not 
permitted  to  complete  even  the  short  term  for  which 
lie  had  been  appointed.  He  had  to  resign  the  position, 
General  Peregrino  Santa  Coloma  being  chosen  by  the 
legislative  assembly  to  fill  it,  and  he  took  possession  of 
the  office  on  the  13th  of  August.4  Santa  Coloma,  being 
afterward  as  was  made  to  appear  elected  president, 
held  the  executive  office  a short  time  only,  for  the 
reason  that  he  was  chosen  a representative  in  the 
national  congress  at  Bogotd.5  Jose  Leonardo  Calan- 
cha,  as  vice-president,  now  took  charge  of  the  execu- 
tive, which  he  was  allowed  to  hold  only  till  the  9th  of 
March,  1865,  when  he  was  deposed.6 

Jil  Colunje  ' was  placed  at  the  head  of  affairs  by 
the  revolution,  and  a convention  called  on  the  8th  of 
April  to  meet  on  the  1st  of  July,  and  reconstruct  the 
state.8  Colunje  was  appointed  president  for  the  term 

4 Correspond,  with  foreign  consuls  and  others.  Id.,  Aug.  30,  1S63. 

6 Correoxo's  Stalernt,  MS.,  4. 

6 By  the  battalion  Tiradores,  of  national  troops.  Calancha  had  no  popu- 
larity in  the  country.  He  has  been  accused  of  scandalous  corruption  and 
connivance  at  robbery.  However,  he  seems  to  have  confined  his  peculation 
to  the  public  revenue,  a practice  which  was  not  new  since  Guardia’s  fall. 
Some  time  after,  Calancha  together  with  Gabriel  Neira  invaded  the  state  with 
a force  from  Cauca;  but  while  crossing  the  river  Santa  Maria  in  the  hacienda 
Las  Cruces,  they  were  met  by  the  government  troops  under  Col  Vicente 
Olarte,  and  routed  with  the  loss  of  many  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners, 
Neria  being  one  of  the  latter.  Calancha  was  again  defeated  at  San  Francisco 
near  Nata,  and  delivered  by  his  men  to  the  victors.  His  brother  Francisco  was 
also  taken.  It  is  recorded  that  Mrs  Jane  White  Ball,  an  American,  together 
with  other  women,  provided  a hospital  and  nursed  the  wounded  of  both 
bands.  Pan.,  Boletin  OJic.,  Apr.  22,  June  7,  Sept.  18,  Oct.  10,  18G5;  Cor- 
reoso’s  Stalem.,  MS.,  4;  Bidwell's  Isth.  Pan.,  211. 

7 A colored  man  of  good  political  ability,  as  he  proved  in  the  high  official 
positions  filled  under  the  national  government.  He  has  been  accused,  how  - 
ever,  of  immoral  practices.  His  administration  was  peaceable,  but  left  evils 
that  were  never  eradicated.  He  inaugurated  the  corrupt  system  of  extorting 
contributions  from  political  opponents,  whereby,  as  the  latter  averred,  he 
materially  improved  his  own  financial  condition,  though  he  had  decreed  him- 
self only  the  modest  salary  of  $200  per  month.  Pan.,  Boletin  OJic.,  Apr.  1, 
1805.  Every  citizen  who  had  a competency  was  made  to  contribute.  One 
day  he  had  all  the  respectable  citizens  arrested  to  extort  money,  for  which  he 
never  accounted.  The  majority  of  the  public  employes  had  to  sell  their  sal 
ary  warrants  for  one  half  or  one  fourth  of  their  value.  The  country  derived 
no  other  fruit  from  his  administration  than  poverty. 

8 The  assembly  met,  and  its  first  act  was  to  confirm  all  that  Colunje  had 
done.  A pardon  was  decreed  to  political  offenders  on  the  28th  of  Nov.  Pan., 
Boletin  OJic.,  Apr.  20,  22,  July  20,  25,  Dec.  0,  1805;  Pan.,  Informe  Sec.  Eat., 
1800,  1-4. 


534 


FURTHER  WARS  AND  REVOLUTIONS. 


from  August  9,  1865,  to  September  30,  I860.9  At 
the  expiration  of  that  term  Aricente  Olarte  Galindo, 
who  had  been  apparently  elected,  became  president 
on  the  1st  of  October,  1866,  and  appointed  Jose  M. 
Bermudez  his  secretary  of  state. 

Olarte’s  election  is  represented  as  an  enthusiastic 
one,  and  intended  as  a reward  for  the  services  he  ren- 
dered to  the  better  portion  of  the  Isthmian  com- 
munity, with  his  defeat  of  the  Caucano  invaders.10 

He  found  himself  in  a constant  disagreement  with 
the  legislature  of  the  state,  which  he  forced  to  submit 
to  his  dictation.11  The  whole  negro  party  of  the 
arrabal  was  his  mortal  enemy,  but  he  managed  to 
keep  it  under  by  making  it  feel  occasionally  the  effect 
of  his  battalion’s  bullets.  In  the  last  attempt  against 
his  power,  the  negroes  were  severely  punished,  and 
they  never  tried  again  to  measure  strength  with  him.1'2 
His  power  was  now  more  secure  than  ever,  and  his 
way  became  plain  to  procure  the  election  as  his  suc- 
cessor to  the  presidency  of  his  brother,  then  residing 
in  Cliiriqui. 

The  negroes  were  in  despair,  as  they  could  find  no 
means  of  seizing  the  government.  From  the  time  of 
Guardia’s  deposal  they  had  been  enjoying  the  public 
spoils,  and  could  not  bear  the  idea  of  being  kept  out 
of  them,  when  their  number  was  four  or  five  times 
larger  than  that  of  the  white  men.  The  success  of 

9 An  attempted  outbreak  in  March  at  Panama,  and  one  in  August  at 
David,  were  quelled.  Pan.,  Mensaje  Presul.  Est.,  1800,  1-3;  Gaceta  Nic.,  Apr. 
7,  18(56;  Pirn  and  Seemanris  Dotlings,  1-11. 

10  He  belonged  to  the  liberal  party;  a well-disposed  man,  and  a friend  of 
peace,  which  he  endeavored  to  foster,  by  trying  to  heal  dissensions.  He 
made  himself  popular  among  the  better  class  of  the  community  by  his  just 
proceedings,  and  efforts  to  better  the  condition  of  the  country,  though  not  a 
native  of  the  Isthmus.  Maldonado,  Astuntos  Polit.  Pan.,  MS.,  20.  It  has 
been,  however,  said  of  him  that  he  appropriated  considerable  amounts  from 
the  public  treasury,  and  placed  them  in  London  through  the  agency  of  a 
Jamaican  who  lived  in  Colon. 

11  ‘Ante  laimponente  autoridad  de  su  sable  a la  cabeza  del  batallon  Tira- 
dores.’  Ih. 

I J They  plotted  an  assault  on  the  battalion  in  its  barracks,  but  were  de- 
tected by  Olarte.  The  assault  was  made  at  midnight,  and  a fight  ensued,  in 
which  the  negroes  lost  heavily,  including  almost  all  their  leaders,  and  among 
them  Gregorio  Sigurvia.  Id.,  20-1. 


BLACK  PROCEEDINGS. 


535 


Olarte’s  plans  would  be  the  death  of  their  aspirations, 
which  were  the  control  of  public  affairs,  by  ousting 
the  whites,  who  were  mostly  conservatives.13  It  be- 
came, therefore,  a necessity  to  rid  the  country  of  that 
ogre;  and  as  this  could  not  be  clone  by  force  of  arms, 
poison  was  resorted  to.  The  plan  was  well  matured, 
and  carried  out  in  San  Miguel,  one  of  the  Pearl 
Islands,  where  Olarte  went  upon  an  official  visit. 
Olarte’s  death  occurred  on  the  3d  of  March,  1868, 
without  his  knowing  that  he  had  been  poisoned.  This 
crime  was  not  the  act  of  one  man,  but  of  a whole 
political  party,  which  took  care  to  have  the  death 
attributed  to  a malignant  fever.  It  became  public, 
however,  through  the  family  of  another  man,  who 
also  became  a victim.14  No  official  or  post-mortem 
examination  was  made,  and  the  matter  was  hushed 
up. 

Olarte’s  death  was  greatly  deplored  by  the  better 
class  of  the  community,  and  high  honors  were  paid  to 
his  remains,15  by  the  legislature  and  the  community, 
the  foreign  consuls  and  their  countrymen  joining.  In 
the  absence  of  the  first  designado,  Manuel  Amador 
Guerrero,  the  second,  Juan  Jose  Diaz,  took  the  reins 

13  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  whatever  the  words  liberal  and  conserva- 
dor  may  mean  in  other  Spanish  American  countries,  in  Panama  the  former 
has  been  appropriated  by  the  colored  portion  of  the  inhabitants,  who  have 
been  joined  by  a few  whites  for  their  own  political  and  pecuniary  aims.  The 
conservador  party  was  made  up  mostly  of  white  men  and  property  holders, 
and  they  have  often  been  victimized  by  the  gamonales,  or  leaders  of  the  other 
party,  whenever  the  latter  has  been  in  power. 

11  The  circumstances  connected  with  the  sickness  and  death  of  Gen.  Olarte 
and  Manuel  M.  Morro  afford  presumptive  evidence  of  foul  play.  After  a ban- 
quet in  San  Miguel,  on  the  last  day  Olarte  was  to  be  there,  wine  prepared 
with  fish  poison  was  served  him  and  his  secretary,  Jose  M.  Bermudez.  The 
latter,  by  accident,  escaped  the  fate  prepared  for  him,  and  Morro,  being  in- 
vited by  Olarte  to  join  him,  partook  of  the  wine.  Olarte,  having  his  stomach 
full  of  food  and  wine,  immediately  threw  up  all.  Morro,  on  feeling  the  ef- 
fects, took  two  doses  of  ipecacuanha,  and  succeeded  in  vomiting.  But  neither 
victim  saved  himself.  Both  were  taken  to  Panama,  where  Olarte  died  in 
five  days,  and  Morro  in  about  eleven.  The  facts  have  been  strenuously 
denied.  Correoso,  Stalem.,  MS.,  5,  asserts  that  Olarte  contracted  a fever  in 
his  visit  to  Darien.  The  first  diagnosis  of  the  physicians,  it  is  understood, 
was  that  the  patients  were  suffering  from  yellow  fever,  or  some  other  malig- 
nant disease.  Morro  was  a talented  young  man  belonging  to  one  of  the 
prominent  families  of  the  city,  and  much  liked  by  all. 

10 Details  on  his  funeral  in  Pan.,  Mercantile  Chronicle,  March  4,  ISOS;  Pan. 
Star  ancl  Herald,  March  5,  7,  12,  ISOS;  Pan.,  Boldin  Ofic.,  March  7,  1808 


536 


FURTHER  WARS  AND  REVOLUTIONS. 


of  government.16  His  tenure  of  the  presidential  office 
was  a short  one,  however;  for  in  the  morning  of  the 
5th  of  July,  a revolution  by  the  black  men  of  the 
arrabal  broke  out  in  Panamd,  headed  by  General 
Fernando  Ponce,  commander  of  the  national  forces, 
and  Diaz  was  overthrown.17  The}7"  said  that  the  lib- 
eral party  had  been  cheated  out  of  its  majority  at  the 
late  election  for  deputies,  by  the  unlawful  devices  of 
its  conservative  opponents;  and  it  was  but  logical  to 
conclude  that  the  same  practices  would  be  again  re- 
sorted to  at  the  coming  election  of  president  of  the 
state.18  There  was  really  no  cause  for  this  revolution. 
The  excuses  alleged  by  the  promoters  were  frivolous. 
They  only  wanted  to  seize  power  and  secure  the 
spoils. 

Ponce  was  placed  at  the  head  of  affairs  as  provis- 
ional president,  to  rule  in  accordance  with  the  national 
and  state  constitutions,  and  existing  laws;  and  in  his 
absence,  the  following  persons,  in  the  order  named, 
were  to  assume  the  duties:  Buenaventura  Correoso, 
Pablo  Arosemena,  Mateo  Iturralde,  Pedro  Goitia, 
and  Juan  Mendoza.19  Thus  was  the  movement  accom- 
plished; a provisional  government  was  recognized  by 
the  foreign  consuls,  and  by  four  of  the  interior  de- 
partments, which  submitted  to  the  change  rather  than 
become  involved  in  civil  war.  On  the  20th  of  July  a 
general  amnesty  was  decreed.20 

The  situation  was  by  no  means  enviable.  The  mil- 
itary element  was  not  united,  much  animosity  exist- 

16  Amador  finally  declined  the  office.  Id. , March  7,  1868. 

17  He  was  afterward  exiled,  and  went  to  California.  S.  F.  Times,  Aug.  3, 
1868;  S.  F.  Bulletin,  Aug.  1,  1868.  The  negroes  declared  Diaz  a traitor,  hut 
the  public  never  saw  any  evidence  of  it.  Maldonado,  Asuntos  Polit.  Pan., 
MS.,  23. 

18  The  acta  appears  in  full  in  Boletin  Ofic.,  July  8,  1868;  Nk. , Gaceta, 
July  25,  186S;  S.  F.  Times,  July  25,  28,  31,  1868;  S.  F.  Call,  July  25,  1868; 
S.  F.  Bulletin,  July  25,  27,  1868. 

19  Ponce's  first  act  was  to  declare  martial  law  by  a decree  of  July  6th, 
countersigned  by  Didimo  Parra,  as  secretary  of  state.  The  superior  court, 
in  view  of  the  situation,  on  the  same  date  adjourned,  to  escape  participation 
in  the  infringement  of  the  constitution,  which  had  been  just  perpetrated. 

20  Even  Chiriquf,  which  had  held  back,  finally  recognized  the  new  govern- 
ment. Pan.,  Bolelin  O/fc.,  July  30,  1868;  A'ic..  Gaceta.  Aug.  22,  1868. 


PANAMA  AND  CHIRIQUL 


537 


ing  between  the  state  battalion  ‘ Panama  ’ and  the 
‘ Santander,’  which  led  to  a second  revolution  on  the 
29th  of  August,  and  Ponce  resigned  the  presidency 
to  Buenaventura  Correoso,21  who  received  it  on  the 
next  day.  Citrlos  Icaza  Arosemena  was  appointed 
secretary  of  state.  Correoso22  was  not  permitted  to 
enjoy  his  office  peaceabty.  He  used  his  best  endeav- 
ors to  that  end;  but  was  erelong  summoned  to  crush 
a revolt  of  the  conservatives  in  Chiriqui,  at  the  head 
of  which  were  the  prefect  of  that  department,  and 
Colonel  Aristides  Obaldfa,  a son  of  the  ex-president. 

The  conservatives  desired  change.  To  accomplish 
this,  the  people  of  the  interior  armed  themselves  to 
come  to  the  capital  and  crush  the  negro  element.23 
Correoso  sailed  with  a considerable  force  provided 
with  superior  arms  on  the  steamboat  Montijo,u  and 
had  the  good  fortune  to  return  triumphant  with  350 

21  The  Panama  assailed  the  barracks  of  the  other  troops,  and  captured  it. 
Captain  U.  Meza  being  killed,  and  Alejandro  Arce  and  Rafael  Aizpuru 
slightly  wounded.  Ponce  was  seized  and  carried  to  the  barracks,  where 
much  enthusiasm  for  him,  it  is  said,  was  manifested;  but  he  was  not  satisfied 
with  the  condition  of  affairs,  resigned,  and  left  the  state.  Pan.,  Boletin  Ofic., 
Sept.  5,  1808;  Correoso’s  Statement,  MS.,  5;  Hie.,  Oaceta,  Sept.  19,  1808;  Pan. 
Star  and  Herald,  Sept.  1,  10,  18GS;  Maldonado,  Asuntos  Pollt.  Pan.,  MS.,  24. 

22  His  public  life  began  when  he  was  18  years  old,  and  he  has,  in  the  civil 
service  of  the  state,  held  every  office  from  alderman  to  president  or  governor, 
both  inclusive.  In  the  judiciary,  he  lias  served  as  district  judge  and 
member  of  the  superior  court.  In  the  military  service  he  began  as  a lieut  in 
1854,  and  rose  to  be  gen.  of  division.  He  was  a deputy  of  the  state  legisla- 
ture, and  a senator  in  the  national  congress,  and  also  for  a while  vice-presi- 
dent of  the  republic,  besides  being  a member  of  several  conventions.  He 
represented  his  country  as  minister  plenipotentiary  near  the  five  republics  of 
Central  America,  and  always  belonged  to  the  liberal  party,  and  fought  for  it. 
Correoso’s  Statem.,  MS.,  1-2. 

23  In  assuming  the  executive  office,  Correoso  found  no  money  in  the  treas- 
ury. He  at  once  resorted  to  the  device  employed  by  his  predecessor  Colunje 
of  arresting  the  prominent  citizens  of  the  capital,  whom  he  kept  in  confine- 
ment till  they  paid  the  amounts  severally  demanded.  The  same  outrage  was 
afterward  practised  in  the  interior.  The  result  was  an  increase  of  poverty 
from  day  to  day. 

21  The  government  was  left  for  the  transaction  of  local  affairs  in  charge  of 
.Tuan  Mendoza,  governor  of  the  capital.  Pan.,  Boletin  OJic.,  Oct.  9,  1S08.  Dur- 
ing this  revolution,  the  U.  S.  consul  was  directed  by  his  government  to  warn 
A n.  citizens  from  taking  part  in  the  broils  of  the  country.  He  was  also  to  see 
that  unoffending  Americans  were  not  compelled  to  do  military  service,  or  to 
contribute  in  the  form  of  forced  loans  or  otherwise.  S.  F.  Call,  Dec.  4,  1808; 
S.  F.  Fi  nes,  Dec.  4,  1808.  Nevertheless,  the  government  doubled  the  com- 
merial  tax  against  the  solemn  protests  of  foreign  consuls,  and  much  foreign 
property  was  seized.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Oct.  24,  1868;  Pan.,  Boletin  Ojic ., 
Nov.  14,  18GS. 


538 


FURTHER  WARS  AND  REVOLUTIONS. 


men  on  the  16th  of  November.  The  conservatives, 
about  400  strong,  under  Obaldia,  attacked  Correoso’s 
force  of  about  equal  number,  at  the  Hatillo,  near  San- 
tiago, and  were  defeated,25  after  which,  the  government 
of  the  ‘29th  of  August  being  proclaimed,  prisoners  were 
set  at  liberty.  The  revolution  was  at  an  end.  Cor- 
reoso  then  summoned  a constituent  assembly,  which 
elected  him  constitutional  president  for  the  term  of 
four  years  ending  September  30,  1873.  With  occa- 
sional attempts  at  disturbance,  which  were  successfully 
quelled  or  peaceably  adjusted,  Correoso  held  the  office 
till  the  1st  of  October,  1872,  when  he  resigned  it,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Gabriel  Neira  to  fill  the  rest  of  the 
term.  Neira  was  not  permitted  to  hold  the  position 
long,  for  a little  before  eleven  o’clock  in  the  forenoon 
of  April  5,  1873,  the  revolutionary  party  of  the  arra- 
bal,  headed  by  Rafael  Aizpuru,  commander  of  the  state 
troops,  and  fourth  designado,  revolted  against  the 
government,  marched  into  the  city,  and  made  pris- 
oners President  Neira  and  Secretary  Eladio  Briceno. 
D&maso  Cervera,  as  fifth  designado,  was  called  by  the 
superior  court  to  the  presidency.20 

The  Pichincha — battalion  of  national  troops — inter- 
fered to  restore  Neira.  After  some  firing,  it  was 
agreed  that  Cervera  should  continue  in  power,  and 
Neira  remain  in  the  custody  of  the  national  force.27 

25  The  fighting  took  place  between  9 aud  12  o’clock  of  the  12th  of  Nov. 
Both  sides  behaved  well,  but  Correoso’s  men,  having  better  arms,  were  victo- 
rious. According  to  Correoso’s  account  there  were  in  all  about  200  killed  and 
wounded,  Gen.  P.  Goitia  being  among  the  latter.  Correoso' n Statnmt,  MS.,  6. 
The  negroes  with  relentless  ferocity  gave  no  quarters  to  the  greater  part  of 
the  prisoners,  who  were  shot.  They  also  plundered  to  their  heart’s  content. 
Maldonado,  Asuntos  Pollt.  Pan.,  MS.,  25.  Aristides  Obaldia  was  slain  and 
his  untimely  end  was  much  regretted.  He  was  severely  wounded  early  in 
the  action,  and  his  friends  took  him  out  of  harm’s  way;  but  during  the  route 
some  of  Correoso’s  men  discovered  and  put  him  to  death.  His  remains  were 
interred  with  military  honors  by  Correoso’s  orders.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald, 
Nov.  19,  18G8;  Pan.,  Mercantile.  Chronicle,  Nov.  17,  1808;  S.  F.  Timex,  Dec.  4, 
11,  1SGS;  A ric.,  Qaceta,  Nov.  28,  1868. 

26 Cervera  appointed  J.  M.  Lleras  his  secretary  of  state,  and  on  the  same 
day  called  several  officers  of  the  militia  to  active  service,  the  chief,  Col  Rafael 
Aizpuru,  being  made  comamlante  gen.  of  the  forces  of  the  state.  Gar.e.ta  de 
Pan.,  Apr.  19,  1873. 

27  The  farce  was  performed  to  have  Neira  chosen  president,  and  Correoso 
1st  designado;  and  then  it  was  expected  that  the  former  would  after  a while 


ISTHMUS  RECONSTRUCTION. 


539 


T1  ic  national  force  having  taken  part  in  the  troubles, 
its  efficiency  to  protect  the  transit  was  rendered  doubt- 
ful, for  which  reason  troops  were  landed  from  the 
United  States  ships  of  war  by  order  of  Rear-admiral 
Steedman.28  Finally,  terms  of  peace  were  arranged 
in  the  evening  of  May  9tli,  based  on  the  conditions 
that  Neira’s  government  should  be  reestablished. 
The  state  militia  surrendered  their  arms  to  the  foreign 
consuls  the  next  day,  the  Pichincha  performing  the 
duties  of  the  state  force.  Meantime,  till  Neira’s  re- 
turn, Colonel  Juan  Pernett  was  to  act  as  president.'29 
Neira  heard  of  the  change  at  Barranquilla  on  the  13th 
of  May,  and  returned  at  once.  On  the  21st  he  made 
Josd  Maria  Bermudez  secretary  of  state,  and  Colonel 
Pernett  comandante  general.30  The  votes  for  senators 
and  representatives  to  the  national  congress  were 
counted  on  the  15th  of  July,  and  the  names  of  the 
elect  were  published.31 

The  people  of  the  arrabal  made  another  disturbance 
on  the  24tli  of  September,  attacking  the  government 
outposts  at  Playa  Prieta.  Hostilities  were  continued 
during  twelve  or  fourteen  days,  when  the  rebels,  under 
Correoso,  abandoned  their  ground,  and  were  after- 
ward defeated  in  the  country.  Meantime  an  Ameri- 
can force  of  nearly  200  men,  sent  on  shore  by 
Rear-admiral  Alony,  a second  time  within  four  months, 

resign,  and  enable  the  latter  to  again  assume  the  presidency  without  violating 
the  constitution.  The  elections  took  place  as  desired.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald, 
Apr  8,  1873. 

28  One  hundred  men  occupied  the  railway  station,  and  100  were  stationed 
in  the  town  hall.  Capt.  Kennedy,  of  the  Brit,  war  ship  Reindeer , offered  Ids 
cooperation  if  needed. 

29  This  arrangement  was  arrived  at  through  commissioners;  namely,  Gre- 
gorio Miro  and  Francisco  Ardda  for  the  Pichincha  no.  8;  Jose  Agustin  Arango 
and  Florentino  Dutari,  for  Cervera.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  May  10,  13,  1873. 
Correoso  claims  that  upon  hearing  in  Costa  Rica,  where  he  was  then  accredited 
as  Colombian  minister,  of  the  revolution  against  Neira,  he  returned  in  haste 
to  Panama,  and  by  his  influence  induced  the  revolutionists  to  replace  Neira. 
Statement,  MS.,  6;  S.  F.  Bulletin,  May  19,  26.  June  6,  1873;  S.  F.  Alta,  May 
20,  1873;  S.  F.  Chromde,  May  20,  26,  June  7,  18,  1873. 

30 The  latter  resigned  the  command  June  23d  Oaceta  de  Pan.,  June  7, 
July  5,  1873.  Aizpuru,  who  had  been  kept  a prisoner  was  afterward  released. 

31  Senators:  Pablo  Arosemena,  B.  Correoso,  and  Agustin  Arias.  Repre- 
sentatives: Fernando  Casanova,  Man.  de  J.  Bermudez,  Juan  C.  Carranza, 
Marcelino  Villalaz,  and  Jose  de  la  Rosa  Jurado.  A corresponding  number  of 
suplentes  or  substitutes  was  also  chosen.  Gaceta  de  Pan.,  July  19,  1873. 


540 


FURTHER  WARS  AND  REVOLUTIONS. 


occupied  the  railway  station  and  the  cathedral  plaza.32 
The  minister  resident  of  the  United  States,  William 
L.  Scruggs,  on  the  19th  of  December,  1873,  laid  be- 
fore the  Colombian  government,  of  which  Colunje  was 
secretary  for  foreign  affairs,  a protest  of  the  Panama 
railway  company  upon  the  recent  disturbances  of  the 
Isthmus,  and  a demand  that  the  transit  should  in  future 
be  under  the  immediate  protection  of  the  Colombian 
government  against  the  acts  of  violence  of  local  fac- 
tions.33 The  latter  acknowledged  the  justice  of  this 
demand  on  the  26th  of  December,  pledging  that  in 
future  there  would  be  a national  force  stationed  in 
Panama  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the  transit. 

On  the  1st  of  October  the  constituent  assembly, 
which  had  been  summoned  on  the  1st  of  August,  as- 
sembled. Neira  sent  in  his  resignation,  requesting 
the  appointment  of  a chief  of  the  executive  who  could 
secure  peace.  The  assembly  appointed  Neira  provis- 
ional president,  and  a number  of  designados.34  After- 
ward the  assembly  passed  an  act  reducing  the  presi- 
dential term  to  two  years.30  A new  constitution  in 
seven  titles,  comprising  144  articles,  was  issued  on  the 
12th  of  November,  and  nine  transitory  articles  on  the 
following  day.38  A general  amnesty  to  political  of- 
fenders was  decreed  on  the  loth  of  November.  Presi- 

32  During  its  occupation  over  500  women  and  children  sought  its  protection. 
The  whole  force  retired  about  the  7th  or  8th  of  October.  Pan.  Star  and  Her- 
ald, Sept.  25-30,  1873. 

33  The  minister  reminded  the  executive  of  Colombia  that  though  the  Ameri- 
can government  guaranteed  by  the  treaty  of  1840  the  neutrality  of  the  Isth- 
mus, it  did  not  imply  protection  to  the  road  against  such  factions.  Pan., 
Informe  Sec.  Ed.,  1874,  9-10,  annex  A. 

34 1st,  Gregorio  Miro;  2d,  J.  M.  Bermudez;  3d,  Mateo  Iturralde;  4th, 
Tomas  Herrera;  5th,  Joaquin  Arosemena.  All  Neira ’s  acts  were  approved; 
and  thanks  were  voted  to  both  the  national  and  state  troops  for  their  ser- 
vices. Gaceta  de  Pan.,  Oct.  2,  1873. 

35  The  assembly  granted  the  president  additional  powers  to  restore  peace, 
among  which  was  that  of  obtaining  $60,000  by  means  of  voluntary  or  forced 
loans.  Those  powers  were  rescinded  on  the  14th  of  Nov.  Id.,  Oct.  11,  18, 
Nov.  1,  Dec.  5,  1873;  U.  S.  Gov.  J)oc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  43,  Sess.  1,  351. 

36  Under  this  constitution  the  legislative  assembly  appoints  the  five  sub- 
stitutes of  the  president  of  the  state,  and  also  the  three  justices  of  the  superior 
court.  A council  of  state  is  created,  to  be  composed  of  the  president  of  the 
state,  the  last  president  of  the  legislative  assembly,  the  president  of  the  su- 
perior court,  and  the  attorney-general  of  the  state.  For  all  important  affairs, 
the  executive  is  to  consult  the  couucil.  Id.,  Nov.  15,  1S73. 


CHRONIC  UNREST. 


541 


dent  Neira  having  attempted  in  the  morning  of  the 
14th  of  November  to  make  a revolution  with  the  Her- 
rera battalion  for  the  purpose  of  setting  aside  the 
assembly,  in  which  he  failed,  and  afterward  concealed 
himself,  that  body  met  at  8 o’clock  and  deposed  him. 
Whereupon  Gregorio  Mirb,  the  first  designado,  was 
summoned  to  assume  the  executive  for  the  term  end- 
ing September  30,  1875,  which  he  did  on  the  lGth,37 
appointing  Jose  M.  Bermudez  his  secretary  of  state, 
and  Ramon  Vallarino  Bntjimo  secretary  of  the  treas- 
ury. These  two  departments  of  government  were 
abolished  on  the  25th  of  July,  1874,  and  the  office  of 
secretary-general  created,  which  was  intrusted  to 
Pablo  Arosemena  on  the  11th  of  August.38  This  ar- 
rangement lasted  only  till  the  8th  of  April,  1875, 
when  the  offices  of  secretary  of  state  and  of  the  treas- 
ury were  reestablished.39 

Miro  s administration  was  a restless  one,  owing  to 
constant  conspiracies  based  on  various  causes.  The 
last  one  was  headed  by  Rafael  Aizpuru,  who  claimed 
to  be  acting  in  the  interest  of  the  federal  policy  in 
that  stormy  period  of  Colombian  history.40  An  at- 
tempt was  made  to  establish  a provisional  government 
with  Aizpuru  at  its  head,  annulling  Miro’s  authority. 
The  latter  took  the  field,  leaving  Juan  J.  Diaz,  the 
second  designado,  in  charge  of  the  executive;  but 
after  some  unsuccessful  efforts  to  quell  the  rebellion, 
his  official  term  came  to  an  end,  and  Pablo  Arose- 
mena41 succeeded  him  on  the  1st  of  October;  but  he 

37  He  made  the  pledge  required  by  law  before  the  assembly,  the  foreign 
consuls,  public  functionaries  residing  in  the  city,  and  a large  number  of 
citizens.  Id.,  Dec.  5,  1873;  Jan.  17,  1874;  Mcx.,  Mem.  Mm.  Bel.,  1875,  10. 

38 Id.,  Aug.  7,  15,  1874;  Pan.,  Informe  Sec.  Eat.,  1874,  30. 

39  The  persons  appointed  to  fill  them  were  Josd  M.  Bermudez,  who  had 
been  acting  as  secretary-general  for  sec.  of  state,  and  Dxonisio  Facio  for  sec. 
of  the  treasury.  Gaceta  de  Pan.,  Apr.  17,  1875. 

40  The  president  on  the  25th  of  Aug.,  1875,  delegated  his  powers  to  J.  M. 
Bermudez  to  preserve  order  in  the  interior  or  restore  it  as  the  case  might  be. 
Id.,  Sept.  4,  1875;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Aug.  24,  1875. 

41  He  had  been  on  the  2d  of  July  declared  elected  president  of  the  state 
At  the  same  time  the  following  persons  were  declared  to  have  been  chosen  to 
represent  Panama  in  the  national  congress:  Senators,  Justo  Arosemena,  Jos6 
M.  Bermudez,  and  Marcelino  Villalaz;  representatives,  Juan  J.  Diaz,  Juan 
J.  Miro,  Joaquin  Arosemena,  B.  Asprilla,  and  M.  R.  de  la  Torre.  These 


542 


FURTHER  WARS  AND  REVOLUTIONS. 


was  allowed  to  retain  the  position  only  till  the  12th, 
when  he  was  ousted  by  General  Serjio  Camargo,  com- 
mander of  the  federal  force,42  and  Rafael  Aizpuru  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  affairs,  first  as  ‘jefe  provisional 
del  poder  ejecutivo/  and  later  was  recognized  as  pro- 
visional president.43  Damaso  Cervera  became  secre- 
tary  of  state,  and  Francisco  Ardila  of  the  treasury. 

A constituent  assembly,  presided  over  by  B.  Corre- 
oso,  met  on  the  25th  of  November,  and  on  the  28th 
approved  all  Aizpuru’ s acts,  and  authorized  him  to  re- 
tain the  executive  office  until  a constitutional  president 
should  be  chosen  by  it.  The  assembly  on  the  6th  of 
December  adopted  another  constitution  for  the  state, 
containing  126  articles.44  On  the  same  day  Rafael 
Aizpuru  was  elected  constitutional  president,  and  was 
at  once  inaugurated.45  A law  of  December  25,  1876, 
ordained  that  the  president  of  the  state  should  take 
possession  of  his  office  on  the  1st  of  January  following 
his  election  His  term  was  for  two  years.46  The 
republic  being  now  the  prey  of  a general  civil  war, 
promoted  by  the  clergy,  the  state  of  Panamd,  comply- 
ing with  the  demands  of  the  national  government,  sent 
an  armed  brig  with  troops  and  arms  to  the  port  of 
Buenaventura,  and  the  Colombia  battalion  to  the 


were  subsequently  annulled  by  the  constituent  assembly,  Dec.  11th.  Gaceta  de 
Pan.,  July  24,  Dec.  16,  1875. 

42  Particulars  of  the  insurrection  and  arrest  of  Arosemana  appear  in  Camar- 
gos’  despatch,  in  Colombia,  Diario  Ofic.,  Nov.  13,  15,  1875;  Gaceta  de  Pan., 
Oct.  5,  7,  16,  23,  Nov.  13,  17,  23,  1875;  S.  F.  Call,  Nov.  5,  1875;  Correoso's 
Htatem.,  MS.,  7. 

43 Oct  18tli,  he  empowered  B.  Correoso,  comandante  gen.,  to  use  his  best 
endeavors  to  restore  order  in  the  departments  of  Code,  Los  Santos,  Veragua, 
and  Chiriqui.  His  government  was  recognized  at  once  by  the  foreign  consuls. 
Gaceta  de  Pan.,  Oct.  16,  23,  1875. 

44  The  executive  is  vested  in  a president,  to  be  elected  by  popular  vote  for 
two  years.  The  legislative  assembly  elects  the  justices  of  the  superior  court 
and  their  suplentes,  the  five  substitutes  of  the  president,  the  attorney-gen- 
eral, and  his  suplente;  also  the  administrator-gen.  of  the  treasury,  and  the 
contador  by  absolute  majority.  No  change  was  made  in  the  council  of  state. 
Gaceta  de  Pan.,  Jan.  1,  1876;  Pan.,  Constit.  Pollt.  del  Eat.  Sobo.,  1-20. 

45  His  government  was  soon  after  recognized  by  the  national  executive. 
On  the  13th  of  Dec.,  1876,  the  legislative  assembly  chose  Ddmaso  Cervera, 
Francisco  Ardila,  Josii  R.  Casorla,  Quintin  Miranda,  and  M.  Losada  Plise, 
designados  for  the  presidency,  in  the  order  named.  Gaceta  de  Pan.,  Jan.  8, 
Feb.  20,  Dec.  17,  1876. 

40  Pan.  Leyas,  1876-7,  11. 


ISTHMUS  POLITICS. 


543 


headquarters  of  the  army  of  the  Atlantic.4'  The 
legislature,  early  in  1877,  authorized  the  executive  to 
raise  troops  for  the  defence  of  the  state,  and  to  obtain 
money  by  voluntary  or  forced  loan.48 

Buenaventura  Correoso,  having  been  elected,  as- 
sumed the  presidential  office  on  the  1st  of  January, 
1878;  but  being  worried  by  the  frequent  disturbances, 
and  desirous  of  averting  further  scandals,  resigned 
in  December  following,  and  was  succeeded  by  the 
designado  Jose  Ricardo  Casorla.49  This  president  was 
disturbed  by  two  revolutions.  The  first  was  occasioned 
by  the  battalion  3d  of  the  line,  under  the  supposition 
that  the  state  authorities  were  hostile  to  the  national 
government.50  The  second  partook  more  of  the  nature 
of  comedy  than  of  tragedy.  General  Aizpuru,  having 
returned  from  Bogotd,  whither  he  had  gone  as  a sena- 
tor  from  Panama,  went  off  to  Colon  on  the  7th  of 
June,  and  proclaimed  himself  provisional  chief.  That 
same  night  Casorla  was  arrested  near  his  residence, 
and  carried  oft*  to  Colon,  where  he  was  held  by  the 
revolutionary  chief.  The  second  designado,  Jerardo 
Ortega,  then  took  charge  of  the  executive.51  But 
under  a subsequent  arrangement  Casorla  was  surren- 
dered, and  replaced  in  the  executive  office,  which  he 
resigned  three  days  later  into  the  hands  of  Jerardo 

47  Pan.,  Mem.  Sec.  Eat.,  1876,  1-6.  On  Sept.  25,  1876,  the  president  as- 
sumed personal  command  of  the  state  troops.  Gaceta  de  Pan.,  Oct.  15,  1876. 

48  The  president  attempted  both  recourses;  till  on  the  10th  of  March  the 
citizens  tendered  a loan  of  $30,000.  Id.,  March  1,  8,  22,  1877;  Salv.,  Gaceta 
Ofic.,  Feb.  18,  1877. 

49 Dec.  30,  1878.  Correoso’s  Statem.,  MS.,  9;  Pan.,  Mem.  Sec.  Hacienda, 
1878,  i.-xl. ; Gaceta  de  Pan.,  March  10,  May  30,  July  21,  28,  Sept.  26,  Oct.  13, 
Nov.  17|  Dec.  8,  19,  1878;  Pinart,  Pan.  Col.  Docs.,  MS.,  no.  101;  Colombia, 
Diario  Ofic.,  Jan.  31,  1879;  Pan.,  Mem.  Sec.  Goh.,  1878. 

50  The  object  was  to  upset  the  state  government;  but  it  was  defeated  by 
the  state  troops,  after  a fight  that  lasted  till  the  18th,  and  caused  great  havoc. 
Among  the  killed  were  the  commander  of  the  battalion,  Col  Carvajal,  and 
his  son,  Lieut  Carvajal,  who  were  trying  „o  check  the  infuriated  soldiery. 
Pan.,  Mem.  Sec.  Gob.,  1879,  5-6. 

51  The  government  sent  troops  against  the  revolutionists,  and  some  fighting 
ensued  without  decisive  results  At  last  the  contending  parties  came  to  an 
arrangement  by  which  Aizpuru  agreed  to  surrender  the  person  of  Casorla, 
and  to  recognize  the  2d  designado  as  the  provisional  president.  He  also 
agreed  to  lay  down  his  arms.  The  government  consented  to  pay  Aizpuru  s 
war  expenses,  and  to  issue  a general  amnesty.  Pan.,  Mem.  Sec.  Gob.,  1879, 
7-12;  S.  F.  Chronicle,  June  19,  25,  1879. 


544 


FURTHER  WARS  ANb  REVOLUTIONS. 


Ortega,  who  held  it  till  the  1st  of  January,  1880, 
when  Ddmaso  Cervera,  chosen  for  the  next  constitu- 
tional term,  was  inaugurated,52  his  term  of  office  be- 
ing two  years. 

The  legislative  assembly,  June  13,  1881,  passed  a 
law  amending  the  constitution.  Under  this  law  the 
assembly53  after  1882  was  to  meet  on  the  1st  of  Octo- 
ber, and  within  the  first  fifteen  days  of  its  ordinary 
sittings  count  the  votes  for  president  of  the  state,  and 
for  senators  and  representatives  to  the  national  con- 
gress. Among  other  things,  it  was  enacted  that  the 
present  assembly  would  name  the  substitutes  of  the 
executive  for  the  term  to  begin  on  the  1st  of  January, 
1882.  Cervera  succeeded  in  maintaining  order  during 
his  term,  though  constantly  disturbed  with  intrigues 
of  the  most  reprehensible  character. 

Rafael  Nunez,  who  had  been  declared  the  president 
elect  of  the  state,54  should  have  appeared  to  assume 
the  executive  duties  on  the  1st  of  January,  1882,  for 
a term  ending:  on  the  31st  of  October,  1884:  but  as 
he  failed  to  do  so,  Damaso  Cervera,  the  first  desig- 
nado,  was  summoned  to  take  charge  pro  tempore  of 
the  office.55  Nunez  resigned  the  position  in  November 
1882,  on  the  ground  of  ill  health;  and  though  he 
offered,  at  the  request  of  the  legislature,  to  reconsider 
his  action,  he  never  came  to  fill  any  part  of  his  term.50 
Nothing  worthy  of  mention  occurred  in  the  politics  of 
the  Isthmus  during  this  year,  except  a continued  op- 
position on  the  part  of  the  so-called  ultra-liberals  to 

52  Mateo  Iturralde  was  made  secretary  of  government,  and  Juan  Jose  Mird 
of  the  treasury.  Several  changes  took  place  afterward,  and  the  final  secre- 
taries were:  of  government,  Benjamin  Ruiz,  and  of  the  treasury,  Juan  B. 
Amador.  Jose  Vives  Leon  was  government  secretary  in  Sept.  1881. 

53  The  assembly  to  be  formed  of  one  deputy  for  every  (5,000  inhabitants, 
and  every  fraction  of  3,500  and  upwards.  Gaceta  de  Pan.,  June  17,  1881. 

34  His  candidature  had  been  opposed  by  Correoso,  Icaza  Arosemena,  Ardila, 
Ortega,  and  others,  for  the  sake  of  union  in  the  liberal  party.  Pan.  Canal, 
June  25,  1881. 

bb  His  election  as  first  designado  by  the  legislature  was  on  the  28th  of  June, 
1881.  The  other  substitutes  chosen  were  the  following,  in  the  order  named: 
Miguel  Borbfia,  Benjamin  Ruiz,  Jose  M.  Vives  Leon,  and  Antonio  Casanova. 
Pan.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1882,  1;  Correono,  Sucesos  de  Pan.,  5,  0. 

30  Pan.  Canal,  Nov.  20,  Dec.  6,  1882;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Nov.  20,  1882; 
Jan.  29,  1883. 


PANAMA  PRESIDENTS. 


545 


Cervera’s  occupancy,  notwithstanding  which  he  had 
been  chosen  1st  designado  for  1883,  and  on  the  1st 
day  of  January  following  was  again  placed  in  posses- 
sion of  the  presidency.57 

The  election  for  president  of  the  state  for  the  next 
term  became  a question  upon  which  there  was  a dis- 
agreement between  the  superior  court  during  recess 
of  the  legislative  assembly,  which  decreed  the  election 
should  take  place  on  the  fourth  Sunday  of  July,  and 
Cervera,  who  claimed  that  it  ought  not  to  be  till  the 
following  year.  The  latter  proposition  was  acted 
upon.58  Cervera  obtained  early  in  the  year  a month’s 
leave  of  absence,  during  which  the  executive  office 
was  in  charge  of  the  second  substitute,  J.  M.  ATves 
Leon,  whose  first  act  was  to  suppress  the  comandancia 
general,  and  to  muster  out  of  service  a number  of' 
officers  of  all  grades.59  The  state  was  in  constant 
expectation  of  war,  owing  to  affairs  in  other  states, 
and  particularly  to  the  presence  of  agents  of  the  gen- 
eral government  having  no  recognized  official  position. 
In  the  apprehension  of  political  troubles,  the  states  of 
Panamd  and  Cauca  entered  into  a convention60  to  sup- 
port one  another’s  interests  in  the  expected  contest. 
Cervera  thought,  however,  that  the  time  was  now 
past  when  the  national  troops  could  interfere  in  the 
internal  affairs  of  the  state.61 

The  presence  of  federal  forces  on  the  Isthmus  had 
often  been  a source  of  danger  to  the  state  government. 
But  it  was  required  by  international  obligation,  and 

57  Pan.  Cronista,  Jan.  3,  1883.  Dec.  3,  1882,  a deputation  composed  of  Cor- 
reoso,  Iturralde,  and  Diaz  had  waited  on  him  to  request  that  he  should  resign 
his  position  of  1st  designado  and  acting  president,  which  he  declined.  Pan. 
Canal,  Dec.  5,  1882. 

68  Nunez  had  been  chosen  for  a term  ending  Oct.  31,  1884.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  constitution  said  that  the  president  elect  should  assume  office  on  the 
1st  day  of  Nov.  following  his  election.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Jan.  29,  1883. 

59  His  sec. -gen.,  Victor  Dubarry,  countersigned  the  decree.  This  measure 
was  intended  to  rid  the  government  of  an  incubus,  and  to  effect  a yearly  sav- 
ing of  about  $16,000.  Pan.  Canal,  March  19,  1883. 

60  At  Popayan,  Aug.  27,  1883.  Joaquin  M.  Perez  was  Panama’s  commis- 
sioner. The  convention  was  ratified  Sept.  10th,  by  Cervera,  countersigned  by 
J.  M.  Casfs,  sec. -gen.  Pan.,  El  Pals,  Sept.  21,  1883. 

C1  He  adopted  for  all  his  confidence  precautionary  measures  to  preserve 
public  order.  Pan.  Cronista,  Oct.  24,  1883. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  35 


546 


FURTHER  WARS  AND  REVOLUTIONS. 


its  necessity  could  but  be  recognized  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  the  construction  of  the  interoceanic  canal, 
already  under  way,  demanded  the  employment  of  thou- 
sands of  men  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  who  in  the 
event  of  strikes  or  for  other  causes  might  commit  out- 
rages.62  The  election  of  senators  and  representatives 
to  the  national  congress  was  effected  this  year  by  the 
legislature,  Damaso  Cervera,  Ricardo  Nunez,  and 
Jose  C.  de  Obaldi'a  being  chosen  to  the  former  posi- 
tion.63 Cervera  having  been  also  elected  first  designado 
of  the  presidency  for  1884,  he  again  was  placed  in 
possession  of  the  chief  magistracy  of  the  state  on  the 
1st  of  January.64 

An  abortive  attempt  was  made,  at  the  instigation 
of  Cervera’s  political  enemies,  to  have  him  removed. 
One  of  the  justices  of  the  superior  court,  on  the  2d 
of  July,  impeached  and  suspended  him  from  office. 
General  Benjamin  Ruiz,  as  second  designado,  was  ac- 
cordingly handed  the  reins  of  government.  But  Cer- 
vera resisted,  and  appealed  to  General  Wenceslao 
Ibanez,  commanding  the  national  brigade,  to  support 
his  authority  Meantime,  the  superior  court  by  a 
majority  decided  on  the  6th  that  Plaza’s  decree  should 
have  no  effect,  and  that  Ruiz  had  illegally  assumed 
the  president’s  functions.65  Ibanez,  however,  on  the 
8th  insisted  on  Cervera’s  leaving  the  government, 
and  himself  took  control,  his  troops  besieging  Cervera 
in  the  state  house.  The  latter  then  applied  to  the 
superior  court  for  a leave  to  proceed  to  Bogotd  to 
take  his  seat  in  the  senate.  Ruiz  again  seized  the 
presidency,  and  appointed  B.  Correoso  secretary -gen- 

62  In  the  first  part  of  1884  there  were  about  14,000  men  on  the  canal-works. 
Still  another  source  of  danger  was  the  mongrel  population  of  Santa  Ana  and 
Calidonia  districts,  in  the  city  of  Panama,  ever  disposed  to  seize  opportuni- 
ties for  plunder,  as  was  made  evident  in  the  last  fire.  J.  M.  Rodriguez,  of 
Panamd,  moved  in  the  national  senate  that  the  federal  force  should  be  in- 
creased to  800  or  1,000  men.  Cent.  Am.  Miscel.,  no.  1. 

03  The  representatives  were,  S.  Jurado,  J.  del  C.  Pino,  Leonidas  Flores, 
Waldino  Izasa,  and  Carlos  Otalora.  Pan.  Cronisla,  Oct.  20,  1883. 

04  By  Juan  P.  Jaen,  president  of  the  superior  court.  Id..  Jan.  2,  1884. 

63  Cervera  had  likewise  claimed  immunity  from  prosecution,  as  a senator 
elect. 


FIGHTING  AT  SEA. 


547 


eral.  By  some  misunderstanding  he  was  recognized 
by  the  national  executive.  At  this  time,  General 
Eloi  Porto,  who  ranked  Ibanez,  arrived  in  Panamd, 
and  through  his  good  offices  Cervera  was  replaced.0" 
Ruiz  might  have  been  permitted  to  rule  a while  had 
he  followed  in  Cervera’s  footsteps;  but  he  began  to 
remove  prefects,  and  to  despatch  commissioners  into 
the  interior,  the  peace  of  the  state  being  again  jeop- 
ardized, which  compelled  Cervera  to  remain. 

A revolution  broke  out  at  David  in  the  night  of 
September  19th,  proclaiming  a genuine  suffrage,  and 
setting  aside  the  declarations  made  by  the  judges  of 
election  for  president  of  the  state  and  deputies  to  the 
assembly.  Movements  of  the  same  kind  followed  in 
other  parts.  In  the  night  of  the  27th  Cervera’s 
authority  was  pronounced  in  Panamd  at  an  end,  and 
Ruiz  was  made  the  executive.  Cervera  on  the  14th 
of  October  proclaimed  that  public  order  had  been  dis- 
turbed by  Ruiz  and  his  supporters,67  and  established 
martial  law.  An  encounter  between  a government 
force  on  board  the  steam-tug  Morro,  and  another  of 
the  rebels  on  the  steamboat  Alajuela,  took  place  at  sea 
in  the  afternoon  of  the  15th  of  October.  The  former 
experienced  damage  and  loss  of  crew.68  Cervera,  who 
was  on  board,  was  blamed  for  the  repulse.  The  Ala- 
juela kept  away  a while,  and  then  returned  to  land 
some  wounded  men.  The  rebel  chiefs,  B.  Ruiz,  Gon- 
zalez, and  Andreve,  marched  into  the  interior,  respect- 
ively to  Veragua,  Aguadulce,  and  Penonomd.  This 

66  Correoso  stated  in  the  Pan.  Star  and  Herald  of  July  12th  that  Ruiz’ 
government  had  been  upset  ‘ a punta  de  sable  ’ by  Porto,  whose  authority 
sprang  from  the  condescension  of  Ibanez  in  recognizing  as  authentic  a tele- 
gram received  that  morning  by  Porto.  He  repeats  the  charge  in  his  Sucesos 
de  Pan.,  7.  The  fact  was  that  Ibanez’  brigade  was  by  the  telegram  incorpo- 
rated with  the  3d  division,  and  thus  came  to  be  under  the  control  of  Porto, 
who  was  chief  of  staff  of  that  division.  Pan.,  Cronista,  July  9 to  Aug.  2,  Aug. 
13,  18S4. 

67  In  Code,  Chiriquf,  and  Panama.  Gaeeta  de  Pan.,  Oct.  15,  1884;  Cent. 
Am.  Miscel.,  no.  2. 

68  The  Morro  was  a British  boat,  which  the  rebels  seized  in  the  night  from 
the  14th  to  the  15th,  and  then  went  on  her  alongside  the  Alajuela,  which  was 
a Costa  Rica  vessel,  seized  her,  and  proceeded  to  sea,  leaving  the  Morro  behind. 
S.  F.  Cronista,  Oct.  18,  1884;  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  Oct.  23,  1884;  Pan.  Star  •and 
Herald,  Oct.  17,  23,  Nov.  26,  Dec.  30,  1884;  Cent.  Am.  Miscel.,  nos.  3,  9,  10. 


548 


FURTHER  WARS  AND  REVOLUTIONS. 


condition  of  affairs  being  telegraphed  to  the  national 
government,  the  executive  decreed  that  public  order 
was  disturbed  in  Panamd,  and  directed  the  commander 
of  the  national  forces  to  arrest  the  guilty  persons.69 
General  Gonima,  the  federal  commander,  repaired  to 
Aguadulce,  and  prevailed  on  Ruiz  and  his  friends  to 
lay  down  their  arms,  which  he  reported  to  Cervera  on 
the  2d  of  November.'0 

The  elections  for  president  of  the  state  took  place 
on  the  27th  of  July,  1884.  Juan  Manuel  Lambert 
was  chosen,'1  and  was  recognized  b}7  the  assembly  in 
October.  But  the  intrigues  of  the  liberal  party,  sup- 
ported by  Gonima,  deprived  Lambert  of  his  office.72 

On  the  1st  of  October,  upon  the  assembling  of  the 
legislature,  Cervera  sent  in  his  resignation;  and  no 
notice  having  been  taken,  he  reiterated  it  on  the  20th, 
reminding  that  body  that  it  had  enacted  measures 
which  would  necessitate  his  retaining  power  till  the 
end  of  December,  when  his  term  should  cease  on  the 
31st  of  October,  and  the  president  elect  assume  his 
duties.  The  resignation  was  not  accepted,  and  the 
assembly  on  the  21st,  by  all  the  votes  present,  but 

69  A Colombian  armed  steamer  was  ordered  to  Panama;  and  Gen.  Santo- 
domingo  Vita  was  despatched  to  cooperate  with  the  commander  of  the  fed- 
eral forces.  The  decree  was  issued  Oct.  22,  18S4.  Gen.  Benjamin  Ruiz  was 
on  the  28th  dismissed  from  the  Colombian  army.  Bogota,  TJiario  Ojic.,  Oct. 
.80,  1884. 

79  The  assembly,  being  notified  that  the  legally  constituted  authorities  were 
now  recognized,  passed  a vote  of  thanks  to  Cervera,  his  secretaries,  Victor 
Dubarry  and  J.  F.  Ucrds,  and  Gen.  C.  A.  Gonima,  for  their  successful  efforts 
for  peace.  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  Nov.  6,  13,  1884;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Nov. 
6,  1884;  Pan.  Cronista,  Nov.  8,  1884. 

71  27,505  votes  against  1,550  for  Justo  Arosemena,  and  95  in  Colon  for  B. 
Ruiz.  An  attempt  had  been  made  by  what  was  called  the  Alianza  Liberal  to 
have  Justo  Arosemena  as  its  candidate,  but  he  virtually  declined  it,  and  his 
name  was  retired  from  the  field  early  in  July.  Id.,  July  30,  Oct.  18,  1884; 
La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  Sept.  4,  18S4. 

72 Gonima  telegraphed  Nuflez  at  Bogota,  on  the  30th  of  Sept.,  the  day  be- 
fore the  assembly  met,  that  it  would  call  a convention,  and  adds  that,  thanks 
to  the  patriotic  efforts  of  Cervera,  ‘ Lambert  no  serd  presidente.  Sus  indica- 
eiones  oidas.’  Bogota,  Diario  Ojic.,  Oct.  8,  1884;  Bogota,  La  IjUZ,  Oct.  8,  1884. 
Lambert,  on  the  12th  of  November,  in  an  address  to  the  Colombian  people, 
protested  against  the  unjustifiable  interference  of  the  federal  govt  in  the  in- 
ternal affairs  of  Panamd,  by  which  he  had  been  prevented  from  assuming  the 
chief  magistracy  he  had  been  chosen  to  by  the  suffrages  of  his  fellow-citizens. 
At  the  same  time  he  made  known  his  intention  to  cause  no  disturbance,  but  to 
remain  peaceably  in  private  life.  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  Oct.  30,  Nov.  20,  1884. 


PANAMA  POLITICS 


549 


one,  desired  him  to  continue  at  the  head  of  the  gov- 
ernment.73 

The  assembly  had  on  the  14th  of  October  passed 
an  act  empowering  the  executive  to  call  a convention 
to  be  elected  by  direct  popular  vote  on  the  7th  of 
December,  and  to  assemble  on  the  1st  of  January, 
18 85. 74  The  convention  met  on  the  appointed  day. 
It  has  been  alleged  that  the  election  of  members 
thereto  was  a mere  farce.75  In  the  still  unsettled 
condition  of  affairs  President  Cervera  concluded,  on 
the  24th  of  November,  to  retain  in  service  a force  of 
officers  for  any  emergency  that  might  occur.'6  Still, 
he  considered  his  position  one  that  was  by  law  unten- 
able, and  on  the  next  day  laid  his  irrevocable  resigna- 
tion before  the  superior  court,  alleging  that  he  had 
held  power  too  long — four  years  and  eleven  months — 
and  referring  to  the  interference  of  the  federal  gov- 
ernment, he  said  that  he  must  either  submit  to  or 
oppose  its  influence.  His  opposition  would  prolong 
an  anomalous  situation  in  the  country.77  The  court, 
in  view  of  the  reasons  adduced,  accepted  the  resigna- 
tion, and  summoned  the  second  designado,  Vives  Leon, 
to  the  presidential  seat,  which  he  held  till  the  6th 
of  January,  inclusive,  on  which  date  the  convention 
almost  unanimously  chose  General  Ramon  Santo- 
domingo  Vila  president  of  the  state.73  A few  days 
previously — on  the  3d — Benjamin  Ruiz  and  the  other 
liberals  in  the  convention,  after  declaring  that  they 
would  hold  as  traitors  all  liberals  who,  by  joining  the 
conservatives,  who  would  strengthen  the  latter  to  make 

73  Details  maybe  found  in  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Oct.  23,  1884;  Pan. 
Cronista,  Oct.  22,  1884. 

74  The  assembly  adjourned  sine  die  on  the  13th  of  Nov. 

73  The  convocation  was  not  made  according  to  the  requirements  of  the  con- 
stitution; and  moreover,  martial  law  existing  in  many  parts  of  the  state,  no 
free  elections  could  be  effected  in  such  localities. 

76 Gen.  Lorenzo  Segundo  was  made  comandante  gen.,  and  Col  F.  Figueroa 
his  second  in  command.  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  Jan.  8,  1885. 

77  Pan.  Cronista,  Nov.  29,  1884;  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  Dec.  4,  1884. 

78  He  took  possession  the  next  day.  Pan.  Cronista,  Jan,  7,  10,  1885;  Ga- 
ceta  de  Pan.,  Jan.  9,  1885;  Pan.,  Actualidad,  Jan.  8,  1885;  La  Estrella  de  Pan., 
Jan.  15,  1885;  Cent.  Am.  Miscel.,  no.  20;  Cotreoso,  Sucesosde  Pan.,  7-8. 


550 


FURTHER  WARS  AND  REVOLUTIONS 


themselves  masters  of  the  state,  abandoned  the  cham- 
ber.79 

The  new  president  at  once  appointed  his  secretaries 
and  his  so-called  cabinet.80  In  the  apprehension  of 
disturbances  at  Colon,  the  executive  requested  the 
commander  of  the  American  war  vessel  Alliance  to 
land  a force  there  to  guard  the  transit.81  The  request 
was  complied  with,  but  the  force  not  being  needed 
then  was  reembarked. 

The  Isthmus  now  becomes  again  the  theatre  of 
deadly  strife,  with  its  concomitant  bloodshed  and 
general  destruction,  to  the  disgrace  of  the  nation  of 
which  it  forms  a part,  and  the  scandal  of  the  world. 
A plot  by  some  men  of  the  national  force  to  seize  the 
revenue  cutter  Boyacd  having  been  detected,  thanks 
to  the  loyalty  of  other  members  of  the  same  force,  the 
executive  notified  the  convention  that  the  time  had 
come  to  proclaim  martial  law,  which  he  did  on  the  9th 
of  February.  The  convention  accordingly  closed  its 
session  on  the  11th.82  On  the  17th,  Santodomingo 
Vila  obtained  a leave  of  absence  to  proceed  to  Carta- 
gena, where  his  military  services  were  required,  and 
Pablo  Arosemena,  the  first  designado,  was  summoned 
to  assume  the  executive  authority.85  At  about  five 
o’clock  in  the  morning  of  the  16th  of  March  the  pop- 
ulation was  awakened  by  the  cries  of  Vivan  los  lib- 
erates ! Viva  el  general  Aizpuru!  accompanied  with 
numerous  shots.  Aizpuru,  at  the  head  of  about  250 
men,  attacked  the  Cuartel  de  las  Monjas,  and  the 
tower  of  San  Francisco,  which  were  defended  by  a 
handful  of  government  troops,  and  a running  fight 

79  Pan.  Cronista,  Jan.  7,  1885. 

"Isidore  Burges,  sec.  of  gov.;  L.  C.  Herrera,  of  treasury;  Jose  M.  Ale- 
man, of  fomento.  Gaceta  de  Pan.,  Jan.  9,  1855;  Cent.  Am.  Miscel.,  no.  22. 

81  The  government  had  now  only  a small  force  in  Colon  or  Panama,  having 
on  the  9th  sent  away  the  federal  troops  to  uphold  the  general  government  at 
Barranquilla,  against  rebels  in  arms.  Pan.  Cronista,  Jan.  21,  24,  1885. 

82  It  seems  that  some  of  its  members  were  implicated  in  this  plot,  and 
orders  for  their  arrest  were  issued.  That  body  alleged  that  legislation  had 
been  hampered  by  the  government.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Feb.  11,  1885; 
Pan.,  El  Cronista,  Feb.  14,  1885;  Correoso,  Sucesos  de  Pan.,  11. 

83  Id.,  Feb.  18,  1885;  Cent.  Am.  Miscel,,  no.  28;  Gaceta  de  Pan.,  Feb.  18, 
1885. 


PANAMA  RIOT. 


551 


from  corner  to  corner  ensued.54  The  assailants  over- 
ran the  city.  The  British  war  ship  Heroine  then 
landed  some  marines  and  sailors  to  protect  the  rail- 
road. The  president  called  for  troops  from  Colon, 
which  came  at  once  under  General  Gonima,  and  enter- 
ing the  city  early  on  the  17th,  compelled  the  portion 
of  the  revolutionists  who  had  remained  in  the  city  to 
rejoin  their  main  body  in  the  plains.83 

Upon  the  government  troops  leaving  Colon,  a 
notorious  man,  Pedro  Prestan,80  with  a motley  gang, 
among  whom  were  many  of  the  worst  characters, 
seized  the  town,87  and  sacked  several  merchants’  houses, 
demanding  forced  loans  from  such  as  were  known  to 
have  pecuniary  means.88  It  is  stated,  however,  that 
he  gave  orders  for  the  protection  of  foreigners  and  their 
property 

The  revolutionists  under  Aizpuru  encamped  at  Par- 
fan  refused  to  listen  to  any  propositions.  Their  chief, 
on  the  24th  of  March,  notified  the  foreign  consuls  of 
his  intention  to  assail  the  city  of  Panamd,  which  he 
also  made  known  to  President  Arosemena.89  This 
functionary  at  once  resigned  his  office  into  the  hands 

84  During  that  morning  the  revolutionists  compelled  merchants  having 
arms  in  their  warehouses  to  deliver  them.  They  thus  provided  themselves 
with  upwards  of  600  rifles. 

80  There  had  been  many  killed  and  wounded  on  both  sides.  An  outsider, 
a French  citizen,  who  imprudently  put  out  his  head,  also  lost  his  life.  Much 
property  was  stolen,  destroyed,  or  injured.  At  midday  on  the  10th  the  pris- 
oners in  the  jail  effected  their  escape,  and  made  themselves  conspicuous  with 
their  cries  of  Viva  la  libertad!  'lhe  government  force  made  several  prison- 
ers, and  seized  a number  of  arms  in  the  arrabal.  A number  of  young  Pana- 
menos  formed  themselves  into  a guard  to  protect  the  city  during  the  night  of 
the  17th.  Pan.  Cronista,  March  18,  21,  25,  1885. 

86  A mulatto  from  Cartagena.  In  1881,  when  a member  cf  the  legislative 
assembly  from  Colon,  he  was  concerned  in  a personal  rencontre  with  and 
killed  M.  Cespedes,  and  an  Englishman.  He  was  tried  and  acquitted,  and 
his  immediate  release  from  prison  was  demanded  by  the  assembly.  Pan. 
Canal,  June  7,  1881. 

81  Correoso  blames  Gonima  for  leaving  Colon  utterly  defenceless.  Sucesos 
de  Pan.,  12. 

88  Those  who  refused  to  furnish  the  supplies  were  imprisoned,  and  their 
goods  confiscated.  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  March  19,  1885;  El  Universal  de  Pan., 
March  20,  1885;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March  31,  1885. 

89  The  object  of  the  notifications  was  to  allow  time  for  non-combatants  to 
get  out  of  harm’s  way.  Families  accordingly  abandoned  the  city,  and  busi- 
ness houses  were  closed.  About  8 o’clock  Gen.  Ibanez  visited  Aizpuru 's  camp, 
and  brought  back  assurance  that  no  assault  would  be  made  that  night. 


552 


FURTHER  WARS  AND  REVOLUTIONS. 


of  the  superior  court,  and  sought  safety  on  the  British 
ship  Heroine.  No  other  designado  having  been  ap- 
pointed by  the  convention,  General  Gdnima  assumed 
civil  and  military  control,  and  appointed  B.  Correoso 
his  secretary- general.  Another  decree  proclaimed  the 
neutrality  of  the  state  of  Panamd  in  the  war  raging 
in  the  rest  of  the  republic.  This  proceeding  restored 
calm  for  a while,  as  it  was  taken  to  be  the  result 
of  an  understanding  between  the  revolutionists  and 
the  government.  But  it  seems  to  have  become  known 
too  late  at  the  headquarters  of  Aizpuru  and  Prestan.90 

On  the  29th  of  March  the  American  mail  steamer 
Colon  arrived  at  the  port  of  the  same  name  from  New 
York,  and  the  government  directed  that  she  should 
not  deliver  arms  to  the  rebels.  This  gave  rise  to  most 
high-handed  proceedings  on  the  part  of  Prestan,  cul- 
minating in  the  arrest  by  his  orders  of  the  American 
consul,  Mr  Wright,  Captain  Dow,  general  agent  of 
the  steamship  line,  Connor,  the  local  agent  at  Colon, 
Lieutenant  Judd  and  Cadet  Midshipman  Richardson, 
of  the  United  States  war  steamer  Galena?1  Soon 
afterward  Richardson  was  released  and  sent  on  board 
the  Galena  to  tell  his  commander,  Kane,  that  the  other 
prisoners  would  be  kept  in  confinement  till  the  arms 
were  surrendered,  and  if  the  Galena  attempted  to  land 
men,  or  to  do  any  hostile  act,  the  boats  would  be  fired 
upon,  and  every  American  citizen  in  the  place  would  be 
shot.  Kane,  knowing  Prestan’s  character,  did  not  at- 
tempt any  hasty  act  Prestan  then  went  to  the  prison 

"Gonima  despatched  Correoso  and  Jerardo  Ortega  as  commissioners,  the 
former  to  Aizpuru,  and  the  latter  to  Prestan.  Both  missions  resulted  in 
nothing  satisfactory.  Aizpuru  proposed  the  following  terms:  1st.  Recogni- 
tion of  Gonima  as  civil  chief  of  the  state;  2d.  Aizpuru  to  have  the  command 
of  the  troops,  which  were  to  be  increased  to  1,000  men.  Prestan  to  be  the 
prefect  at  Colon.  After  reflecting  a moment,  Gonima,  rejected  the  proposals. 
Correoso  then  resigned  the  office  of  secretary-general.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald, 
Apr.  9,  1885;  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  March  28,  Apr.  4,  1885;  Pan.  Cronista, 
March  28,  1885;  S.  F.  Cronista,  Apr.  4,  1885;  Correoso,  Sucesos  de  Pan.,  13-16. 

91  Prestan  demanded  the  arms  on  the  Colon , and  being  refused,  first  ar- 
rested Connor,  then  after  grossly  insulting  Mr  Burt,  the  superintendent  of 
the  Panamd,  R.  R.  Co.,  took  possession  of  the  wharf,  placed  a guard  on  the 
Colon,  and  made  a search  for  the  arms,  but  could  not  get  at  them.  Pan.  Star 
and  Herald,  March  31,  1885;  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  Apr.  4,  1885;  Pan.  Cronista, 
Apr.  4,  1885 


ACTION  OF  THE  REBELS. 


553 


and  told  Consul  Wright  that  he  must  order  Dow  to 
deliver  the  arms,  or  he  would  shoot  the  four  prisoners 
before  that  night.  Wright  complied,  and  they  were 
set  at  liberty. 

But  Kane  took  possession  of  the  Colon , and  in  the 
night  landed  a force  and  three  pieces,  under  Lieuten- 
ant Judd,  with  orders  to  release  at  all  hazards  Dow 
and  Connor,  who  had  been  again  imprisoned.92  No 
sooner  had  the  Americans  occupied  the  offices  of  their 
consulate,  and  of  the  railway  and  Pacific  mail  com- 
panies, than  a force  of  Colombian  national  troops9" 
came  on,  driving  the  rebels  before  them  into  the  in- 
trenchments.  During  the  whole  morning  the  firing 
was  kept  up,  and  ended  about  12,  noon,  when  the 
rebels  being  routed,  Prestan  and  his  rabble  set  fire  to 
the  town  at  various  places,  and  fled.94  A strong  wind 
blowing,  the  flames  spread  violently,  and  the  town 
was  consumed  with  all  its  contents.95  The  American 
forces  continued  some  days  longer  holding  the  place. 
Commander  Kane’s  authority  being  recognized,  and 
the  Colombian  officers  cooperating  with  him  in  the 
preservation  of  order.96 

92  They  had  been  taken  to  Monkey  Hill  at  3 A.  M.  on  the  31st,  and  placed 
in  a dangerous  position  under  guard,  but  in  the  melee  that  followed  they  es- 
caped. 

93 At  1:  30  a.  m.  of  the  30th  160  men,  under  cols  Ulloa  and  Brun,  were  de- 
spatched from  Panama  to  attack  Prestan  at  Colon. 

94  Prestan  succeeded  in  joining  the  rebels  against  the  national  government, 
who  were  beleaguering  Cartagena,  and  was  received  into  their  service,  even 
though  their  chiefs  had  been  made  aware  of  his  conduct  at  Colon.  He  was 
afterward  captured,  brought  to  Colon,  tried  by  court-martial,  and  hanged  on 
the  18th  of  August.  Two  of  his  principal  men,  captured  by  the  Galena's 
force,  had  been  also  tried  by  a Colombian  court-martial,  convicted  of  incen- 
diarism, and  publicly  hanged  on  the  6th  of  May.  They  were  named  Geo. 
Davis,  a West  Indian  negro,  and  Antoine  Portuzelle  or  Pautrizelle,  a 
native  of  Hayti,  who  left  a letter  charging  Prestan  witli  the  infamous  act 
of  destroying  Colon.  Three  other  accomplices,  Grant  and  Guerrero,  and 
a Cuban  named  F.  G.  de  Peralta,  were  subsequently  sentenced  to  imprison- 
ment for  a number  of  years.  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  May  9,  16,  Aug.  15,  1885; 
Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Aug.  19,  22,  Dec.  11,  25,  1885. 

9,>  The  only  buildings  that  remained  standing  were  those  of  the  railway. 
Pacific  mail,  and  canal  company.  Ten  thousand  persons  were  left  without 
shelter. 

96  Pan.  Star  and  Herald , April  10,  1885.  Burt  and  the  canal  company's 
officers  caused  supplies  to  be  brought  to  Colon.  Their  houses  and  offices 
offered  shelter  to  the  destitute  inhabitants.  Kane  and  his  officers  and  men 
labored  day  and  night  to  relieve  suffering,  and  won  themselves  the  gratitude 
of  the  distressed  community.  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  Apr.  4,  1885.  According  to 


554 


FURTHER  WARS  AND  REVOLUTIONS. 


But  to  return  to  Panamd.  Aizpuru  took  advan- 
tage of  the  situation,  Gonima  being  left  with  only  GO 
soldiers,  and  a few  civilians  that  had  joined  him,  to 
occupy  the  principal  streets,  on  the  31st.  To  make  the 
story  short,  by  3 o’clock  in  the  afternoon  he  was 
master  of  the  place,  Gonima  having  surrendered.97 
Aizpuru  announced  in  a proclamation  on  the  1st  that 
he  had  assumed  the  functions  of  jefe  civil  y militar,  to 
which  he  had  been  called  by  the  supporters  of  free 
political  principles,  and  on  the  4th  appointed  his  ad- 
visers,98 and  adopt  measures  to  protect  the  city  from 
incendiarism,  and  specially  to  guard  the  interoceanic 
transit.  Marines  and  sailors  having  been  landed  on 
the  8th  of  April  from  the  United  States  frigate  She- 
nandoah, by  Aizpuru’s  request,  both  ends  of  the  Isth- 
mus were  on  the  10th  guarded  by  American  forces. 
Soon  after  the  United  States  sent  reenforcements  of 
marines  and  sailors  with  special  instructions  to  protect 
the  transit  and  American  citizens  and  their  interests, 
avoiding  all  interference  in  the  internal  political  squab- 
bles. Several  war  vessels  of  the  U.  S.  home  squadron, 
under  Rear-admiral  Jouett,  arrived  at  Colon.99  In 
the  night  of  the  24th  of  April,  while  the  revolution- 
ists were  erecting  barricades,  against  an  understand- 
ing with  the  American  commander,  the  marines  under 
Commander  McCalla  took  possession  of  the  city,  as  a 
necessary  measure  to  protect  American  property,  and 
Aizpuru  and  others  were  arrested.  However,  on  the 

later  accounts,  the  losses  by  the  burning  of  Colon  were  18  lives,  and  about 
§5,000,000.  Pan.  Evg  Telegram,  Apr.  3,  1S86. 

9:  The  number  killed  probably  did  not  exceed  25.  The  prisoners  were 
treated  with  every  consideration,  and  soon  after  released.  Much  property 
was  damaged.  Pan.  Cronista,  Apr.  11,  1885;  Nueva  Era,  of  Paso  del  Norte, 
Apr.  1,  1885;  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  Apr.  4,  1885. 

98 Sec.  of  gov.,  C.  A.  Mendoza;  of  war  and  fomento,  Jeronimo  Ossa;  of 
treasury,  Carlos  Icaza  Arosemena.  The  last  two  declined  the  appointments. 
Commander  of  the  state  forces,  B.  Correoso.  Gaceta  de  Pan.,  Apr.  7,  1885; 
Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Apr.  9,  1885;  Cent.  Am.  Miscel.,  no.  29,  41-3. 

99  Toward  the  latter  part  of  April,  there  were  about  400  in  Panamd  city. 
Total,  number  of  marines  on  the  Isthmus  000,  their  commanding  officer  being 
Brevet  Lieut-col.  Charles  Heywood,  who  commanded  at  Panama.  McCalla 
held  command  in  Colon.  In  case  of  need,  the  Am.  squadron  could  place  on 
shore  1,800  men,  and  30  pieces  of  artillery.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Apr.  23, 
1S55;  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  May  2,  1885. 


RESULT  OF  COLUNJE’S  SYSTEM. 


555 


next  day,  Aizpuru  having  pledged  himself  not  to  raise 
barricades  or  batteries,  the  prisoners  were  released, 
and  the  Americans  retired  to  their  encampment  out- 
side.100 

On  the  27th  a well-equipped  Colombian  expedi- 
tion of  about  850  men,  under  General  Rafael  Reyes, 
arrived  from  Buenaventura  to  support  M.  Montoya 
as  civil  and  military  chief  of  Panamd  until  a consti- 
tutional government  could  be  organized.101  With  the 
good  offices  of  the  foreign  consuls,  a peaceable  ar- 
rangement was  entered  into,  by  which  Aizpuru  bound 
himself  to  disband  his  forces,  deliver  all  arms,  and 
retire  to  private  life.102  But  having  failed,  as  it  was 
alleged,  as  late  as  the  2d  of  May  to  surrender  all  the 
ritles  and  caps  in  the  hands  of  the  rebels,  he  and  others 
were  arrested  and  confined  in  the  town  hall.103  On 
the  12th  Aizpuru  was  sent  to  Buenaventura  and  held  at 
the  disposal  of  the  supreme  government  of  Colombia.104 
It  is  understood  that  the  rebel  leaders  were  called 
upon  to  pay  large  sums  of  money  to  meet  the  govern- 
ment’s necessarily  increased  expenditures;  and  that, 
in  order  to  secure  payments,  their  property  was 
seized.  This  is  the  result  of  Colunje’s  system,  which 
Correoso  followed.  He  has  been  now  repaid  in  the 
same  coin. 


100  Aizpuru  expected  soon  to  be  attacked  by  a superior  force  from  Cauca. 
He  despatched  B.  Correoso  aud  A.  Clement  as  peace  commissioners  to  Buena- 
ventura, but  they  were  arrested  there.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Apr.  25,  27, 
May  4,  1885. 

101  After  which  it  was  to  proceed  to  Cartagena.  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  May 
4,  1885. 

lu3  Aizpuru  s terms  were  as  follows:  1st.  To  resign  his  powers  into  the 
hands  of  Vives  Leon,  Pablo  Arosemena,  or  any  other  constitutionally  entitled 
to  receive  them.  2d.  General  pardon  for  all  offences  of  a strictly  political 
character,  but  the  punishment  of  the  guilty  of  crimes  in  Panama,  Colon,  or 
elsewhere  on  the  Isthmus.  Id.,  Apr.  29,  1885. 

103  On  the  4th  he  claimed  to  have  delivered  a larger  number  of  arms  than 
his  commissioners  had  bound  him  to  surrender.  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  May  3, 
9,  1885. 

lu4  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  May  16,  1885.  Both  Aizpuru  and  Correoso  were 
subsequently  deprived  of  their  military  rank.  The  former,  being  tried  by 
court-martial  in  Bogota,  was  sentenced,  Nov.  3,  1885,  to  10  years’  exile,  with 
loss  of  offices,  income,  and  political  rights  during  that  time,  and  payment  of 
costs  and  of  damages  caused  by  his  rebellion.  Pan.  Star  and,  Herald.  Oct.  1, 
Dec.  10,  24,  1885. 


556 


FURTHER  WARS  AND  REVOLUTIONS. 


The  Isthmus  being  now  pacified,  and  500  more  Co- 
lombians having  arrived  on  the  9th  of  May,  under 
Colonel  Dominguez,  being  another  portion  of  Reyes’ 
force  to  relieve  Santodomingo  Vila  at  Cartagena,  the 
American  marines,  who  had  been  expressly  sent  out 
by  their  government,  returned  home,  leaving  a good 
name  for  discipline  and  general  good  conduct.105  The 
flagship  Tennessee  of  Admiral  Jouett,  and  the  Galena, 
Commander  Kane,  went  to  sea  from  Colon  on  the  1 1th 
of  May.  The  former  conveyed  General  Reyes,  with 
relief  for  the  Colombian  government’s  troops  at  Car- 
tagena. 

O 

After  the  death  of  President  Olarte  in  1868,  the 
Isthmus  for  many  years  did  not  enjoy  a single  day  of 
peace.  The  general  wealth  having  declined  through- 
out the  country,  and  more  so  in  the  interior,  poverty 
prevailed.  Capital,  both  foreign  and  native,  abandoned 
so  dangerous  an  abode.  The  cattle  ranges  and  estates 
disappeared;  likewise  agriculture,  except  on  a small 
scale.106 

The  black  men  of  the  arrabal  in  the  city  of  Panama, 
after  they  were  made  important  factors  in  politics, 
accustomed  themselves  to  depend  on  the  public  funds 
for  a living,  and  the  people  of  the  interior,  who  were 
always  peaceable  and  industrious,  came  to  be  virtually 
their  tributaries.  The  state  became  the  puppet  of 
the  men  at  the  head  of  the  national  government,  or 
of  political  clubs  at  Bogotd,  whose  agents  incited  dis- 
turbances, removing  presidents  indisposed  to  cooperate 
with  or  to  meekly  submit  to  their  dictation,  substi- 
tuting others  favorable  to  their  purposes,  and  thus 
making  themselves  masters  of  the  state  government, 
together  with  its  funds,  and  with  what  is  of  no  less 
import,  the  state’s  vote  in  national  elections. 

Since  the  establishment  of  the  constitution  of  1863, 

185  Upon  which  they  were  publicly  complimented  by  Rear-admiral  Jouett 
in  general  orders. 

1,6  ‘No  siembran  mas  que  lo  que  justamente  consumen  por  temor  de  ser 
robados  en  la  forma  de  contribuciones. ’ Maldonado,  Aswiton  Fold.  Pan.,  MS., 


SOCIETY  AND  POLITICS. 


557 


Panama  has  been  considered  a good  field  by  men 
aspiring  to  political  and  social  position  without  risk- 
ing their  persons  and  fortunes.  They  have  ever  found 
unpatriotic  Panamenos  ready  to  aid  them  in  maintain- 
ing the  quondam  colonial  dependence,  and  investing 
them  with  power,  that  they  might  grow  fat  together 
on  the  spoils.  Almost  every  national  election,  since 
the  great  war  of  1860,  has  brought  about  a forced 
change  in  the  state  government.  The  first  victim,  as 
we  have  seen,  was  Governor  Guardia,  deposed  by  na- 
tional troops  under  Santa  Coloma.  That  was  the  be- 
ginning of  political  demoralization  on  the  Isthmus. 
Every  similar  illegal  device  to  insure  party  triumph 
and  power  at  Bogotd  has  been,  I repeat,  the  work  of 
agents  from  the  national  capital  assisted  by  men  of 
Panamd  to  push  their  own  interests,  and  supported 
by  the  federal  garrison. 10/ 

The  office  of  chief  magistrate  is  desired  for  control- 
ling political  power,  and  the  public  funds  to  enrich  the 
holder  and  his  chief  supporters.  Patriotism,  and  a 
noble  purpose  to  foster  the  welfare  of  the  country  and 
the  people  in  general,  are,  if  thought  of  at  all,  objects 
of  secondary  consideration.  At  times,  the  presidency 
is  fought  for  with  arms  among  the  negroes  themselves, 
and  the  city  is  then  a witness  of  bloody  scenes.  The 
aim  of  every  such  effort  is  to  gain  control  of  power  for 
the  sake  of  the  spoils. 

Panamd  cannot,  being  the  smallest  and  weakest 
state  of  the  Colombian  union,  rid  itself  of  the  outside 

197  Witness  the  proceedings  of  the  troops  brought  by  Santa  Coloma,  and 
later,  at  different  times,  by  the  battalions  Tiradores,  Pichincha,  3d  de  linea, 
and  others.  Upon  the  subject  of  undue  federal  interference  with  the  domes- 
tic affairs  of  the  Isthmus,  the  following  charges  preferred  by  M.  J.  Perez  from 
Panama  in  a letter  of  Oct.  22,  1S84,  to  Anibal  Galindo,  are  worthy  of  notice: 
1st.  Public  intervention  of  the  general  government  in  internal  affairs  of  the 
state;  2d.  Barefaced  protection  by  the  gen.  govt  to  rebels  in  arms  against  the 
constitutional  govt  of  the  state;  3d.  Intimate  alliance  of  the  federal  force  with 
the  opposing  conservatives  and  with  the  radicals  to  disarm  the  government, 
and  exercise  pressure  on  the  assembly,  forcibly  hindering  its  performance  of 
constitutional  functions;  4th.  Consequences  of  the  foregoing  course;  acts  of 
piracy  on  the  part  of  the  rebels,  violence,  bloodshed,  international  claims, 
humiliation.  Pan.  Cronista,  Oct.  25,  1884.  Correoso  corroborates  all  this  in 
his  remarks  on  the  conduct  of  the  Guardia  Colombiana  on  the  Isthmus,  in 
1800,  1805,  1808,  1873-5,  1878,  and  subsequently.  Sucesos  de  Pan.,  3-8. 


558 


FURTHER  WARS  AND  REVOLUTIONS. 


pressure.  Neither  can  it  crush  the  unholy  ambition 
of  its  politicians.  Both  entail  misfortunes  enough. 
But  the  Isthmus  must  also  share  the  same  sufferings 
as  the  other  states  in  times  of  political  convulsion  in 
the  whole  nation.108 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Isthmus  of  Panama 
may  before  many  years  become  much  more  than 
it  has  heretofore  been,  a great  highway  of  nations, 
and  that  the  great  interests  which  will  be  constantly 
at  stake  on  the  route  will  demand  an  effectual  pro- 
tection, it  is  self-evident  that  measures  of  a perma- 
nent character  must  in  time  be  adopted  to  secure  that 
end.  Panamd,  as  an  appendage  of  Colombia,  and  at 
the  mercy  of  an  irresponsible  population,  cannot  afford 
that  protection;  neither  is  Colombia,  with  her  con- 
stantly recurring  squabbles,  better  able  to  fulfil  any 
international  obligations  she  might  assume  in  the 
premises.  Without  intending  to  cast  any  slur  upon 
her,  or  to  doubt  her  honorable  intentions,  all — her- 
self among  the  number — must  own  that  it  would  be 
extremely  dangerous  to  lean  on  so  weak  a reed.  The 
question  therefore  occurs,  and  must  soon  be  solved, 
What  is  to  be  the  future  status  of  the  Isthmus  ? A 
strong  government  is  doubtless  a necessity,  and  must 
be  provided  from  abroad.  Shall  it  assume  the  form  of 
a quasi  independent  state  under  the  protectorate  of  the 
chief  commercial  nations,  eliminating  Colombia  from 
participation  therein?  or  must  the  United  States,  as 
the  power  most  interested  in  preserving  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  highway,  take  upon  themselves  the 
whole  control  for  the  benefit  of  all  nations?  Time 
will  tell. 

Since  the  foregoing  remarks  were  written,  a change 
has  taken  place  in  the  political  organization  of  the 
United  States  of  Colombia,  by  which  the  govern- 
ment has  been  centralized,  the  name  of  the  republic 
being  changed  to  Republica  de  Colombia,  and  the 

198 ‘No  solo  cs  victima  de  sus  propios  males,  sino  tambien  de  los  que  le 
vienen  de  fuera.’  Maldonado,  Asuntos  Pollt.  Pan.,  MS.,  26. 


PANAMA  A DEPARTMENT. 


559 


state  of  Panamd,  being  reduced  to  a mere  national 
department,  to  be  ruled  by  a civil  and  military  gover- 
nor appointed  by  the  national  executive  at  Bogota. 
Under  the  new  order  of  things,  General  Santodo- 
mingo  Vila,  the  former  president,  became  civil  and 
military  ruler,  with  powers  to  inaugurate  the  depart- 
mental organization.109  He  took  possession  of  his 
office,  and  dictated  several  measures  toward  that  end, 
and  the  suppression  of  gambling  and  other  abuses. 
But  without  good  grounds,  after  recognizing  the 
press  to  be  free,  suddenly  suspended  that  freedom, 
though  he  soon  after  restored  it.  Meantime,  how- 
ever, he  caused  the  suspension  for  sixty  days  of  the 
Star  and  Herald  and  Estrella  newspapers,  alleging 
their  hostility  to  the  government  because  they  de- 
clined to  publish  some  of  his  measures.110 

109  Discussions  in  the  national  Consejo  ae  Delegatarios,  in  Nov.  and  Dec. 

1885,  and  law  of  Dec.  11,  1885,  to  regulate  the  gov.  of  Panama.  Pan.  Star 
and  Herald,  Jan.  6-15,  1886. 

110  Id.,  March  20,  29,  suppiem.,  1886.  The  publication  of  the  journal  was 
restored  after  the  term  of  suspension  expired.  Vila’s  course  was  disapproved 
by  the  general  government,  and  he  was  peremptorily  recalled  for  disobedience 
of  orders.  The  proprietors  of  the  journal  have  made  a claim  for  heavy  dam- 
ages. Buenaventura  Correoso,  Sucesos  de  Panamd  Informe  d la  Nation,  Buga, 

1886,  4to,  24  pp.  The  writer,  one  of  the  prominent  political  men  of  Panama, 
in  this  pamphlet  purposes,  as  he  assures  us,  to  point  out  the  source  of  the 
almost  continuous  disturbances  that  have  occurred  on  the  Isthmus  since 
1860,  laying  particular  stress  on  the  events  from  1880  to  1885.  It  might  be 
expecting  too  much  that  he  should  express  an  impartial  and  wholly  un- 
warped judgment  on  those  events,  and  on  his  political  opponents.  It  must 
be  acknowledged,  however,  that  his  statements  appear  to  be  fair  enough, 
and  that  his  assumption  of  responsibility  for  some  of  the  acts  which  he  cen- 
sures is  frank.  Simon  Maldonado,  Asuntos  Politicos  de  Panamd,  MS.,  42  pp. 
The  author  of  this  review  is  a native  of  Panama,  and  has  filled  responsible 
positions  in  his  country,  more  especially  in  the  judiciary.  His  views  of  affairs 
there  are  impartial,  and  entitled  to  consideration  for  their  soundness. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

CENTRAL  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 

1886. 

Extent  of  the  Country — Climate — Mountains  and  Volcanoes — Earth- 
quakes— Rivers  and  Lakes — Costa  Rica’s  Area,  Possessions,  and 
Political  Division  and  Government — Her  Chief  Cities — Nicara- 
gua, her  Territory,  Towns,  and  Municipal  Administration — 
Honduras’  Extent,  Islands,  Cities,  and  Local  Government — Sal- 
vador, her  Position,  Area,  Towns,  and  Civil  Rule— Guatemala’s 
Extent  and  Possessions — Her  Cities  and  Towns— Internal  Ad- 
ministration— Isthmus  of  Panama — Area,  Bays,  Rivers,  and  Is- 
lands— Department  and  District  Rule — The  Capital  and  Other 
Towns — Population — Character,  and  Customs — Education — Epi- 
demics and  Other  Calamities. 

Central  America  proper  embraces  the  region  situ- 
ated between  the  state  of  Chiapas  in  the  republic  of 
Mexico  on  the  north,  and  the  former  state,  now  de- 
partment, of  Panamd  on  the  south,  extending  from 
about  latitude  7°  to  18°  north,  in  length  from  800  to 
900  miles,  and  in  breadth  varying  from  about  30  to 
about  300  miles.  The  united  area  of  the  five  republics 
comprised  therein  is  about  175,000  square  miles.1 

The  climate  of  this  region  on  the  Atlantic  coast  is 
about  the  same  as  that  of  the  West  Indies,  somewhat 
modified  by  various  causes.  The  Atlantic  coast  from 
Trujillo  downward,  including  the  Mosquito  region,  is 
low  and  insalubrious.  That  of  the  Pacific  coast  is 

1 An  official  doc.  of  the  U.  S.  govt  gives  174,800;  Am.  Cyclop.,  of  1873-6, 
178,277;  Crowe,  Gospel  in  Cent.  Am.,  roughly  computes  it  at  200,000.  Other 
authorities  widely  differ.  I refer  the  reader  to  the  following  maps,  namely : 
John  Baily’s,  1850;  Max.  Von  Sonnenstern’s  offic.  maps  of  Salv.,  1858,  and 
Guat..  1859;  Herman  Au’s,  of  Guat.,  1875;  Paul  Levy’s,  of  Nic.,  1873; 
Molina's  map  of  Costa  R.  in  his  Bosquejo. 


560 


PHYSICAL  FEATURES. 


5G1 


better  in  every  respect,  tne  neat  not  being  so  oppress- 
ive, which  is  due  to  a drier  and  purer  atmosphere. 
The  result  is,  that  while  the  coasts  on  the  Alantic  are 
nearly  uninhabited,  those  on  the  Pacific  are  lined 
with  towns  and  well  settled. 

Beginning  with  Guatemala,  and  going  southward, 
in  Los  Altos,  the  highlands  of  the  republic,  the  aver- 
age temperature  is  lower  than  anywhere  else.  Snow 
falls  occasionally  near  Quezaltenango,  but  soon  dis- 
appears. The  heat  is  never  excessive.2  In  the  vicin- 
ity of  the  city  of  Guatemala,  the  thermometer  ranges 
from  55s  to  80°  with  an  average  of  72°.  In  Vera  Paz, 
the  north-eastern  department,  it  is  nearly  10"  warmer. 
The  whole  coast  from  Belize  down  to  Izabal  and  Santo 
Tom&s  is  hot  and  unhealthy.3  The  state  of  Salvador, 
lying  entirely  on  the  Pacific  slope,  has  probably  a 
higher  average  temperature  than  Guatemala  or  Hon- 
duras; but  the  heat  is  oppressive  only  at  some  points 
on  the  coast.4  Honduras  has  a fine  climate,  except- 
ing the  portion  spoken  of  on  the  coast  of  the  Atlantic.5 
Nicaragua,  with  the  exception  of  her  department  of 
Segovia,  which  borders  on  Honduras  and  has  the 
same  surface  and  temperature,  has  a topography  and 
climate  of  her  own,  with  an  average  temperature  in 
the  lake  region  of  about  79s  to  80°,  due  more  to  favor- 
able causes  than  to  elevation.  In  Costa  Rica  there  is 
almost  every  degree  of  temperature,  from  the  intensest 
heat  of  Puntarenas  to  the  constant  spring  of  San 
Jose,  or  the  autumnal  temperature  of  the  belt  above 
Cartago.  The  coast  from  Chiriqui  lagoon  to  the  north 
is  hot,  wet,  and  unhealthy.6  Properly  speaking,  there 

2 ‘Never  so  g-reat  as  during  the  summer  months  in  England.’  Dunlop's 
Cent.  Am.,  258;  Crosby's  Statem.,  MS.,  114-17;  Guat.,  Mem.  Min.  Hoc.,  1883, 
15-16. 

3 The  same  may  be  said,  though  in  a less  degree,  of  the  northern  and  east- 
ern coast  of  Hond.  from  Omoa  to  Gracias  ft  Dios. 

4 La  Union,  San  Miguel,  Acajutla,  Sonsonate,  etc.,  owing  to  local  causes. 

6 4 he  average  temperature  at  Tegucigalpa,  Comayagua,  Juticalpa,  and 

Gracias  is  about  74°.  Squier's  Notes  on  Cent.  Am.,  25-7;  Belly,  A t rovers  1' 
Amir.  Cent.,  i.  53-4. 

'’('old  and  salubrious  on  the  table-lands  in  the  interior,  the  thermom. 
ranging  from  65°  to  75°  Fahr.  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  28.  The  climate  of 
hisT  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  3S 


562 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 


is  no  dry  season  on  the  Atlantic  coast  of  Central 
America.  However,  from  June  to  September,  inclu- 
sive, there  is  less  rainfall  on  the  Atlantic  side.  Dur- 
ing these  months  the  Pacific  slope  has  its  rainy 
season,  but  the  rains  are  brief,  occurring  in  the  after- 
noon and  night.7 

At  a short  distance  from  the  Pacific  coast  the  coun- 
try is  traversed  from  north-west  to  south-east  by  an 
unbroken  chain  of  mountains,8  at  least  to  Nicaragua 
Lake,  and  covered  with  diversified  vegetation.  This 
cordillera  is  a connecting  chain  between  the  Rocky 
Mountains  of  the  northern,  and  the  Andes  of  the 
southern,  continent.9  On  the  slopes  and  summits  are 
fine  table-lands,  some  of  which  are  quite  extensive, 
and  all  temperate  and  surpassingly  fertile.  It  may  be 
asserted  that  no  portion  of  the  earth  presents  a greater 
diversity  of  level  on  an  equal  extent  of  surface  than 
Central  America,  or  a greater  variety  of  climate. 

The  majority  of  the  highest  peaks  are  volcanoes, 
and  no  less  than  thirty  volcanic  vents  are  said  to  be  in 
activity.  Extinct  craters,  rent  rocks,  lava  beds,  scorise, 
vitrified,  charred,  and  pumice  stones,  hot  and  sulphur- 
ous springs,  mark  Central  America  as  a most  volcanic 
region.10 

Costa  R.  varies  from  50°  to  60°  Fahr.,  according  to  elevation.  Galindo,  in 
Joum.  Royal  Geog.  Soc.  of  London,  vi.  134;  Laferri&re,  De  Paris  a Guatim., 
47-8. 

7 This  is  by  far  the  pleasanter  season,  the  forenoons  being  usually  cloudless, 
■with  a clear,  elastic,  and  balmy  atmosphere.  Owing  to  local  influences  in 
some  portions  of  the  eastern  coasts  it  rains  more  or  less  the  whole  year. 
Crowe’s  Gospel,  1-12. 

8 Consisting  of  three  groups;  viz,  the  Costa  Rican  traversing  that  republic 
and  Panama,  the  Honduran  and  Nicaraguan,  and  the  Guatemalan. 

9 Some  of  the  summits  are  17,000  ft  high.  Several  spurs  from  the  Sierra 
Madre — the  main  ridge — cut  the  plains  at  right  angles,  and  sometimes  reach 
the  sea-shore. 

10  All  the  volcanoes  of  Cent.  Am.  are  on  the  Pacific  coast,  almost  in  a line, 
and  running  due  north-west  and  south-east,  beginning  with  the  Cartago  or 
Irazu,  in  Costa  Rica,  which  is  11,480  ft  high,  and  has  left  traces  of  violent 
eruptions  before  the  historic  period;  the  only  proof  of  its  present  activity 
being  a small  rill  of  smoke  visible  from  the  foot  of  the  mountain.  There  are 
hundreds  of  other  volcanic  peaks  and  extinct  craters  on  the  line,  the  most 
notable  being  the  Turrialba,  which  was  in  active  eruption  in  1866,  the  ashy 
matter  from  it  having  been  beneficial  to  the  coffee  plantations;  Chirripo, 
Blanco,  Zavalo,  Barba,  Los  Votos  9,840  ft  high,  also  in  Costa  R.  Abogado, 
Cerro  Pelado,  Tenorio,  Cucuilapa,  Miravalles,  Rincon  de  la  Vieja,  La  Hedi- 
ouda,  Orosi,  Madera,  Ometepec,  Zapatera,  Guanapepe,  Guanacaure,  Solenti- 


HISTORIC  EARTHQUAKES. 


563 


In  a region  abounding  with  volcanoes,  and  where 
great  convulsions  of  nature  have  taken  place,  earth- 
quakes— violent  ones,  at  times — frequently  occur.11 
The  great  shocks  experienced  by  the  city  of  Guate- 
mala in  1751,  1757,  17G5,  and  the  one  of  1773,  which 
caused  the  abandonment  of  the  old  site,  have  been 
elsewhere  mentioned.12  The  year  1809  was  noted  for 
a succession  of  violent  temblores,  causing  much  dis- 
tress among  the  inhabitants  of  Guatemala  and  Hon- 
duras, and  doing  much  damage,  particularly  in  the 

nami,  Mombacho,  Chiltepe,  Masaya  or  Nindiri;  this  last  said  to  have  been  in 
a state  of  eruption  upwards  of  250  years  ago,  and  still  continues  active;  it 
had  a small  eruption  Nov.  10,  1858;  Managua;  Momotombo,  6,500  ft  high, 
near  the  Managua  or  Leon  Lake,  about  which  the  Indians  had  a tradition  of 
a tremendous  eruption  some  100  years  before  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards,  the 
lava  running  into  the  lake  and  destroying  all  the  fish;  the  latter  part  of  the 
story  seems  to  be  incorrect,  there  being  evidence  that  the  lava  did  not  reach 
the  lake  shore;  it  partially  revived  in  1852;  Las  Pilas,  Asososca,  Orota,  Te- 
lica,  Santa  Clara,  El  Viejo  6,000  ft  high;  El  Chonco;  Cosegiiina,  whose  first 
eruption  was  Jan.  20,  1835,  believed  to  have  been  the  most  violent  ever  re- 
corded in  history;  and  Joltepec — all  in  Nic.  El  Tigre,  Nacaome,  and  Amapala, 
or  Conchagua,  in  Hond.  In  the  republic  of  Salv.  are  several;  namely,  the  San 
Salvador,  which  had  not  broken  out  in  upwards  of  three  centuries;  but  in 
old  times  it  ejected  immense  masses  of  lava  and  scoriie  to  a distance  of  more 
than  18  miles.  It  is  of  great  depth,  computed  by  Weems,  an  American  who 
descended  it,  at  about  5,000  varas;  the  bottom  is  occupied  by  a lake;  San 
Miguel,  about  15,000  ft  high.  In  old  times  it  ejected  large  quantities  of  cin- 
ders and  half-melted  stones  of  immense  size.  The  country  for  30  miles  or 
more,  including  the  site  of  San  Miguel,  one  of  the  oldest  towns  in  Am.,  being 
covered  with  lava  and  scoria;;  San  Vicente;  Izalco,  which  broke  out  about 
100  years  ago,  is  in  constant  activity,  but  has  not  caused  any  serious  damage; 
Paneon,  and  Santa  Ana.  In  Guat.  are  the  Pacaya;  the  Volcan  de  Agua;  the 
Volcan  de  Fuego  constantly  smoking  with  occasional  explosion  and  shocks, 
its  last  eruption  being  in  1880;  Eucuentro,  Acatenango;  Atitlan  so  remarkable 
at  one  time  for  frequent  and  violent  eruptions,  the  last  ones  being  in  1828  and 
1833,  which  caused  much  destruction  on  the  coast  of  Sucliitepequez;  Tesa- 
mielco,  Zapotitlan,  Amilpas,  Quezaltenango,  and  Cerro  Quemado  whose  last 
eruption  was  in  1785.  There  are  many  other  nameless  ones.  Near  a number 
of  the  active  and  extinct  volcanoes  are  small  and  almost  circular  openings 
in  the  ground,  through  which  is  ejected  smoke  or  steam.  The  natives  call 
them  ausoles  or  infiernillos,  little  hells.  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  3,  13-17,  52-5, 
91-2,  118-20,  284-90;  Squier’s  Trav.,  ii.  101-19;  Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  359-61, 
492-8.  Other  authorities  speaking  of  the  volcanoes  of  Cent.  Am.  are:  Stout's 
Nic.,  143;  Silliman's  Journal,  xxviii.  332;  Levy,  Nic.,  75-85,  147-53;  Guat., 
Gacela,  Feb.  10,  1854;  Diario  de  A visas,  Nov.  22,  1856;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  June  5, 
Aug.  7,  1869;  March  18,  1871;  Salv.,  Diario  OJicial,  Oct.  11,  Nov.  15,  1878; 
Overland  Monthly,  xiii.  324;  La  Voz  de  Mi).,  March  17,  1866;  Pirn  and  See- 
mann's  Dottinys,  39-40;  Daily's  Cent.  Am.,  75-8;  Wells'  Hond.,  231-2;  Har- 
per’s May  , xix.  739;  and  the  Encyclopedias;  Guat.,  Revista  Ohservatorio  Me- 
teor., i.  21-3. 

1 1 About  300  have  been  recorded  in  3|  centuries,  which  are  probably  the 
hundredth  part  of  the  actual  number. 

11  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii.  719-21,  this  series. 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 


564 


latter  state.13  Since  that  time  the  five  republics  have 
constantly  had  such  visitations,  causing  at  times  loss 
of  life  and  damage  to  property.  I give  in  a note  a 
number  of  such  occurrences.14  The  Isthmus  of  Pan- 
amd  has  likewise  repeatedly  experienced  the  effects  of 
earthquakes,  some  of  which  have  created  much  alarm 
and  injured  property.15 

13  June  20th,  at  3 A.  m.,  was  felt  a heavy  shock  in  Gaut. ; no  great  damage 
was  done.  In  Comayagua  and  Tegucigalpa  the  shocks  continued  from  the 
20th  to  the  25th;  the  people  abandoning  their  dwellings.  Many  buildings, 
both  public  and  private,  were  much  injured.  The  shocks  were  also  felt  in 
Trujillo. 

14  Apr.  23,  1830,  Guat.  experienced  one  said  to  have  been  the  most  severe 
since  that  of  1773.  Feb.  and  Sept.  1831,  a great  part  of  San  Salvador  was 
ruined.  The  authorities  and  most  of  the  people  fled  to  Cojutepeque.  This 
was  the  sixth  time  the  city  had  been  more  or  less  damaged  by  earthquakes. 
Sept.  2,  1S41,  Cartago,  in  Costa  R.,  was  nearly  levelled  to  the  ground;  of 
3,000  houses  previously  existing,  not  100  remained  entire;  of  the  8 churches, 
the  smallest  and  ugliest  was  the  only  one  escaping  uninjured.  May  1844, 
the  city  of  Granada  was  nearly  ruined;  the  town  of  Nicaragua  was  greatly 
damaged,  the  lake  of  this  name  rising  and  falling  several  times,  as  if  having 
a tide.  Amatitlan,  Petapa,  Palin,  and  other  places  near  the  volcano  of  Pa- 
caya,  hardly  had  a house  left  standing  in  the  end  of  March  and  in  beginning 
of  April  1845.  In  the  repub.  of  Guat.  shocks  have  been  repeatedly  experi- 
enced, those  of  1S84  and  18S5  causing  devastation  in  Amatitlan.  San  Sal- 
vador experienced  heavy  ones  in  1575,  1593,  1025,  1650,  and  1798,  and  was 
completely  ruined  in  1839,  1854,  and  1873,  and  several  other  towns  in  the 
republic  fared  almost  as  badly  in  the  latter  year.  Oct.  2,  187S,  there  was 
loss  of  life.  Dec.  27-29,  1879,  Ilopango,  Candelaria,  and  other  places  were 
demolished.  In  Costa  R.  the  destruction  of  Puntarenita  occurred  Aug.  4, 
1S54;  and  in  1882  the  towns  of  Alajuela,  San  Ramon,  Grecia,  and  Heredia 
were  damaged,  with  heavy  loss  of  life.  In  Dec.  1S07,  a tidal  wave  swal- 
lowed the  island  of  Zapotilla,  in  Golfo  Dulce,  drowning  all  the  inhabitants. 
The  earthquake  shocks  seem  to  be  of  two  kinds,  namely,  the  perpendicular, 
which  are  felt  only  in  the  vicinity  of  volcanoes,  and  the  horizontal,  reaching 
great  distances  from  the  places  where  they  originate,  being  very  unequal  in 
their  progress,  in  some  parts  rocking  the  ground  violently,  and  in  others,  in 
their  direct  line,  nearer  their  source,  being  but  slightly  felt.  Dunlop's  Cent. 
Am.,  290-3;  Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  298,  304-7,  405;  Squier's  Travels,  ii.  85,  120- 
6;  Pontons  Earthquakes,  69,  76-7;  Reichardt,  Cent.  Am.,  83-4;  Nouv.  Antiales 
Coy.,  clxv.  360-1;  lxxxv.  264;  Iciii.  121;  Montiifar,  Reseila  Hist.,  iii.  608-9; 
Wagner,  Costa  R. , Pref.  viii. ; Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  vii.  101-3;  Id.,  Gaceta, 
Sept.  10,  1853;  July  15,  Aug.  5,  26,  Sept.  2,  1854;  Id.,  Boletin  Ojic.,  Aug.  31, 
Dec.  23,  1854;  files’  Reg.,  lxi.  257;  Pirn's  Gate  of  the  Pac.,  26;  Mission  Sclent, 
au  Mex.  Geol.,  13-16,  511-12;  Wells’  Hand.,  233;  Salv.,  El  Siglo,  May  28,  June 
3,  1851,  Sept.  3,  1852;  Id.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Oct.  5-27,  1S7S;  Jan.  13,  14,  18S0; 
Id.,  Gaceta,  May  20,  1854;  Id.,  El  Rol,  Oct.  13,  20,  Nov.  10,  17,  Dec.  1, 
1854;  Feb.  9,  1855;  Guat.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  21,  1853;  May  5,  1854;  Nic.,  Gaceta, 
March  26,  1864;  Feb.  10,  1866;  Jan.  18,  May  9,  Oct.  31,  1868;  Jan.  8,  June 
IS,  Aug.  20,  1870;  La  Union  de  Nic.,  Jan.  12, 1861;  El  Porvenir  dc  Nic.,  Oct. 
15,  1871;  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  43,  Sess.  1,  i.  pt  1,  796,  808,  814; 
Id.,  Cong.  44,  Sess.  1,  i.  pt  1,  129;  Unarte,  Terremotos  de  Cent.  Am.,  in  Mex. 
Soc.  Geog.,  Boletin,  ii.  189-95;  Mex.,  Eco  Mercantil,  Apr.  24,  1882;  Pan.  Star 
and  Herald,  Jan.  5,  7,  11,  1886.  Very  full  information  from  1469  to  18S2  in 
Guat.,  Revista  Observatorio  Meteor.,  i.  24—39. 

^ Worthy  of  mention  were  the  shocks  of  July  11,  1854,  felt  throughout 


LAKES  AND  RIVERS. 


565 


From  the  lofty  sierras  and  volcanic  cones  descend 
streams,  which,  meeting  on  the  plains  below,  form 
beautiful  lakes,  or  swell  into  rivers  that  roll  on  to 
either  ocean.  They  are  numerous,  and  though  not  of 
great  length,  because  of  the  narrowness  of  the  region 
they  traverse,  are  by  no  means  insignificant.16  The 
country  has  several  lakes,  some  of  which  have  occu- 
pied the  attention  of  scientists,  statesmen,  and  mer- 
chants, and  I will  have  occasion  to  treat  of  them  in 
connection  with  interoceanic  communication  and  com- 
merce farther  on.1' 

The  republic  of  Costa  Rica  is  that  portion  of 
Central  America  extending  between  Nicaragua  and 

o o 

the  Isthmus,  Sept.  11th,  the  same  year,  felt  in  Chiriquf;  1857,  1858,  1868, 
and  Sept.  7,  1882;  this  last  was  a heavy  one,  damaging  public  and  private 
buildings;  also  delaying  the  transmission  of  passengers  and  merchandise  over 
the  railway.  Salv.,  El  Rol,  Dec.  1,  1854;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  21,  1854;  S.  F. 
Alta,  Oct.  2,  1857;  Sac.  Union,  Aug.  2,  1858;  S.  F.  Call,  June  23,  1868;  Sept. 
8,  9,  25,  1882;  S.  F.  Chronicle,  Sept.  9,  1882;  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  Sept.  14, 
1882;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Sept.  14,  1S82. 

16  The  most  important  ones  are  the  Usumasinta,  known  also  under  the 
names  of  Lacandon,  Pasion,  etc.,  in  Guat.,  of  about  the  size  of  the  Garonne 
or  Elbe  in  Eu rope,  or  the  Hudson  in  the  U.  S.,  which  drains  nearly  half  of  the 
state,  and  pours  its  waters  through  several  mouths  into  the  bay  of  Campeche 
and  the  laguna  de  Terminos.  The  Dulce  unites  the  bay  of  Rond,  with  the 
Ilulce  Gulf.  The  Hondo;  the  Belize,  or  Old  River,  famous  for  the  fine  mahog- 
any its  banks  have  yielded;  the  Motagua  and  the  Polochie;  the  Black  or  Tinto 
in  the  Poyais  country;  the  San  Juan  del  Norte,  Coco,  also  named  Telpaneca 
and  Wanks,  Grande  or  Chocoyos,  and  the  Mico  or  Blewfields;  the  Tipitapa, 
uniting  lakes  Nicaragua  and  Managua;  the  Paz,  separating  Guat.  and  Salv. ; 
and  the  deep  and  rapid  Lempa,  the  largest  on  the  western  shore,  at  its  lowest 
ebb  exceeds  140  yards  in  breadth. 

nThe  following  are  the  notable  ones:  Atitlan,  in  Guat.,  covering  upwards 
of  250  square  miles;  declared  to  be  unfathomable,  a line  of  300  fathoms  not 
reaching  the  bottom.  Though  receiving  the  waters  of  many  rivers,  no  outlet 
lias  been  found  for  its  dark  and  benumbing  waters;  still,  it  is  probable  that  a 
subterraneous  outlet  exists,  as  in  the  lakes  of  Guijar  and  Metapa  in  Salv., 
which  are  united  by  a subterraneous  communication.  Golfo  Dulce,  or  Izabal 
Lake,  of  about  50  miles  in  circuit,  subject  to  violent  agitations,  and  forming 
the  port  of  Izabal  on  the  Atlantic  coast  of  Guat.  The  small  Amatitlan,  about 
20  miles  from  the  city  of  Guat.,  which,  notwithstanding  its  hot  springs  and 
brackish  waters,  abounds  in  a delicate  fish  called  mojarra,  in  other  small  fish, 
and  in  wild  fowl.  In  Hond.  is  the  Yojos.  In  Nie.,  the  lake  of  the  same 
name,  whose  surplus  waters  run  to  the  Atlantic  by  the  San  Juan  del  Norte 
River;  an  inland  sea,  96  miles  long,  and  40  miles  in  its  greatest  breadth, 
forming  an  ellipse  with  its  main  axis  due  N.W.  to  S.E.  Its  depth  in  some 
parts  is  of  45  fathoms,  and  its  area  must  be  at  least  2,000  square  miles.  It 
contains  a small  archipelago.  Lake  Managua  is  38  or  35  miles  in  length,  and 
16  in  its  greatest  breadth.  It  has  little  depth,  and  several  sandbanks  render 
navigation  difficult.  The  laguna  de  Masaya,  340  ft  lower  than  the  city  of 
the  same  name,  which  is  750  ft  above  the  sea  level.  Its  area  is  of  about  10 
square  miles,  Livy,  Hie..  86,  95-8. 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 


5GG 

Panama,  and  having  on  one  side  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
and  on  the  other  the  Atlantic.18  Costa  Rica  has  the 
islands  of  Colon,  San  Cristobal,  Bastimento,  La  Popa, 
and  others  in  Boca  del  Toro;  the  Escudo  de  Veragua 
in  the  Atlantic,  the  Cocos,  Cano,  San  Lucas,  and 
Chira  in  the  Pacific;  these  latter  two  and  smaller  ones 
lying  within  the  gulf  of  Xicoya. 

The  political  division  of  the  republic  is  in  provincias 
and  comarcas;19  namely,  provincias  of  San  Jose,  Car- 
tago,  Alajuela,  Heredia,  and  Guanacaste,  and  the 
comarcas  of  Puntarenas  and  Limon.  The  provin- 
cias and  comarcas  are  alike  divided  into  cantones, 
and  the  latter  subdivided  into  barrios.  At  the  head 
of  each  provincia  and  comarca  is  a governor,  and  of 
each  canton  ajefe  politico,  all  of  executive  appoint- 
ment. The  police  department  is  under  the  governor, 
unless,  in  special  cases,  the  supreme  government  should 
assume  the  immediate  control  over  it  in  certain  locali- 
ties. Each  provincial  capital  has  a municipal  corpora- 
tion,20 acting,  like  the  governors  and  other  subordinate 
authorities,  under  the  general  ordinances,  made  and 
provided  for  the  government  of  the  whole  republic. 

The  cities  of  the  republic  are  San  Jose,  Cartago, 
Heredia,  Alajuela,  Liberia,  Puntarenas,  and  Limon. 
There  arc,  besides,  seven  or  eight  villas,  and  nine  or 
ten  pueblos.21 

18  From  8°  to  11°  16'  N.  lat.,  and  81°  40'  to  85°  40'  long.  W.  of  Greenwich. 
Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  25.  Between  8°  and  17°  SO7  N.  lat.,  and  11°  50'  to 
22°  32'  W.  of  Santiago  de  Chile,  which  is  situate  in  meridian  70°  38'  G"  west 
of  Greenwich.  Astaburuaya,  Cent.  Am.,  2.  Am.  Cyclopeedia,  v.  393,  gives  it 
betw.  8°  11'  and  11°  8'  N.  lat.,  and  long.  82°  28'  to  85°  45'  W.  of  Greenwich. 
Between  about  8°  and  11°  N.  lat.,  and  82°  to  86°  W.  long.  Encyclopaedia 
Britannica,  vi.  397. 

19  By  the  law  of  March  27,  1835,  the  country  was  divided  into  three  de- 
partments; namely,  Cartago,  Alajuela,  and  Guanacaste,  with  a jefe  politico 
at  the  head  of  each.  Repealed  by  executive  decree  of  April  28,  1843,  after 
having  had  several  amendments.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  iv.  180-3. 

20  San  Jose  has  9 regidores,  Cartago  and  Heredia  7.  Each  municipality 
chooses  a president  and  vice-president  from  among  its  own  members,  and  a 
secretary.  At  each  cantonal  head  town  there  are  alcaldes,  and  in  each  barrio 
a juez  de  paz.  Costa  R.,  Id.,  iii.  226-40;  x.  465-92;  xi.  89-138;  xvii.  161-98; 
xix.  168-74;  Costa  It.,  Mem  Instruc.  Pub.,  18S4,  annexes  1 2—  f 7 ; Id.,  Mem. 
Gohern.,  1852-84;  El  Costar icense,  Nov.  24,  1849;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  Feb.  9,  16, 
March  2,  1850. 

21  San  Jose,  the  national  capital,  was  founded  a little  more  than  100  years 
ago,  owing  its  existence  to  the  earthquakes  which  nearly  destroyed  Cartago, 


POLITICAL  DIVISIONS. 


5G7 


The  republic  of  Nicaragua,  probably  the  most  im- 
portant section  of  Central  America,  is  bounded  on  the 
south  by  Costa  Rica,  on  the  north-west  by  Honduras, 
on  the  east  by  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  on  the  south- 
west by  the  Pacific.22  Nicaragua  has  a few  insignifi- 
cant isles  or  cays  on  her  coasts  of  both  oceans. 

The  republic  is  politically  divided  into  seven  de- 
partments; namely,  Granada,  Leon,  Rivas,  Chinan- 
dega,  Chontales,  Matagalpa,  and  Nueva  Segovia. 
Their  capitals  or  head  towns  are  respectively  Granada, 
Leon,  Rivas,  Chinandega,  Acoyapa,  Matagalpa,  and 
Ocotal.23  The  departments  are  subdivided  into  dis- 
tritos,  and  the  latter  into  cantones.  For  the  purposes 
of  civil  administration  there  is  a prefect  at  the  head 
of  each  department,  who  is  also  a subdelegado  of  the 
treasury ; a subprefect  rules  over  each  district,  and 
the  cantones  have  jueces  de  paz.24  These  officials  are 
appointed  by  the  executive  government.  The  capi- 


the  old  capital.  San  Jose  is  situated  on  an  elevation  of  about  4,500  ft,  upon 
the  table  land  formed  between  the  mountains  of  Dota  or  Herradura  on  the 
south,  and  those  of  Barba  on  the  north.  On  one  side  flows  the  river  Torres, 
and  on  the  other  the  Maria  Aguilar.  Its  streets  are  paved,  straight,  and 
forming  right  angles.  The  dwellings  are  mostly  of  a single  story,  with  spa- 
cious courts;  there  are,  however,  a good  many  buildings  of  two  stories.  The 
majority  are  made  of  adobe,  plastered  over;  but  the  national  palace  is  of  stone, 
and  a fine  building.  An  aqueduct  supplies  the  city  with  water  from  the  Tor- 
res, though  a large  portion  of  the  fluid  consumed  is  drawn  from  the  wells  ex- 
isting in  almost  every  house.  Besides,  the  government  palace,  the  university, 
Mora  theatre,  some  of  the  churches,  and  a few  other  buildings,  do  honor  to 
the  city.  The  electric  light  was  introduced  in  1884.  Cartago,  the  oldest 
town  in  the  state,  though  it  has  lost  its  political  importance,  and  has  been 
shattered  by  earthquakes,  retains  some  traces  of  its  former  magnilicence.  It 
is  gradually  improving.  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  51;  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am,., 
50;  Squiers  Cent.  Am.,  463-4;  Boyles  Ride  across  a Continent,  ii.  217;  Lafer- 
riiire,  De  Paris  a GuaUm. , 47;  Wappaus,  Mex.  und  Cent.  Am.,  364-5;  Costa  R., 
Informe  Gobern.,  1874,  2-3;  El  Cronista,  S.  F.,  Oct.  18,  1884. 

--It  is  situated  between  lat.  10°  45'  and  14°  55',  and  between  long.  83°  15' 
and  87°  38'.  Am.  Cyc.,  xii.  420.  Between  10°  30'  and  15°  lat.,  and  from  83° 
IT  to  87°  long.  Encyclop.  Brit.,  xvii.  490.  Between  9°  45' and  15°  lat.  N., 
and  between  83°  20'  and  87°  30'  long.  W.  Squier's  Cent.  Am.,  348.  Between 
10°  50'  and  15°  N.  lat.,  and  between  83°  13'  and 87°  37'  long.  W.  of  Greenwich. 
Nic. , Gareta,  Jan.  18,  1868. 

23  That  is  the  civilized  region.  There  is,  besides,  a wild  portion  compris- 
ing about  24,090  geographical  miles.  Levy,  Nic.,  372. 

24  In  the  absence  of  the  prefecto  the  first  alcalde  of  the  head  town  acts  in 
his  place  ad  int.,  with  the  full  pay  of  the  office.  Nic.,  Acuerdos  y Dec.,  1857- 
8,  70-8,  203-5;  Rocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  58-77,  145-8,  195-6;  ii.  5-20;  Nic.,  Bole- 
tin  Ofic.,  Apr.  16,  1856;  Feb.  8 to  Nov.  15,  passim,  1862;  Id.,  Gace‘a,  March 
5,  1864;  Id.,  Informe  Gobern.,  1863-83. 


568 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 


tals  of  departments  and  head  towns  of  districts  and 
cantones  have  elective  alcaldes,  and  regidores  consti- 
tuting the  municipal  corporations.25  In  each  depart- 
ment there  is  a gobernador  de  policfa,  who  likewise 
derives  his  appointment  from  the  national  executive. 

The  principal  cities  of  the  republic  are  Granada, 
Managua,  Masaya,  Leon,  Rivas,  and  Chinandega. 
Managua  was  an  insignificant  town,  but  being  situated 
between  Granada  and  Leon,  was  made  the  national 
capital,  in  order  that  the  government  might  be  rid  of 
the  complications  arising  from  their  constant  rivalry, 
and  intrigues  to  control  the  destinies  of  Nicaragua. 
The  position  of  the  capital  is  a splendid  one,  the  sur- 
roundings being  very  picturesque.26  The  streets  are 
not  paved;  the  town  has  not  a building  worthy  of 
mention.  The  government  house  is  a low,  square  edi- 
fice, with  balconies  in  the  old  Spanish  style,  without 
any  exterior  ornamentation  or  architectural  character. 
Leon,  the  old  capital,  is  situated  on  a beautiful  plain, 
and  spreads  over  a very  wide  area.27  In  the  central 
part  the  streets  are  paved  and  lighted.  There  are 
some  fine  buildings  in  the  city,  those  most  worthy  of 
notice  being  the  cathedral,  a strong  piece  of  masonry, 
often  used  as  a fortress  in  times  of  civil  war,  the  old 
and  new  episcopal  palaces,  the  university,  government 
house,  two  churches  of  greater  architectural  beauty 
than  the  cathedral,  four  buildings  which  were  formerly 
convents,  and  now  devoted  to  objects  of  public  utility. 
The  place  being  in  the  region  of  earthquakes,  and  the 


20  The  corporations  are  formed,  according  to  the  importance  of  the  local- 
ity, with  one  or  two  alcaldes,  and  their  respective  suplentes,  regidores,  one 
secretary,  one  sfndico,  and  the  agricultural  judge,  all  serving  without  pay. 
The  prcfecto  controls  the  municipal  affairs  of  his  whole  department,  and 
especially  those  of  the  chief  town.  He  presides  ex-officio  over  all  the  munici- 
palities, and  in  case  of  a tie  has  a casting  vote.  He  cannot  be  accused  except 
before  the  senate,  and  is  consequently  a petty  president  in  his  department. 
Levy,  Nic.,  331-5. 

2BIt  was  made  a city  in  1846,  and  special  ordinances  were  provided  for  it 
from  time  to  time.  Rocha,  C6d.  Nic..,  i.  148;  Sandoval,  Rev.  Polit.,  58;  Nic., 
Reyistro  OJic.,  342;  Id.,  Dec.  y Acuerdos,  1863,  2,  46,  118-19;  Id.,  Dec.  y Acu- 
erdov  de  la  Junta,  12-13,  145-8. 

27  It  has  been  greatly  damaged  by  military  operations,  but  never  burned 
down,  like  Granada. 


NOTABLE  CITIES. 


509 


temperature  extremely  warm,  the  buildings  are  made 
to  meet  these  conditions  There  is  also  a fine  stone 
bridge,  which  Garcia  Jerez  had  constructed.  Near 
Leon,  and  with  only  the  width  of  a street  from  it,  is 
Subtiaba,  which  has  a separate  municipality,  and  whose 
church  is  the  largest,  after  the  cathedral,  and  the  old- 
est of  the  temples  in  Nicaragua.28  I give  in  a note 
some  information  on  other  cities  deserving  of  special 
notice.29 

28  Leon  was  connected  in  1881  with  Corinto  by  rail;  and  the  line  has  been 
afterward  extended  to  Leon  Viejo,  on  Lake  Managua,  and  thence  to  Granada. 
Notable  places  in  the  department  of  Leon  are  Telica,  birthplace  of  Miguel 
Larreyuaga,  an  oidor  of  the  last  Spanish  audiencia,  or  superior  court  of  judi- 
cature, who  drew  up  the  declaration  of  independence;  El  Sauce,  Santa  Rosa, 
El  Jicaral  or  San  Buenaventura,  and  San  Nicolas. 

23  Granada  has  a good  commercial  position  on  tlieN.  W.  end  of  Lake  Nica- 
ragua, and  at  the  foot  of  the  Mombacho  volcano.  It  was  burned  by  pirates 
in  1 0(15,  nearly  ruined  by  the  freebooters  in  1670,  the  raiders  having  come  on 
both  occasions  by  the  San  J uan  River  and  the  lake;  and  a third  time  destroyed 
by  fire  in  1685,  the  work  of  pirates  who  landed  at  Escalante  on  the  Pacific. 
In  1844  it  was  greatly  damaged  by  earthquakes.  In  1856  it  was  burned  by 
William  Walker,  the  filibuster.  But  it  has  risen  from  its  ashes,  and  become 
prosperous.  The  city  is  irregular  in  its  construction,  the  streets  not  being 
straight  or  rectangular.  They  are  mostly  unpaved,  and  generally  in  a bad 
condition.  The  city  obtains  water  for  consumption  from  the  lake,  distant 
about  a mile,  brought  by  men  on  their  shoulders;  and  its  food  supplies,  not 
from  the  surrounding  fields,  but  from  numerous  Indian  pueblos  on  the  S.  E. 
Masaya  was  an  Indian  town,  but  raised  to  the  rank  of  a city  in  1S39.  Rocha, 
Cdd.  Nic.,  i.  148.  It  is  supplied  with  water  from  the  deep  lagoou  south  of 
and  near  the  city.  There  were  women  who  for  80  cents  monthly  supplied 
two  large  jars  of  water  every  day.  A steam-pump  was  put  up  in  1872  to 
raise  the  water  of  the  lake  to  the  plaza.  There  is  no  building  worthy  of  men- 
tion in  the  place.  Other  notable  towns  in  the  department  of  Granada  are 
Nandaime,  Jinotepe,  San  Rafael  de  la  Costa,  Diriomo,  Tipitapa,  Nindiri,  and 
Zapatera  Island.  The  towns  of  San  Carlos  and  El  Castillo,  on  the  San  Juan, 
belong  to  the  same  department,  though  governed  in  a special  manner.  San 
Juan  del  Norte,  alias  Greytown,  has  little  importance  now;  its  houses  are  of 
wood  and  palm-tliatched.  Rivas  bore  the  name  of  Nicaragua  till  the  early 
part  of  the  present  century.  The  city  has  suffered  greatly  from  earthquakes, 
particularly  hi  1844.  It  was  partially  destroyed  during  the  Walker  war. 
A real  curiosity  in  the  department  of  Rivas  is  the  island  of  Ometepe  in  the 
lake,  having  two  towns,  the  Pueblo  Grande,  or  villa  de  Altagraeia,  and  the 
Moyogalpa,  united  by  a good  wagon  road.  Chiuandega  is  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  spots  in  Nic.  It  is  a perfect  garden.  In  the  wild  or  uncivilized 
portion  of  the  territory  lies  the  Mosquito  region,  whose  chief  town  is  Blow- 
fields,  having  two  wooden  buildings;  the  rest  being  mere  huts.  Levy,  Nic., 
373-90;  Laferrkre,  De  Paris  d Guatem.,  73-6;  Saravia,  Bos<[.  Polit.  Estadist., 
10-11;  Manure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  153-4;  Froebel’s  Cent.  Am.,  19,  29^47, 
62-75,  92—104;  Froebel,  Aus  Arnerika,  i.  250-80,  311-17,  350-4;  Squier’s  Tear., 
i.  138-40,  146-50,  211-15,  25S-67,  339,  353-6,  365;  Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  346-7, 
356-9,  366-76;  Squier’s  Nic. , 646;  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  196-9,  212,  225-9,  249;  Still- 
mans Golden  Fleece,  206-8;  Dunlop’s  Cent.  Am.,  6-8;  Stout’s  Nic.,  27-9,  41-5, 
9S-100,  156-64;  Bully  s Cent.  Am.,  117-18;  Bates ’ Cent.  Am.,  131-2;  Marr, 
Cent.  Am.,  i.  158-9,  165-71,  228-30;  Boyle's  Ride,  i.  13,  83-91;  ii.  8;  Rekhardl, 
Nic.,  6-18,  20-7,  59,  62-3,  71-2,  81-9,  105-6,  129-31,  134,  155-9,  165-9,  231; 
Wells'  Hond.,  39,  42,  72-4. 


570 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 


The  republic  of  Honduras  is  bounded  on  the  north 
and  east  by  the  bay  of  Honduras  and  the  Caribbean 
Sea,  extending  from  the  mouth  of  the  River  Tinto  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Wanks  or  Segovia.  On  the  south 
it  is  bounded  by  Nicaragua — the  line  of  division  follow- 
ing the  Wanks  for  about  two  thirds  of  its  length,  and 
thence  deflecting  to  the  south-west,  to  the  sources  of 
the  Rio  Negro,  flowing  into  the  gulf  of  Fonseca;  it  has 
a coast  line  of  about  sixty  miles  on  this  gulf  from  the 
Rio  Negro  to  the  Rio  Goascordn.  On  the  west  and 
south-west  are  the  republics  of  Salvador  and  Guate- 
mala.30 

Honduras  possesses  in  the  gulf  of  Fonseca  the 
islands  Tigre,  Zacate  Grande,  and  Gueguensi ; and  in 
the  Caribbean  Sea  the  group  known  as  Bay  Islands; 
namely,  Roatan,  Guanaja,  or  Bonacea,  Utila,  Helena, 
Barbaretta,  Morat,  and  other  smaller  isles. 

The  republic  is  politically  divided  into  seven  depart- 
ments: Choluteca,  Comayagua,  Gracias,  Olancho, 
Santa  Bdrbara,  Tegucigalpa,  and  Yoro.  Nacaome  is 
the  capital  of  Choluteca,  and  Jutecalpa  of  Olancho. 
The  other  capitals  bear  the  same  names  as  the  depart- 
ments to  which  they  belong.  The  departments  are 
subdivided  into  districts,  and  at  the  head  of  each  of 
the  former  is  a jefe  politico,  appointed  by  the  execu- 
tive, who  is  the  organ  of  communication  between  the 
supreme  government  and  the  people.31 

The  principal  cities  in  the  republic  are  Comayagua, 
anciently  called  Valladolid,  the  former  capital,  and 
Tegucigalpa,  the  present  seat  of  government.  The 
former  is  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Humuya  or  Ulua 
River,  and  on  the  southern  border  of  the  wide  and 
fertile  valley  of  Comayagua.  From  its  position,  up- 
wards of  2,000  feet  above  the  sea-level,  surrounded 
by  high  mountains,  its  temperative  is  mild  and  equa- 

30Hond.  is  therefore  betw.  13°  10'  and  10°  lat.  N.,  and  within  83  20'  and 
S9°  30'  long.  W.  Squicr'8  Cent.  Am.,  68;  Encyclop.  Brit.,  xii.  133.  Between 
13°  10'  and  16°  5'  N.  lat.,  and  within  83°  12'  and  89°  47'  W.  long.  Am.  Cyclop., 
viii.  787. 

31  The  towns  have  their  municipal  corporations,  whose  members  are  re- 
quired by  law  to  be  able  to  read  and  write. 


TOWNS  AND  HOUSES. 


571 


ble.  The  political  disturbances  of  the  country  have 
reduced  Comayagua  to  a low  condition,32  and  the  loss 
of  its  standing  as  the  capital  has  tended  to  bring  it 
down  still  lower.  Most  of  the  houses  are  of  a single 
story,  and  built  of  sundried  bricks.  The  former  fine 
fountains,  monuments,  and  public  buildings  have  gone 
to  decay.  The  only  building  still  in  good  condition 
is  the  cathedral,  which  is  a rather  imposing  edifice.33 
Tegucigalpa  enjoys  a cool  temperature,  and  has  an 
excellent  climate.  The  city  is  the  largest  and  finest 
in  the  republic.  It  is  built  with  regularity,  and  has 
six  churches,  the  parochial  edifice  comparing  favor- 
ably with  the  cathedral  at  Comayagua.  There  are 
also  a number  of  magnificent  convents,  and  the  uni- 
versity also  deserves  mention.34  There  are  other 
places  in  the  state  not  entirely  devoid  of  interest,  a 
few  particulars  about  which  I append  in  a note.35 

The  republic  of  Salvador,  the  only  one  of  Central 
America  not  having  a coast  line  on  the  Atlantic,  is 

32  Before  1S27  it  was  a prosperous  city;  but  the  serviles  burnt  it  that  year. 
Since  then  it  lias  suffered  several  times,  especially  in  1872  and  1873. 

33 Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  129-30;  this  authority  also  gives  a cut  of  the  cathe- 
dral on  p.  20 1 ; Wappaus,  Mex.  und  Cent.  Am.,  310-11;  Huston's  Journey, 
24-7. 

31  The  town  stands  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Choluteca  River  in  an  amphi- 
theatre among  the  hills.  It  has  a tine  stone  bridge  of  ten  arches  spanning  the 
river.  Wells’  Hond.,  186-8;  Laferriere,  Dc  Paris  d Guatem.,  95-0;  Squier’s 
Cent.  Am.,  155. 

3>  Onioa  is  situated  about  a quarter  of  a mile  from  the  beach  on  level 
ground,  but  the  back  country  rises  rapidly  into  a chain  of  high  mountains, 
beginning  abruptly  at  Puerto  C'aballos,  now  called  Puerto  Cortes.  Owing  to 
its  position,  Omoa  is  generally  cool  and  healthy,  has  seldom  been  visited  by 
epidemics.  The  place  is  defended  by  the  San  Fernando  castle.  Trujillo  lies 
close  by  the  sea  at  the  foot  of  a lofty  mountain  covered  with  vegetation,  and 
reaching  to  the  very  edge  of  the  water.  The  town  was  at  one  time  of  consid- 
erable importance,  both  in  a commercial  and  military  point  of  view;  but  now 
it  has  an  antique,  dilapidated,  and  abandoned  appearance.  Amapala,  on  the 
island  of  Tigre,  was  in  old  times  a favorite  resort  of  pirates;  it  was  here  that 
Drake  had  his  depot  during  his  operations  in  the  Pacific.  Owing  to  the  visits 
of  those  marauders,  the  Indian  population  of  Tigre  and  Zacate  Grande  retired 
to  the  mainland,  and  the  islands  remained  almost  entirely  deserted  till  1838, 
when  Amapala  was  made  a free  port,  since  which  time  it  has  become  a very 
important  place.  It  has  a salubrious  climate.  Further  details  on  the  towns 
ot  Honduras  may  be  found  in  Montgomery's  Harr,  of  a Journey  to  Gnat.,  etc., 
in  1838,  31;  Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  98-129,  142-161;  Squier’s  Hond.  11.  A’.,  74- 
84,  99-102;  Squier’s  Trciv.,  ii.  164-8;  Young’s  Resid.  Mosq.  Shore,  138-40; 
Wells'  Hond.,  324-5,  574-9;  Reichardt,  Cent.  Am.,  89-90,  93-5;  Wappaus, 
Mex.  und  Cent.  Am.,  311-19;  Froehel’s  Cent.  Am.,  177-83;  Pirn’s  Gate  of  the 
Pac.,  28-9. 


B72 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 


bounded  on  the  north  and  east  by  Honduras,  on  the 
south-east  by  Fonseca  Bay,  on  the  south  by  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  and  on  the  north-west  by  Guatemala.36  It  pos- 
sesses the  small  islands  called  Punta  Zacate,  Martin 
Perez,  Conchaguita,  and  Mianguera  in  the  bay  of 
Fonseca. 

For  the  purposes  of  government  the  republic  is 
divided  into  fourteen  departments;  namely,  San  Sal- 
vador, Cuscatldn,  San  Vicente,  La  Paz,  Usulutan, 
San  Miguel,  Gotera,3'  La  Union,  Cabanas,  Chalate- 
nango,  Santa  Ana,  Ahuachapan,  Sonsonate,  and  La 
Libertad.  The  departments  are  subdivided  into  dis- 
tricts, and  the  latter  into  cities,  villas,  pueblos,  and 
aldeas.  The  chief  towns  of  the  departments  bear  the 
same  names  as  the  latter,  excepting  those  of  Cusca- 
tkin,  La  Paz,  Gotera,  La  Union,  Cabanas,  and  La 
Libertad,  which  are  respectively  called  Cojutepeque, 
Zacatecoluca,  Osicala,  San  Cdrlos,  Sensuntepeque, 
and  Nueva  San  Salvador.  They  all  have  the  rank 
of  cities.  Chinameca,  Jucuapa,  Uobasco,  Suchitoto, 
Metapan,  and  Izalco  enjoy  the  same  distinction. 
There  are,  besides,  about  36  villas,  and  176  pueblos. 

At  the  head  of  each  department  is  placed  a governor, 
who  has  a substitute  to  fill  the  office  in  his  absence, 
both  being  appointed  by  the  national  executive  for  a 
constitutional  term.  They  may  be  impeached  for 
misdemeanors  in  office  before  the  senate.33  The  al- 
caldes of  district  head  towns  are  the  chief  authorities 

36It  is  comprised  within  lat.  13°  and  14°  30'  N.,  and  long.  S7°  30'  and  90° 
20'  W.  Am.  Clycop.,  xiv.  010.  Between  13°  and  14°  10'  N.  lat.,  and  between 
87°  and  90°  W.  long.  Syuier's  Cent.  Am.,  279;  Laferriire,  De  Paris  d Guatim., 

111. 

37  By  decree  of  President  Gonzalez,  July  14,  1875,  the  department  of  San 
M iguel  was  cut  up,  and  that  of  Gotera  created  with  the  districts  of  Gotera 
and  Osicala.  San  Miguel  was  compensated  with  Chinameca,  detached  from 
Usulutan.  Salv.,  Diario  OJic.,  July  20,  1875. 

38  It  is  made  a part  of  the  governor’s  duty  to  Keep  the  gen.  govt  apprised 
of  every  important  occurrence  within  his  department  or  its  vicinity;  in  addi- 
tion to  which  he  must  furnish  annually  a gen.  report  on  every  branch  of  the 
public  service,  with  suggestions  for  the  further  improvement  and  progress  of 
the  communities  under  his  charge.  His  subordinates  in  districts  and  towns 
report  to  him.  A number  of  governors’  reports  may  be  seen  in  ScUv.,  Gaceta, 
Sept.  3 to  Dec.  24,  1878;  Jan.  2 to  Dec.  18,  1877;  Id.,  Diario  Ojic.,  May  17  to 
Dec.  3,  1879;  Jan.  15,  1880,  etc. 


MUNICIPAL  REGULATIONS. 


573 


of  their  respective  districts,  and  like  the  alcaldes  of 
other  towns,  are  subordinate  to  the  governor.  In  the 
event  of  absence  or  disability  of  an  alcalde,  the  regi- 
dor  depositario  assumes  his  duties  pro  tempore.  Al- 
caldes are  represented  in  distant  country  places  by 
comisionados  of  their  own  appointment.  Each  town 
has  for  its  internal  management  a municipal  corpora- 
tion chosen  by  the  direct  votes  of  the  citizens,  and 
consisting  of  one  alcalde,  one  slndico,  and  from  two  to 
six  regidores,  according  to  population.™  Such  corpo- 
rations act  under  the  general  ordinances  provided  for 
the  government  of  municipal  districts.40 

The  principal  cities  are  San  Salvador,  San  Miguel, 
Santa  Ana,  which  has  been  the  capital,  Cojutepeque, 
which  has  also  been  the  seat  of  government,  Sonso- 
nate,  Zacatecoluca,  San  Vicente,  Sensuntepeque,  Cha- 
latenango,  Santa  Rosa,  Ahuachapan,  and  Santa  Tecla 
or  Nueva  San  Salvador. 

San  Salvador  was  first  founded  at  a place  now  called 
Bermuda,  about  eighteen  miles  to  the  northward  of 
the  present  site.  During  the  Spanish  domination  it 
was  the  residence  of  the  gobernador  intendente.  After 
the  separation  from  the  Spanish  crown  it  became  the 
capital  of  Salvador,  and  for  a while  was  the  federal 
district,  and  seat  of  the  Central  American  government. 
The  city,  as  I have  stated  elsewhere,  has  been  repeat- 
edly shattered  by  earthquakes,  but  in  each  instance 
rebuilt,  notwithstanding  efforts  to  abandon  the  site. 
Both  the  town  and  its  position  are  beautiful.  It  is 
in  the  midst  of  a broad  elevated  plateau  in  the  coast 
range,  between  the  valley  of  the  Lempa  River  and 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  2,115  feet  above  the  sea.41  The 


39  Towns  of  from  200  to  2,000  inhabitants  two  regidores,  of  upwards  of 
2,000  to  10,000  four,  and  those  exceeding  the  latter  number  six.  Each  cor- 
poration elects  a competent  clerk  to  authenticate  its  acts  and  those  of  the 
alcalde. 

10  Id.,  May  1-16,  1875;  March  5-22,  1879. 

“Like  other  Spanish  towns,  it  covers  a large  area  in  proportion  the  popu- 
lation. The  houses  are  built  low,  of  a single  story,  and  adapted  to  resist  the 
constant  shakes  of  the  earth.  Each  house  has  an  inner  court,  frequently 
containing  a fountain  and  garden.  The  dwellers  run  out  to  the  court  on  feei- 


574 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 


place  lias  a cathedral,  and  other  churches,  a national 
palace,  a university,  and  other  government  buildings. 
Excepting  the  central  and  paved  park,  San  Salvador 
is  embowered  in  tropical  fruit-trees. 

San  Miguel  is  justly  considered  the  second  city  of 
Salvador.  Its  houses  have  a home  aspect,  comfort  in 
the  interior,  and  elegance  in  the  exterior.  It  is  sup- 
plied with  water  by  an  aqueduct.  There  are  foun- 
tains to  refresh  the  air  and  to  please  the  eye.  Two 
iron  bridges  cross  the  San  Miguel  River,  said  to  have 
been  constructed  by  Guzman  at  an  expense  of  $90,000 
of  his  own  money.  Back  of  the  town  is  the  majestic 
volcano  of  San  Miguel.  In  the  bay  of  Fonseca  is  the 
excellent  port  of  La  Union,  to  the  west  that  of  La 
Libertad,  and  beyond  that  of  Acajutla  at  a short 
distance  from  Sonsonate  and  the  Izalco  volcano. 

The  republic  of  Guatemala  is  bounded  on  the  north 
and  west  by  the  Mexican  states  of  Yucatan  and  Chi- 
apas; on  the  east  by  British  Honduras,  the  bay  of 
Honduras,  and  the  republics  of  Honduras  and  Salva- 
dor; and  on  the  south  by  the  Pacific  Ocean.4'’ 

The  state  is  divided  for  the  purposes  of  civil 
government  into  departments;  namely,  Guatemala, 
Sacatepequez,  Amatitlan,  Escuintla,  Chimaltenango, 
Solola,  Totonicapam,  Quiche,  Quezaltenango,  Retal- 
huleu,  Suchitepequez,  Hueliuetenango,  San  M fir  cos, 
Peten,  Baja  Yerapaz,  Alta  Yerapaz,  Livingston  Iza- 
bal,  Chiquimula,  Zacapa,  Jalapa,  Jutiapa,  and  Santa 
Rosa.43  They  are  subdivided  into  municipalidades, 
each  of  which  forms  regulations  or  ordinances  for  the 
management  of  its  own  affairs,  subject  to  approbation 


ing  a temblor  of  some  force.  When  the  shocks  are  heavy  anil  continuous, 
they  seek  safety  in  the  plazas  and  open  fields,  where  they  erect  tents. 

42  It  is  situated  between  N.  lat.  13°  50'  and  18°  15',  and  within  W.  long. 
SS°  14' and  93°  12'.  Am.  Cyclop.,  viii.  288.  Between  13°  42' and  18°  lat.  N., 
and  between  88°  and  93°  5'  W.  long.  Encyclop.  Bril.,  xi.  211. 

43  The  chief  towns  have  the  same  names  as  the  departments  to  which  they 
belong,  excepting  those  of  Sacatepequez,  Quichd,  Peten,  Baja  Verapaz,  Alta 
Vcrapaz,  and  Santa  Rosa,  whose  respective  names  are  Antigua,  Santa  Cruz 
del  Quiche,  Flores,  Salami,  Coban,  and  Cuajiniquilapa.  Salv.,  Oaceta  OJie., 
Juno  6,  1877;  Gnat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Gobern.  y Just.,  1884,  4-5,  annex  4;  El  Guute- 
mxilteco,  May  10,  1884. 


DEPARTMENTAL  GOVERNMENT. 


575 


or  amendment  by  the  supreme  government.  At  the 
head  of  each  department  is  a jefe  politico,  and  some  of 
them  likewise  have  a sub-jefe. 

The  general  government  makes  its  administrative 
action  felt  in  the  departments.  Down  to  1879  the 
laws  relating  to  civil  administration  in  them  were  not 
only  confused,  but  contained  clauses  which  were, 
some  of  them,  opposed  to  the  principles  of  modern 
legislation,  and  others  directly  contrary  to  the  liberal 
and  progressive  system  the  nation  had  adopted  since 
187  1. 44  Hence  the  necessity  of  prescriptions  con- 
sonant with  the  existing  situation.40  A decree  was 
also  issued  to  insure  common  principles  and  rules  for 
the  municipal  corporations.46  Under  the  new  order  of 
things,  the  sum  total  of  receipts  by  all  the  munici- 
palities in  1883  was  $530,040,  and  of  expenditures 
$489, 422.47 

Guatemala,  the  capital,  together  with  the  whole  re- 
public, lias  had  its  beauties  more  or  less  extolled  by 
every  foreign  traveller  who  has  visited  it  and  pub- 
lished a book,  from  1822  to  late  years.  These  praises 
were  well  deserved;  but  they  fall  short  of  what  they 
now  should  be,  considering  the  improvements  intro- 
duced by  the  energetic  administration  of  President 
Barrios,  which  placed  it  on  a level  with  many  cities 
of  greater  pretensions  and  resources.48 

*4  Under  the  old  system  the  department  was  under  a corregidor  who  was 
not  only  civil  governor,  hut  also  military  chief,  judge,  revenue  collector,  and 
postmaster.  Berendl,  in  Smithsonian  Rept,  1807,  424. 

45  Under  art.  34  of  this  organic  law  the  jefes  were  required  to  send  the 
supreme  gov.  for  approbation  police  regulations,  under  the  instructions  fur- 
nished them  for  the  sake  of  uniformity.  They  did  not  fail  to  comply.  Ouat  , 
Mem.  Sec.  Gobern.  y Just  , 1880,  1-2. 

46  The  law  determined  with  precision  the  manner  of  organizing  the  muni- 
cipalities, and  the  functions  of  the  councilmen,  increasing  at  the  same  time 
the  number  of  committees;  at  that  time  they  had  committees  of  finance,  sup- 
plies, water,  police,  health,  ornamentation,  schools,  vaccination,  roads,  and 
statistics.  Further  information  on  internal  administration,  police,  and  gen. 
condition  of  the  departments  may  be  found  in  Gnat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  492-512, 
527-75;  Bari-ios,  Mensaje,  1876;  Salv.  Diario  OJic.,  May  13  to  16,  1875;  Gnat., 
Mem.  Sec.  Gobem.,  1880,  1881,  1882,  1884;  Batres’  Sketch  Gnat.,  23;  Conk  liny’ 8 
Guide,  341. 

47  With  only  three  exceptions  every  department  had  a surplus.  The  three 
excepted  had  deficits  amounting  together  to  83,578. 

48 1 will  name  a few  of  the  authorities:  Dillon,  BeautLs  de  Vhist.,  218-38; 
Thompson's  Guat.,  465-9;  Stephens’  Trav.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  192-4;  Muev o Viajero 


576 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 


The  city  stands  about  5,300  feet  above  the  sea, 
upon  a fertile  plateau  traversed  by  the  Rio  de  las 
Vacas,  being  almost  surrounded  b\T  ravines.  It  is 
laid  out  in  wide,  regular,  well-paved,  and  clean  streets, 
forming  right  angles,  and  has  extensive  suburbs.  The 
number  of  houses  is  probably  5,000,  most  of  them  of 
one  story.  There  is,  however,  a considerable  number 
with  two  stories.  They  are  mostly  constructed  with 
solidity  and  comfort,  and  many  have  fountains,  gar- 
dens, and  courts.49  Besides  the  cathedral,  archepisco- 
pal  palace,  government  house,  mint,  and  other  public 
buildings,  there  are  several  beautiful  churches,  and  a 
number  of  fine  and  extensive  edifices,  formerly  occu- 
pied by  religious  orders,  and  now  devoted  to  practical 
uses.50  There  are  many  reservoirs  filled  with  potable 
water,  some  of  them  of  handsome  construction,  and 
surrounded  by  beautiful  grounds.  Water  is  supplied 
the  city  by  aqueducts  from  a distance  of  several  miles.51 
Most  of  the  houses  also  have  wells.  The  city  is  like- 
wise well  provided  with  educational  and  benevolent 
establishments,  as  well  as  places  of  amusement,  such 
as  the  theatre  and  the  hippodrome.52  From  the  Joco- 
tenanoo  ward  to  the  circus  there  is  a fine  boulevard 

O 

along  which  runs  the  tramway  from  the  Calvary. 
The  city  will  soon  be  in  communication  with  Port 
San  Jose  by  railway,  as  it  has  long  been  by  telegraph 
with  the  other  chief  towns.  The  monkish,  funereal 

Univ.,  iii.  602-7;  Baily’s  Cent.  Am.,  49-54;  Valois,  Mexique,  291-6;  Rcichardt, 
Cent.  Am.,  54;  Crosby's  Slatem.,  MS.,  86-90;  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  114—16;  Laferri&re, 
De  Paris  d Gfuatdm.,  259-60;  Dice.  Univ.  Hist.  Gcog.,  iii.  724—7;  Dunlop’s  Cent. 
Am.,  76-86;  Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  497-50;  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  Cong. 
43,  Sess.  1,  i.  444-5;  Astaburaaya,  Cent.  Am.,  78-9;  Am,  Clyclop.,  viii.  290-2; 
Encyclop.  Brit.,  xi.  214. 

49  There  are  two  fortresses,  the  Matamoros  and  San  Jose.  Among  the 
open  places  are  the  plaza  mayor,  and  the  recently  laid  out  plaza  de  la  Con- 
cordia, now  the  favorite  resort  of  the  inhabitants.  There  is  another  plaza 
containing  a fine  theatre. 

60  San  Francisco,  La  Recoleccion,  La  Merced,  and  Santo  Domingo  are 
among  the  notable  ones. 

11  The  govt  in  late  years  has  provided  for  an  increase  of  the  water  supply 
to  meet  the  future  requirement's  of  a town  whose  population  is  rapidly  grow- 
ing. Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1884,  43-4;  1885,  49-51,  56-8. 

49  With  government  aid,  a jockey  club  was  also  established  in  1882. 
Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  47-50,  75. 


PANAMA  ISTHMUS. 


577 


appearance  which  Guatemala  presented  prior  to  1871 
has  disappeared,  being  succeeded  by  a pleasing  aspect 
of  life.  The  city  police  has  been  organized  and 
equipped  in  American  style,  and  the  body  of  men  is 
second  to  none  in  Spanish  America  53 

Panannl  was  formerly  a state,  but  under  a recent 
organization  of  the  republic  of  Colombia,  has  been 
reduced  to  the  condition  of  a national  department. 
It  lies  partly  between  the  Caribbean  Sea  and  the 
Pacific,  and  is  bounded  on  the  south-east  by  the  state 
of  Cauca  in  the  same  republic,  and  on  the  west  by 
Costa  Rica.54 

There  are  a number  of  islands  belonging  to  the 
department,  among  which  are  the  Mulatas  archipela- 
go, the  Pearl  group,  Coiba,  Taboga,  and  Flamenco.55 
The  range  of  mountains  traversing  the  Isthmus  is  a 
continuation  of  the  Andes,  but  the  elevation  in  some 


53  Antigua,  or  Old  G-uat.,  presents  its  majestic  ruins,  much  the  same  as 
they  were  left  by  the  earthquakes  of  1773.  Many  of  the  buildings  appear 
like  fortresses.  Among  the  best  preserved  are  the  old  government  palace 
and  the  university.  The  place  was  much  damaged  by  an  earthquake  in 
1S74.  Thompson  in  Ids'  Cent.  Am.  has  a description  of  the  ruins  as  they  were 
in  1825,  245-9;  others  have  described  them  at  later  dates.  Stephens’  Trav.,  i. 
200-71,  278-80;  ii.  204;  Reichardt,  Cent.  Am.,  53-5;  Macgregor’s  Prog,  of  Am., 
i.  791-2;  Valois,  Mexique,  376-8,390;  Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  450,  504-10;  Ratres' 
Sketch,  27-9,  40.  Quezaltenango  is  8,130  feet  above  the  sea.  It  is  every  day 
growing  in  importance  and  wealth.  Living  is  cheap  there;  the  climate  is  cool 
and  healthy.  Most  of  the  streets  are  narrow,  but  they  are  well  paved  and 
have  flagstone  sidewalks.  The  houses  are  of  good  appearance,  some  of  them 
of  two  stories.  Among  the  public  buildings  are  the  penitentiary,  on  the  plan 
of  that  in  Philadelphia,  the  Indian  cabildo  of  two  stories,  the  hospital, 
national  institute,  and  other  educational  establishments,  some  fine  churches, 
etc.  Boddam  Wlietham's  Across  Cent.  Am.,  66-7;  Conkling’s  Guide,  334,  337, 
343.  The  city  of  Flores,  head  town  of  the  department  of  Peten,  is  worthy 
of  mention  for  its  picturesque  position  on  one  of  the  islands  of  Lake  Itzal, 
and  its  charming  view  from  a distance.  The  place  is  hot,  however,  and  un- 
cleanly. 

1,4  Occupying  the  Isthmus  which  connects  North  and  South  America,  be- 
tween lat.  N.  6°  45'  and  9°  40',  and  within  long.  W.  77°  and  83°.  The  area  is  of 
about  31,921  square  miles.  In  its  general  form  it  is  an  arc  curving  from  east 
to  west,  with  the  convex  side  toward  the  north.  In  the  widest  part  from  sea 
to  sea  it  is  about  120  miles,  in  the  narrowest  from  the  gulf  of  San  Bias  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Bayano  River  about  30,  and  along  the  line  of  the  railway  47A 
miles.  Am.  Cyclop.,  xiii.  31. 

“In  addition  to  these  are  Taboguilla,  Uraba,  Naos,  Perico,  Culebra,  San 
Jose,  Tortola,  Tortolita,  Iguana,  Washington,  Napoleon,  Stanley,  and  many 
smaller  ones.  Tavares,  Gulf  and  Isthmus  of  Darien,  March  31,  1761,  MS.,  52- 
65;  Imray’s  Sail.  Directions,  6-12;  Humboldt,  Tableau,  710. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  37 


578 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 


parts  does  not  exceed  300  feet  above  the  sea.  From 
this  ridge  flow  about  150  streams  into  the  Atlantic, 
and  more  than  double  that  number  into  the  Pacific.66 

The  state  has  been  hitherto  divided  into  depart- 
ments; namely,  Panamd,  Colon,  Code,  Chiriqui,  Los 
Santos,  and  Veragua,57  which  are  subdivided  into 
distritos  parroquiales.  At  the  head  of  the  distrito 
capital  and  departamento  de  Panamd,  is  a governor, 
and  the  other  departments  have  prefectos.  Each 
distrito  is  under  an  alcalde.58 

The  city  of  Panamd  is  laid  out  with  regularity,  on 
a rocky  peninsula,  presenting  a fine  appearance  from 
the  sea,  as  it  stands  out  from  the  dark  hills  inland 
with  an  air  of  grandeur.  The  Ancon — a hill  540  feet 
high  rising  a mile  westward  of  the  city  —helps  to  ren- 
der the  place  conspicuous.  But  on  entering,  the  vis- 
itor finds  himself  disappointed.  The  principal  streets 
cross  the  peninsula  from  sea  to  sea,  intersected  by  the 
Calle  Real,  running  east  and  west.  The  place  has  a 
quiet  and  stately  appearance,  without  promising  com- 
fort. The  houses  are  mostly  of  stone  built  in  the 
Spanish  style,  the  larger  ones  having  heavy  balconies 
in  the  upper  stories,  with  court-yards  or  patios.  There 
is  little  relief  or  variety.59  The  smaller  ones  are  of 
a single  story.  The  churches  and  public  buildings, 
namely,  the  cathedral,  casa  de  la  gobernacion,  cabildo  or 

“The  largest  being  the  Tuira,  160  miles  long,  navigable  about  102  for 
barges,  empties  into  the  gulf  of  San  Miguel;  the  Chagres,  navigable  for 
bungos  about  30  miles,  runs  into  the  Caribbean  Sea;  the  Chepo  Hows  into 
the  bay  of  Panamd. 

57  The  principal  town  of  Code  is  Penonomd;  of  Chiriqui,  David;  and  of 
Veragua,  Santiago.  The  rest  bear  the  same  names  as  their  respective 
departments. 

58  The  governor  and  prefectos  report  yearly  to  the  chief  of  the  Isthmus 
the  state  of  their  respective  departments.  Pan.,  Mem.  Soe.  Jeneral,  1877, 
etc. 

59  Just  prior  to  the  influx  of  the  foreign  element,  upon  the  discovery  of 
the  gold  placers  in  California,  the  town  had  a gloomy  and  ruinous  aspect. 
There  was  nothing  to  be  seen  all  around  but  ruin  and  poverty;  whole  blocks 
and  streets  of  old,  dilapidated  buildings,  propped-up  houses  with  people 
living  in  them,  and  luxuriant  vegetation  in  the  plazas,  walls,  etc.  With  the 
coming  of  foreigners  a great  change  took  place  within  the  short  space  of  three 
or  four  years.  Nearly  all  the  old  dwellings  underwent  repairs,  and  new  ones 
were  built.  In  lieu  of  the  old  sad  appearance  and  silence,  all  was  now  bustle 
and  movement.  Maldonado,  Arwntox  Pollt.  Pan.,  MS.,  7. 


BUILDINGS  AND  POPULATION. 


579 


town  hall,  ecclesiastical  seminary,  and  four  convents  for 
friars  and  one  for  nuns,  were  strongly  built;  but  years 
of  neglect  and  the  deteriorating  effects  of  the  climate 
have  brought  many  of  them  to  decay;  notwithstand- 
ing which  some  of  the  ecclesiastical  edifices  are  still 
used  for  the  service  of  God,  whilst  others,  not  utterly 
ruined,  are  applied  to  other  purposes.60  The  place  was 
at  one  time  tolerably  well  fortified,  but  the  fortifica- 
tions no  longer  exist;  the  south  and  west  ramparts 
are,  however,  in  good  condition  forming  an  agreeable 
promenade.  The  drainage  is  very  bad;  many  neces- 
sary things  to  insure  cleanliness  and  comfort  are  want- 
ing; good  potable  water  being  scarce  and  high-priced.61 
The  city  has  enjoyed  the  benefit  of  gas  light  for  sev- 
eral years  past,  and  since  the  construction  of  the  canal 
was  begun,  it  has  had  many  improvements  introduced, 
among  them  a fine  and  spacious  hospital.62 

The  place  next  in  importance  on  the  Isthmus  is 
Colon,  otherwise  known  as  Aspinwall,  on  the  island 
of  Manzanilla.  It  is  the  Atlantic  port  of  the  Isthmus, 
and  contains  the  stations,  offices,  and  wharf  of  the 
railway  company,  as  well  as  those  of  the  several 
steam-ship  companies,  and  likewise  a number  of  build- 
ings of  the  ship-canal  enterprise.  The  town  was  pro- 
gressing rapidly,  and  had  a number  of  fine  modern 
buildings  other  than  those  before  mentioned,  but  it 
was  ruined  by  the  vandalic  act  of  revolutionists,  which 
event  has  been  elsewhere  described  in  this  volume.63 

69  The  cathedral  has  nothing  to  recommend  it  except  its  two  fine  towers. 
It  is  in  a ruinous  condition,  and  though  repaired  a few  years  ago  and  reduced 
to  a single  nave,  further  repairs  are  loudly  called  for.  This  building  as  well 
as  the  cabildo  face  the  main  plaza. 

01  Efforts  have  been  made  in  late  years  by  the  state  government  for  the 
construction  of  an  aqueduct;  but  without  success.  Pan.,  Gaceta,  May  16, 
1874;  Apr.  9,  30,  1876;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  May  19,  1874;  Feb.  14,  Apr. 
13,  1876. 

62  The  following  are  among  the  authorities  giving  more  or  less  detailed 
descriptions  of  the  city  of  Panama:  Cash’s  Sketch,  54-61,  29-71 ; Bidwell's  Pan., 
1-9,  75-7,  119-35,  341-8;  Beechy’s  Voy.,  i.  11-17,  23-4 ; Scarlet’s  South  Am., 
ii.  189-211,  221-9,  254—69;  Seemann's  Narr.,  84-8,  275-95,  289-94;  Wilsons 
Trav.  in  Cal.,  9-10,  17-19;  Worthy's  Trav.,  320-2;  Scherzer,  Nan-.,  ii.  42L-5 ; 
Pirn's  Gate,  209-20. 

63  Gisborne's  Darien,  160-70,205-9;  Otis'  Isth.  Pan.,  70-127;  Harper  s May., 
xvii.  19-28,32-9;  Tomes’  Pan. , 40-66.  The  following  contain  descriptions  of 


5S0 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 


The  official  census  of  population  in  the  Isthmus  of 
Panamd  for  1880  showed  the  number  of  inhabitants 
to  have  been  307, 598. M The  report  laid  by  the  state 
government  before  the  assembly  in  September  1882 
stated  that  the  population  had  increased  since  1880  to 
343,782,  which  was  due  to  the  influx  of  men  employed 
on  the  canal-works.  There  have  been  many  fluctua- 
tions since.  The  proportion  of  negroes  and  mixed 
breeds  has  ever  been  larger  than  the  pure  whites  in 
the  city  of  Panama  and  on  the  Caribbean  Sea  coast, 
and  after  the  opening  of  the  canal-works  it  became 
greatly  increased  with  laborers  from  the  coast  to  the 
south,  Jamaica,  etc.,  almost  all  being  negroes.  In 
the  interior  departments  the  case  is  quite  different, 
the  majority  of  the  inhabitants  being  of  pure  whites. 

Efforts  made  from  time  to  time  to  develop  foreign 
colonization  through  land  grants  have  never  led  to 
any  advantageous  acquisition  of  immigrants.65 


other  places  as  well  as  of  the  transit  between  the  two  seas:  London  Geog.  Sor. 
Jour.,  i.  69-101;  xxiii.,  184;  Niles  Reg.,  xxxviii.  141;  Reichardt,  Cent.  Am.,  201- 
2;  Willey's  Person.  Mem.,  37-8;  Masset's  Exper.  of  a '/filer,  MS.,  1;  Lachapelle’s 
Raousset- Boulbon,  43-7;  Champagnac,  Voyageur,  175-6;  Froebel,  Aus  Amerika, 
211-31;  Nie.,  Cor.  1st.,  May  30,  1850;  Marry  alt's  Mountains,  1-17;  Holinski, 
La  CaUfornie,  45-61;  Rouhaud,  Reg.  Nouvelles,  1 67 ; Nouv.  Annales  des  Voy., 
cxxiii.  220-2,  226-7;  cxlv.  17-22;  cxlvii.  15-17;  Polynesian,  v.  29;  vi.  121; 
Thornton's  Or.  and  Cal.,  ii.  34S-54;  Oswald  Cal.  und  Seine,  87-92;  Kelley's 
Canal  Mantimera,  27-8;  Auger,  Toy.  en  Cal.,  35-92;  Saint-Amant,  25-62,  80- 
97;  Griswold’s  Pan.,  41-7;  Rossi,  Souvenirs,  47-50;  Esguerra,  Dire.  Geog.  Colom- 
bia, 2-275;  Pan.,  Gaceta,  Jan.  23,  1881. 

G*  Department  of  Pan.,  including  18,378  in  the  city,  43,462;  Code,  33,134; 
Colon,  including  4,000  in  that  port,  1,057  in  Chagres,  and  1,319  in  Portobello, 
8,276;  Los  Santos,  37,670;  Veragua,  36,210;  Bocas  del  Toro,  5,250;  Darien, 
1,036.  Pan.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1882,  43-6.  The  population  at  the  time  the 
Isthmus  seceded  from  Spain  was  variously  estimated  at  from  80,000  to  111,- 
550;  1843,  129,697;  the  census  of  1863  yielded  180,000;  but  it  is  believed  the 
population  was  made  to  appear  larger  than  it  really  was,  so  as  to  gain  one  more 
representative  in  the  national  congress.  The  best  informed  citizens  computed 
it  at  only  150,000.  In  1868,  220,542,  authorities  keeping  the  same  figures  till 
1S79,  excepting  one  estimate  for  1874  reducing  it  to  174,000.  Humboldt,  Pers. 
Narr.,  vi.,  pt  i.  142;  Seemanns  Toy.,  i.  296;  I mr ay's  Sail.  Dir.,  14;  BidwelCs 
/slh.  Pan.,  178-80;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Feb.  18,  1868;  Mex.  Soc.  Geog.  Bole- 
tin,  3d  ep.  i.  728;  Colombia,  DiarioOfic.,  Sept.  6,  1872;  Aug.  4,  1874;  March  1, 
1876;  Esguerra,  Dice.  Geog.  Colomb.,  171. 

115  Veraguas,  Deer,  de  la  Cam;  Id.,  Notas  Ofic.;  Id.,  Ordenanzas,  1853; 
t'hiriqul,  Corresp.  Gob.  Nac.,  1851;  Id. , Ofic.  del  Gob.;  Id.,  Comp,  de  Fomento, 
1855;  all  in  Pinart,  Pan.  Coll.  Doc.,  MSS.,  nos.  63,  65,  69,  p.  25-7,  no.  39,  4-9, 
no.  88,  p.  22,  no.  40,  1-4;  besides  other  doc.  in  the  same  Coll.,  no.  31,  p. 
40-1,  nos.  49,  50,  52,  103;  17.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  41,  Cong.  36,  Sess.  2, 
vi.  55;  El Noticioso del Istmo  Am.,  in  the  Californian,  S.  F.,  ii.,  June  12,  1847. 


ISTHMUS  SOCIETY 


581 


The  number  of  American  indigenes  on  the  Isthmus 
is  computed  at  about  10, 000. 60  The  chief  of  the 
Savaneries  claimed  the  sovereignty  over  the  land  they 
occupied,  and  their  rights  thereto  were  recognized  by 
the  authorities  of  Yeraguas.67 

The  Manzanillos  occasionally  visit  Portobello  and 
neighboring  villages,  and  at  one  time,  if  not  always, 
were  in  a state  of  warfare  with  the  Bayanos.  The 
latter  hate  the  Spaniards  and  their  descendants,  but 
are  friendly  to  the  English.68 

In  1873,  a law  was  enacted  to  compel  the  wild 
Indians  to  adopt  the  usages  of  civilized  life,  and  prompt 
action  was  recommended  by  the  executive  of  Panama 
in  1874,  but  nothing  came  of  it.69 

There  are  but  few  families  of  the  higher  class  in 
Panamd,,  and  time  is  required  to  establish  a footing  of 
intimacy  with  them.  Considerable  has  been  said  in 
Europe  against  the  character  of  the  women  of  Panama 
which  is  not  borne  out  by  fact.  Much  real  worth 
exists  among  them.  Indeed,  the  native  women  of  the 
Isthmus  generally,  possess  the  best  qualifications. 
They  are  not  only  pretty,  graceful,  and  refined,  but 
are  dutiful  daughters,  and  excellent  wives  and  mothers. 
Those  in  the  higher  positions,  even  while  laboring 
under  the  disadvantage  of  a limited  education,  which 
during  a long  time  was  the  case  with  a majority  of 
them,  have,  as  a rule,  been  of  industrious  and  economi- 
cal habits.  In  later  years  the  young  girls  of  the  better 
class  have  been  enabled  to  acquire  an  education.  The 
same  cannot  be  said  of  the  women  of  the  lower  classes, 

06  For  their  dwelling-places  I refer  to  Native  Races  of  the  Pcic.  States,  i. 
795-7,  this  series. 

67  In  1835.  Veraguas,  Dec.  cle  la  Cam.,  in  Pin.,  Pan.  Col.  Doc.,  MS.,  no. 
57,  17-22;  Id.,  Informe,  in  Id.,  MS.,  no.  78. 

68  Their  chief  at  times  visited  the  British  consul  at  Panama,  but  never  agreed 
to  his  returning  the  visit  at  their  homes.  Seemanns  Very.,  i.  321.  Neither 
would  they  accept  presents  from  any  white  person.  One  of  their  chiefs  who 
accepted  a present  was  degraded  by  his  tribe,  and  the  present  was  sent  back. 
But 'Dell's  Isth.  Pan.,  36. 

09  Many  persons  were  killed  by  the  Bayanos  in  Oct.  1870;  and  their  hos- 
tilities were  repeated  in  1874.  Pan.,  Gaceta,  Nov.  10,  1870;  Dec.  23,  1873; 
Apr.  14,  1874;  Id.,  Star  and  Herald,  Feb.  17,  March  12,  1874;  Id  Informe 
Sec.  Est.,  1874,  18-19. 


582 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 


whose  moral  scale  is  quite  low,  marriage  with  them 
being  the  exception  rather  than  the  rule.  For  this 
state  of  things  the  upper  class  is  partly  responsible, 
inasmuch  as  from  a misguided  feeling  of  charity  it  looks 
upon  the  practice  with  indifference  instead  of  frown- 
ing upon  it.'0 

The  women  of  Panamd,  since  the  early  days  of  rail- 
way travelling,  have  abandoned  their  former  ways  of 
dressing  and  of  arranging  their  beautiful  hair,  adopt- 
ing European  fashions  and  putting  on  hats.  The 
women  of  the  lower  order,  till  very  recently,  wore  the 
polleras;1  but  this  is  becoming  a thing  of  the  past. 
These  women  are  very  untidy ; they  move  about  their 
houses  slipshod  and  stockingless.  The  dress  of  the 
native  laboring  man  is  a pair  of  cotton  or  linen  trousers 
and  a shirt. 

The  young  men  of  the  educated  class  are  well- 
mannered,  and  most  of  them  have  an  average  share  of 
ability,  but  application  and  steadiness  of  purpose  are 
wanting.  Like  their  sisters,  they  are  kind  and  affec- 
tionate to  their  families  and  relatives.''2  Nearly  all 
the  male  inhabitants  speak  English  as  well  as  their 
native  language,  and  a number,  who  have  been  abroad, 
are  conversant  with  French  and  even  German. 

In  their  domestic  life,  notwithstanding  their  con- 
stant intercourse  with  people  of  other  nations,  the 
Panamanians  keep  themselves  secluded,  much  as  they 
did  before  the  railway  was  constructed.  They  still 
hug  a portion  of  their  old  opinions  and  prejudices. 
Nevertheless,  the  fullest  liberty  of  conscience  and  of 
religion  being  recognized  by  the  Colombian  laws,  all 
forms  of  worship  may  be  publicly  practised.'3 

70  The  lower  classes  are  improvident  and  fond  of  dress  and  finery 

71  Low  dresses  without  sleeves,  and  with  lace  trimmings  on  the  bust. 

72  There  are  many  of  them  given  to  gossiping  and  propagating  scandalous 
reports  even  about  their  friends.  Politics  and  the  bottle  have  in  late  years 
debauched  many  a fine  young  man,  the  vice  of  drunkenness  of  late  gaining 
ground. 

73  There  are  associations  of  various  kinds,  including  secret  ones,  like  the 
masonic,  of  which  there  are  several  lodges,  with  many  native  Panamanians 
among  their  members.  The  natives  still  observe  the  custom  of  long  mourn- 
ings as  of  old.  In  a community  where  families  are  more  or  less  connected  by 


EDUCATION. 


583 


The  government  of  Panamd,  has  not  always  mani- 
fested a proper  interest  in  the  diffusion  of  knowledge 
among  the  masses.  It  must  be  acknowledged,  how- 
ever, that  during  the  existence  of  the  central  regime, 
prior  to  1860,  the  children  throughout  the  Isthmus 
had  a better  opportunity  to  acquire  instruction,  there 
being  schools  with  paid  teachers  in  nearly  all  the 
towns.74  After  the  revolutionary  period  became  inam- 
gurated,  the  funds  of  the  government  hardly  ever  sat- 
isfied the  greed  of  political  leaders,  or  sufficed  to  meet 
the  cost  of  a large  military  force,  and  public  instruc- 
tion suffered.  This  occurred  more  particularly  in  the 
interior,  and  even  the  capital  has  seen  its  public 
schools  closed  for  the  want  of  funds.'5  The  legislators 
in  1871  gave  a new  organization  to  this  branch  of  the 
public  service,  but  for  various  reasons  nothing  was 
accomplished  until  1873,  when  the  philanthropic 
Manuel  J.  Hurtado  undertook  the  task  of  getting 
some  light  out  of  the  existing  chaos.  His  efforts  soon 
began  to  yield  good  results,  though  more  satisfactory 
ones  might  have  been  obtained  had  the  state  govern- 
ment afforded  larger  means.'8  Normal  schools  have 
been  also  established  for  training  teachers,  and  several 
other  educational  institutes  have  been  founded,  one  for 

ties  of  blood  or  marriage,  the  result  is  that  mourning  often  seems  to  be  the 
common  dress. 

74  Details  in  Constitueional  del  Istmo,  Nov.  21,  1832;  Colegio  de  Pan.,  Decreto, 
1-2;  El  Movimiento,  Dec.  1,  1844;  AT.  Granada,  Gaceta,  Feb.  22,  1840;  Bogota, 
Gac.  Ofic.,  Feb.  0,  184S;  Chiriqul,  Deerctos,  MS.,  1849;  Pan.,  Cr<Sn.  Ofic.,  Nov. 
9,  1849,  to  March  1,  1854,  passim;  Chiriqul,  Inf.  del  Gob.,  MSS.,  1851-2;  Pan., 
Gaceta  Extraord.,  Dec.  23,  1857;  March  30,  1858. 

73  In  1869  there  were  no  public  primary  schools  in  the  state.  Parents 
with  means  had  teachers  at  home,  or  sent  their  children  to  the  few  private 
schools  then  existing,  to  Bogota,  the  national  capital,  or  abroad.  Children  of 
poor  parents  had  to  grow  in  utter  ignorance. 

76  In  1874  there  were  in  the  state  17  primary  schools  with  1,065  pupils. 
The  numbers  steadily  increased  till  1882,  when  the  schools  were  59  and  the 
pupils  2,167.  There  were  appropriated  for  supporting  the  schools  in  1873 
814,191,  and  every  year  after  there  was  an  increase;  the  amount  allowed  in 
1882  being  §33,310,  and  in  1S83  $63,962,  the  govt  now  becoming  alive  to  the 
fact  that  the  funds  formerly  supplied  were  insufficient,  as  appeared  in  the  re- 
port of  the  educational  bureau  on  Nov.  15,  1881.  Pan.,  El  Elector,  May  1,  1883; 
Pan.,  Inf.  Sec.  Est.,  1866;  Id.,  Mensaje,  1872;  Id.,  Mem.  Sec.  Eat.,  1876;  Id., 
Informe  Direct.  Gen.  Instruc.  Pub.,  1877-80;  Id.,  Leyes,  1876-7,  26-32;  Id., 
Mem.  Sec.  Gob.,  1877;  Id.,  Min.  See.  Gob.,  1879;  Pan.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  May  28, 
1863,  to  Sept.  8,  1869,  passim;  Id.,  Gaceta,  July  28,  1870,  to  Feb.  20,  1881, 
passim;  Colombia,  Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  18,  Aug.  14,  1874;  Jan.  27,  March  2,  1876. 


584 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 


femaies  under  women  of  a religious  order.  Neverthe- 
less, the  majority  of  young  men  possessed  of  means 
go  abroad  or  to  Bogota  to  complete  their  education. 

The  Isthmus  has  not  produced  any  notable  literary 
or  scientific  men,  properly  so-called,  though  there  are 
and  have  been  among  its  people  bright  intellects.  In 
political  and  diplomatic  life,  however,  may  be  men- 
tioned as  notabilities  Justo  Arosemena,  Jose  Obaldia, 
Pablo  Arosemena,  and  Jil  Colunje. 

The  newspaper  press  has  been  during  many  years 
represented  on  the  Isthmus  by  the  Star  and  Herald?1 
which  is  the  vehicle  for  the  communication  of  news 
between  Europe  and  the  United  States  on  the  one 
side,  and  the  countries  in  Central  and  South  America 
on  the  other.  It  has  been  for  many  years,  and  con- 
tinues to  be,  entitled  to  rank  as  a first-class  newspaper. 
Its  local  edition  now  appears  daily  in  English,  Span- 
ish, and  French;  the  edition  for  Europe  and  the 
United  States,  to  leave  by  each  departing  steamer,  is 
in  English ; and  the  one  for  Central  and  South 
America  is  in  Spanish,  the  publication  then  bearing 
the  name  of  La  Estrella.18  Several  other  newspapers 
have  been  published,  besides  the  official  organ,  from 
time  to  time  in  English  and  Spanish,  or  wholly  in 
Spanish,  but  they  have  been  short-lived. 

Bull-worrying  is  a popular  amusement  among  all 
classes.79  Cock-fighting  is  also  much  patronized  on 
Sundays  and  holidays. so  Horse-riding,  and  in  later 
years  driving,  are  recreations  of  the  better  classes. 
Public  and  private  balls,  and  an  occasional  play,  con- 

77  It  began  its  existence  as  the  Panama  Star , a very  small  sheet,  in  1849; 
now  it  has  eight  large  pages.  S.  F.  Timex,  March  13,  1869;  S.  F.  AUa, 
March.  13,  1869;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Jan  il,  1886. 

78 1 have  had  occasion  to  quote  both  publications  repeatedly  on  narrating 
events  on  the  Isthmus  and  in  Central  America. 

79  The  bull  is  led  by  a rope  into  the  most  public  streets.  A number  of 
men  challenge  the  brute,  which  occasionally  rushes  at  its  tormentors;  but  as 
the  rope  holds  it,  only  by  a rare  chance  is  any  one  hurt.  The  bull  is  thus 
worried  by  the  men-brutes  till  it  is  ready  to  drop. 

M Games  of  chance  and  night  orgies  having  become  prevalent,  in  187S  a 
heavy  tax  was  levied  on  gambling-houses,  and  a severe  decree  issued  to  check 
orgies  and  brawls.  Pan.,  Oaceta,  Jan.  31,  Aug.  15,  1878. 


HEALTH  AND  DISEASE. 


585 


cert,  or  circus,  when  artists  cross  the  Isthmus,  help 
to  break  the  monotony  of  life  8 1 

The  Isthmus  has  suffered,  not  only  from  revolutions, 
but  from  calamitous  visitations  in  the  form  of  epi- 
demics, particularly  small-pox;  also  by  convulsions 
of  nature,  and  devastating  fires. S2 

Asiastic  cholera  visited  Panama  in  1849, 83  at  a time 
when  the  Isthmus  was  crowded  with  strangers,  early 
in  the  California  gold  fever.  The  destruction  of  life 
was  heart-rending,  as  it  spared  no  class  or  condition.84 
Malignant  fevers,  pulmonary  and  throat  diseases,  and 
other  maladies  do  their  work  of  destruction,  and  yel- 
low fever  often  carries  off  its  victims  from  among 
unacclimated  strangers.85  The  tablon,  a disease  im- 
ported in  1873  from  Cartagena,  assumed  an  epidemic 
form,  and  carried  oft’  many  of  the  aged  and  children.86 

81  The  following  authorities  have  spoken  of  the  manners  and  customs  of 
the  Isthmus,  and  character  of  its  people  at  different  periods  from  1845  to  late 
years:  Macgregor's  Progress  of  Am.,  i.  820-34;  Seemann's  Narr.,  i.  140-1, 
299-310,  passim;  Oliveira,  in  Nouv.  Ann.  Voy.,  cxxiii.,  210-27;  McCollum's 
Cal.,  16-20;  Worthy's  Trav.,  335-6;  Johnson's  Sights,  11-87;  Footes  Recoil., 
135—17;  Merrill's  Statem.,  MS.,  i.;  Fremont's  Adi.  Trav.,  57-65,  106-7;  Gris- 
wold’s Isth.,  130-08,  179-80 ■,  Gisborne’s  Darien,  170-210,  pass.;  Delano s Chips, 
80-92;  Helper's  Land  of  Gold,  209-23;  Mollhausen’s  Diary,  ii.  374-9;  Harper's 
May.,  xix.  433,  437-54;  Trollope’s  W.  Ind.,  240,  248-50;  Pirn’s  Gate  of  thePac., 
210-14;  Gazlay's  Pac.  Monthly,  i.  17-30;  Baxley's  What  I Saw,  30-45;  China. 
Route,  Sketch  of  New,  54-74;  Gordon's  Guide,  14-15;  Eardley-  Wilmot's  Our 
Jour.,  66-71;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Feb.  7,  1875. 

82  In  1840  small-pox  prevailed  in  Ohagres  among  the  natives;  foreigners, 
being  mostly  vaccinated,  escaped  unscathed.  It  visited  the  Isthmus  again  as 
an  epidemic  in  1S03,  1880,  and  1881,  with  great  ravages  each  time,  owing  to 
neglect  of  the  common  rules  of  hygiene,  or  aversion  of  the  lower  classes  to 
vaccination.  Niles’  Reg.,  lix.  17;  Bidwell’s  Isth.  Pan.,  222-3;  Cash's  Sketch, 
62-3;  Pan.,  Gaceta,  March  14,  Aug.  1,  Oct.  17,  1880;  Sept.  22,  1881;  El  Cocle- 
sano,  Aug.  5,  20,  1881;  S.  F.  Bulletin,  July  16,  1SS1. 

82  The  Isthmus  seems  to  have  been  spared  on  its  first  visit  to  Am.  in 
1832-4.  Pan.,  Doc.  Ofic.,  in  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.,  MS.,  no.  31,  41-4. 

Si  The  havoc,  however,  was  greater  among  transient  foreigners  and  the 
native  colored  population.  Maldonado,  Asuntos  Polit.  Pan.,  MS.,  7-8.  It  was 
most  virulent  from  Jan.  to  July  1849.  There  were  cases  nearly  to  the  end  of 
1850.  Williams'  Statem.,  MS.,  2;  Willey's  Pers.  Mem.,  MS.,  48-53;  Roach's 
Statem.,  MS.,  1;  Cannon's  Statem.,  MS.,  1;  S.  F.  News,  Nov.  8,  1S50.  Chiri- 
qui  escaped  the  infliction  by  the  timely  establishment  of  a rigorous  quaran- 
tine against  Pan.  Chiriqul,  Dec.  Gohern.,  in  Pinart,  Pan.  Col.  Doe.,  MS.,  89, 
2-5,  25;  Veraguas,  Dec.,  in  Id.,  MS.,  nos.  70-2. 

85  If  we  except  Colon,  Chagres,  and  Portobello,  the  climate  is  healthy. 
Men  abstaining  from  the  abuse  of  alcoholic  drinks,  and  observing  the  com- 
mon rides  of  hygiene,  need  not  be  apprehensive  of  the  climate. 

86 The  symptoms  were  cramps,  severe  pain  in  the  spine,  vomiting,  and 
fever,  followed  by  loss  of  consciousness.  The  attack  generally  lasted  several 
days. 


586 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 


Few,  if  any,  precautions  are  taken  to  improve  the 
sanitary  condition  of  the  capital,  and  much  less  of  any 
other  town.  In  fact,  any  partial  efforts  will  be  of  lit- 
tle avail  so  long  as  drainage  is  so  bad,  and  the  habits 
of  the  lower  classes  continue  so  filthy.  The  necessity 
of  sanitary  measures  is  generally  admitted,  and  ordi- 
nances have  been  enacted  to  that  effect;87  but  their 
observance  is  spasmodic  at  best. 

The  public  hospital  of  Panama!  city  in  1865  was  a 
poor  affair.88  In  late  years,  through  the  efforts  of  the 
private  charity,  improvements  have  been  introduced, 
and  greater  pains  taken  in  the  care  of  the  sick  poor. 
The  canal  company  has  likewise  made  ample  provision 
for  the  attendance  of  its  sick  employes  and  laborers. 

Hurricanes  and  floods  have  helped  to  destroy  life 
and  property,  and  cause  general  distress.  Fire  has  on 
several  occasions  left  large  numbers  of  people  without 
shelter  and  utterly  ruined.89 

87  Pan.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  11,  1877;  Apr.  29,  1880. 

88  There  was,  however,  a private  hospital,  mainly  supported  by  the  French 
and  Italians,  where  sick  foreigners  found  good  attendance.  Many  a life  has 
been  saved  in  it. 

89  Four  disastrous  conflagrations  visited  the  present  city  of  Panama  prior 
to  1825;  namely,  in  1737,  1756,  17S1,  and  1821,  the  first  being  the  work  of 
incendiaries  from  Guat.  Seemann's  Voy.,  288.  Chagres  was  nearly  all  burned 
down  Dec.  9,  1847.  Polynesian , in  S.  F.  Californian,  iii.  no.  4,  Aug.  14,  1848. 
Gorgona  was  ruined  in  1851.  Panama  had  property  destroyed  in  1856  valued 
at  half  a million  dollars.  Colon  was  afflicted  in  1863  and  1868,  and  finally 
ruined  by  the  incendiaries  Prestan  and  others  in  18S5.  Panama  had  three 
great  conflagrations;  viz.,  June  5,  1870,  Feb.  19,  1874,  and  March  6,  1878. 
The  loss  of  property  in  the  three  probably  exceeded  four  million  dollars.  Pan., 
Merc.  Chronicle,  March  29,  1868;  Nic.,  Gaeeta,  Feb.  7,  1863;  Apr.  25,  1868; 
June,  1870;  Id.,  Boletin,  Ofic.,  June  18,  Dec.  25,  1870;  Jiilfs,  Die  Seehufen,  3; 
S.  F.  Chronicle,  June  21,  30,  1870;  March  10,  1878;  S.  F.  Alta,  July  1,  1870; 
Feb.  28,  March  9,  1874;  S.  F.  Call,  June  9,  1870;  March  9,  1874;  Apr.  2, 
1878;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Feb.  21,  24,  1874;  Pan.,  Gcuieta,  July  10,  1874; 
March  17  to  July  1,  Dec.  15,  1878;  Colombia,  Diarco  Ofic.,  May  30,  1874,  p. 
1749;  S.  F.  Post,  Feb.  28,  1874;  March  8,  1878. 


CHAPTER  XXVTII. 

THE  PEOPLE  OF  COSTA  RICA,  NICARAGUA,  AND  SALVADOR. 

1800-1S87. 

Central  American  Population — Its  Divisions — General  Characteristics 
and  Occupations— Land  Grants — Efforts  at  Colonization — Failure 
of  Foreign  Schemes — Rejection  of  American  Negroes — Character 
of  the  Costa  Rican  People — Dwellings — Dress — Food — Amusements 
— Nicaraguan  Men  and  Women — Their  Domestic  Life — How  They 
Amuse  Themselves — People  of  Salvador — Their  Character  and 
Mode  of  Living. 


The  total  population  of  the  five  states  of  Central 
America  in  1883  was  set  down  at  about  2,831,847 
souls,1  divided  as  follows:  in  Costa  Rica,  182,073; 

1 Being  an  estimated  increase  since  1877  of  245,847.  Salv.,  Garela  Ofic., 
Dec.  4,  1877.  The  population  was  computed  in  1810  at  different  figures,  none 
reliable.  The  one  deemed  most  accurate  was  as  follows:  046, COG  Indians, 
313,334  mulattoes  and  some  negroes,  40,000  whites,  making  a total  of  1,000,- 
0J0,  probably  including  100,000  for  Chiapas.  Guilt.,  Apuntam.,  105,  110;  Salv., 
Diario  Ofic.,  July  2,  1879;  Lastarrla,  in  La  America,  445;  Baily's  Cent.  Am., 
28,  32;  Nouv.  Annales  des  Voy.,  iv.  1820,  30;  Ocios  de  Esp.  Emiy.,  v.  2.  In 
1823  the  whole  was  set  down  at  1,000,000.  Humboldt's  Pers.  Harr.,  vi.  pt  1, 
127,  131.  Marure  computed  it  in  1824,  giving  Costa  R.  70,000,  Nic.  207,209, 
Salv.  212,573,  Hond.  137,069,  and  Guat.  000,580;  total,  1,287,491.  Bosq.  Hist. 
Cent.  Am.,  148,  and  app.  no.  6.  G.  A.  Thompson,  Brit,  commissioner  to 
Cent.  Am.,  in  1823  estimated  2,000,000  in  the  following  proportions:  one  fifth 
of  whites,  two  fifths  of  mixed  classes,  and  two  fifths  of  Indians.  Narr.  Official 
Visit,  451.  (ialindo,  an  intelligent  officer  of  the  Cent.  Am.  govt,  about 
1837  set  the  population  at  685,000  Ind.,  740,000  ladinos  or  mestizos,  and  475,- 
0J0  whites;  total,  1,900,000.  He  evidently  overestimated  the  number  of 
whites.  Crowe,  Gospel,  40,  referring  specifically  to  Guat.,  estimated  the  num- 
ber of  pure  whites  at  not  over  5,000,  which  seems  to  be  short  of  the  truth. 
The  proportions  he  gave  were:  Indians,  three  fifths;  ladinos  or  mestizos,  one 
fourth;  w hites,  one  fortieth;  mulattoes,  one  eighty-third;  negroes,  one  fiftieth; 
zambos,  one  hundredth.  It  is  unnecessary  to  burden  this  note  with  figures 
for  each  year  after  1S37.  1 will  merely  append  those  for  1800,  given  by  a 

writer  who  must  have  got  his  data  from  reliable  sources:  Costa  R. , 150,000, 
mostly  white,  and  including  from  5,000  to  10,000  Talamanca  Indians.  Ac- 
cording to  a Costa  Rica  census,  there  were  in  the  republic  in  1804  112  persons 
of  90  years  and  upwards;  of  whom  14  were  of  100,  4 of  102,  one  of  103,  one  of 

1 587  ) 


58S 


COSTA  RICA,  NICARAGUA,  AND  SALVADOR. 


Nicaragua,  400,000;  Salvador,  612,813;  Honduras, 
360,000;  and  Guatemala,  1,276,961.  The  figures  for 
Costa  Rica  and  Guatemala  are  the  results  of  actual 
count,  the  others  by  computation.  The  census  of 
August  10,  1885,  showed  Costa  Rica’s  population  to 
be  189,425;  that  for  Guatemala,  January  1,  1884,  ex- 
hibited 1,278,311,  to  which  must  be  added  an  increase 
during  that  year  of  6,293.2  The  population  of  the 
last-named  state  on  June  30,  1885,  has  been  computed 
at  1,303, 009. 3 

The  republic  of  Central  America,  as  well  as  the 
several  states  that  formed  it,  has  from  the  earliest 
days  of  its  national  autonomy  endeavored  to  en- 
courage foreign  immigration,  offering  inducements, 
such  as  liberal  grants  of  land,  exemption  from  taxes 
and  military  service,  and  the  privileges  of  citizenship. 
At  the  same  time  care  has  been  had  to  respect  the 
property  and  other  rights  of  foreigners.  Colonization 
decrees  were  passed  in  1831,  1834,  and  18 36, 4 the 

104,  one  of  11 1,  one  of  117,  one  of  118,  and  one  of  122.  The  majority  of  cases 
of  great  longevity  were  of  women.  Costa  It.,  Censo,  100-3.  Nic.,  380,000,  of 
whom  80,0C0  pure  Indians,  30,000  whites,  30,000  negroes,  and  the  rest  of 
mixed  breeds,  the  mestizos  of  white  and  Indian  predominating  on  the  Fac. 
coast,  and  the  zambos,  or  mixture  of  negro  and  Indian,  on  the  Atlantic;  there 
were  probably  30,000  in  Mosquitia;  Salv.,  750,000;  Hond.,  300,000;  Guat., 
1,219,500.  Laferriere,  De  Paris  d Guatim.,  47,  71,  93,  189,  251;  Pirns  Gate  of 
the  Pac.,  37,  75.  Other  publications  treating  of  the  subject  from  time  to  time; 
Costa  It.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  Feb.  9,  March  30,  1854;  Id.,  Gaceta,  July  15,  1854;  Id., 
Mem.  See.  Interior,  1S30  and  1801;  Id.,  Informe  Gohern.,  lsG8  and  1S74;  Id., 
Censo,  1S04;  Id.,  CoL  Ley.,  xxxii.  250-2;  Sijuier's  Cent.  Am.,  21,  45-57,  279, 
348,  449,  405,  G4S-9;  Id.,  Travels,  i.  32-3;  Molina,  Bos//.  Costa  It.,  2S-9;  Belly, 
Nic.,  i.  i 38-42,  249-54;  Ilocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  185-0;  Nic.,  Reyistro  Ofic.,  270, 
312,  310,  382;  Id.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  March  to  Aug.  1S02,  pass.;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Jan. 
1803  to  Apr.  11,  1S74,  pass.;  Livy,  Nic.,  234  et  seq. ; Salv.,  Gaceta,  Jan.  20  to 
Nov.  18,  1850;  Feb.  3,  March  3,  1854;  Apr.  1,  1870;  May  28  to  Nov.  28,  1878; 
May  18  to  Nov.  29,  1879;  Crosby's  Statern.,  MS.,  93;  Wells'  IJond.,  554-7; 
Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  473;  Gnat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  18S0-5,  with  tables; 
and  numerous  others. 

2 The  departments  of  Guat.  having  the  largest  numbers  were  Totomicapam, 
144,312;  Guat.,  130,581;  Huehuetenango,  121,123;  Alta  Verapaz,  93,407.  The 
rest  range  from  70,103  in  Lolola  and  75,553  in  Quiche,  to  31,037  in  Jalapa. 
Fcten  is  put  down  with  8,297,  Izabal  with  3,701,  and  Livingston  with  1,471 
Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  July  11,  Aug.  13,  1S83;  Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1884,  40, 
annex  0;  1SS5,  43-A,  annex  12;  El  Guatemalteco,  Jan.  1 to  Dec.  5,  1884,  pass.; 
Pan.  Star  and  llerald,  Feb.  9,  18S4;  Sept.  30,  1885. 

3 The  proportions  in  1880  were,  white  and  mixed,  men,  183,530,  females, 
190,292;  pure  Indians,  men,  421,518,  females,  423,250.  Grand  total,  1,224,- 
602.  Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  18S5,  annex  12,  table  10. 

4 Tlie  first  law  to  promote  colonization  was  issued  Jan.  22,  1824,  by  the 


COLONIZATION  COMPANIES. 


589 


legislators  feeling  as  sanguine  of  good  results  as  they 
were  earnest  and  sincere  in  their  purpose.  An 
English  company,  called  the  Eastern  Coast  of  Cen- 
tral America  Commercial  and  Agricultural  Company, 
organized  in  London,  was  the  first  to  enter  the  field, 
having  obtained  from  the  state  of  Guatemala  a grant 
of  land  which  included  the  whole  department  of  Vera 
Paz.5  Dishonesty  presided  over  the  operations  of  the 
company.6  About  300  persons,  many  of  them  from 
the  refuse  of  the  population  of  London,  were  sent 
out,  without  proper  preparations  or  knowledge  of  the 
country,  to  places  in  or  near  the  hot  and  insalubrious 
coasts,  where  the  unhappy  creatures  wandered,  suf- 
fered, and  almost  all  perished.  Meanwhile,  the 
directors  of  the  company  labored  in  vain  to  induce 
the  British  government  to  sanction  their  proceedings.7 
The  whole  project  ultimately  failed,  the  directors 
being  in  their  turn  deceived  by  the  men  in  whom  they 
had  reposed  most  confidence.  After  wasting  many 
lives,  and  misappropriating  some  £40,000,  lost  of 
course  by  the  share-holders,  the  charter  became  for- 
feited for  non-fulfilment  of  its  terms.8 

Another  colonization  scheme  was  started  in  May 

1842,  and  ratified  in  a further  convention  of  October 

1843,  between  a Belgian  company  established  in 
Brussels,  and  the  government  of  Guatemala.9  The 

national  constituent  assembly  of  Cent.  Am.  Marlin’,  Bos//.  Hist.  Cent.  Am., 
133,  app.  xviii.-xxvii. ; Ouat.,  Recop.  Le/y.,  i.  815  20;  Id.,  Boletin  OJic.,  June 
22,  1835;  Nic. , Corr.  1st.,  Aug.  8,  1S50;  Hond.,  Oaceta  OJic.,  March  20,  1854; 
Rocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  42-3,  53;  Baity's  Cent.  Am.,  43-5. 

6 Containing  upwards  of  14,000,000  acres  of  virgin  soil,  and  affording 
every  climate.  Brief  Statem,  of  the  Important  Grants  Conceded  to.,  by  the. 
State  of  Gnat.,  Lond.,  1839;  Gnat.  Charte  de  Concession  du  territ.  de  Vera  Paz, 
Bruxells,  1840,  8vo,  1-34;  Guat.,  Mem.  Concession,  17  -130;  Manure,  Efem.,  38; 
Sqiuer’s  Travels,  i.  422-4;  Id.,  Compend.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  77  9. 

c It  was  first  formed  out  of,  or  at  least  originated  from,  the  debris  of  the 
Poyais  bubble,  of  which  I spoke  elsewhere  in  connection  with  Mosquitia. 

’They  talked  of  their  ability  to  spread  Brit,  influence  in  the  country. 
They  even  threatened  to  sell  their  charter  to  some  other  government. 

“ Details  on  the  subject  will  be  found  in  Dunlap's  Cent.  Am.,  100,  190-1; 
Niles’  Reg.,  li.  36;  Reichardt,  Cent.  Am.,  39,  238;  Guat.,  Memoria,  1837,  17-19; 
Id.,  Comm,  and  Agric.  Co.,  1-132;  Anderson s Cent.  Am.,  5-93,  97  138. 

9 It  stipulated  a conditional  sale  of  the  lands  lying  between  the  left  bank 
of  the  river  Motagua  and  the  right  bank  of  the  river  Cahabon  to  where  it 
runs  into  the  Poloehic,  including  all  the  coast  and  neighboring  islands  within 
these  limits;  and  inland  as  far  as  Gualan,  and  the  interior  limits  of  the 


590 


COSTA  RICA,  NICARAGUA,  AND  SALVADOR. 


company,  under  that  contract,  assumed  the  obligation 
of  introducing  at  least  100  families  of  five  members 
each,  annually,  till  1,000  families  had  been  settled. 
The  colonists  were  to  be  catholics,  and  from  the 
moment  of  their  landing  were  to  be  considered  Guate- 
malan citizens,  with  all  the  rights  and  duties  of  such.10 

All  the  articles  of  the  agreement  were  most  favor- 
able to  Guatemala,  and  yet  the  company,  which  was 
under  the  patronage  of  the  king  of  the  Belgians,  signed 
it  without  his  approval  being  first  obtained.  It  is 
known  that  his  government  disapproved  many  parts 
of  it.  It  would  seem  as  if  the  Belgians  were  bent  on 
getting  possession  of  the  district  on  any  terms,  hoping 
afterward  to  retain  it  by  negotiation  as  a Belgian  col- 
ony. The  company  fulfilled  the  conditions  for  the 
first  two  years,  but  the  great  mortality  of  colonists  at 
Santo  Tomas  made  it  impossible  to  induce  others  to 
emigrate;  and  though  the  Belgian  government  ren- 
dered pecuniary  aid  to  the  amount  of  $200,000,  the 
settlement  shared  the  fate  of  the  one  attempted  by 
the  British  in  1836.  The  company  was  dissolved, 
and  the  government  of  Guatemala  resumed  possession 
of  the  district,  including  the  port  of  Santo  Tomds.11 

Since  that  time  Guatemala  has  not  failed  to  pass 
laws  for  the  encouragement  of  foreign  immigration, 
and  the  protection  of  foreign  settlers.12  In  1883  the 

province  of  Santo  Tomas.  The  company  was  to  pay  for  the  computed  8,009 
caballerias  at  the  rate  of  $20  for  each  cabal leria,  in  ten  yearly  instalments  of 
§10,000.  It  was  also  to  present  the  Guat.  govt  2,000  muskets,  similar  to 
those  used  by  the  Belgian  army,  and  four  large  guns;  likewise  pay  one  fifth 
the  expense  of  erecting  a city  at  Santo  Tomas,  make  a cart  road  to  the  river 
Motagua,  and  introduce  steamers  for  navigating  the  river.  Gnat.,  Recop.  Ley., 

i.  824-38;  Re.icho.rdt,  Cent.  Am.,  239-43;  Belly,  Xie.,  ii.  30-7;  Dunlop s Cent. 
Am.,  303-0;  Crowe's  Gospel,  109  70;  Amerique  Cent.  Cie.  Belye,  pt  i.  5-04,  pt 

ii.  110-13;  Valois,  Mexique,  438-42;  Cloquet,  Rapport  S.  Tomas,  7-9;  Cuele- 
Irouk,  Blondeel  van,  Colonie.  de  Santo  Tomas,  1-240  pp.,  with  maps  and  plans; 
Lafe.rrit're,  De  Paris  A Gualtm.,  250-1;  Brouez,  Colonie  Belye,  103-29. 

'“With  a few  exceptions,  however,  they  were  to  be  governed  by  their  own 
laws,  and  were,  besides,  to  enjoy  a number  of  exemptions.  The  custom- 
house of  Izabal  was  to  be  removed  to  Santo  Tomas. 

"The  grants  were  repealed  in  April  1854.  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  838-9; 
Belize,  Packet  Intelliyencer,  .Tune  17,  1854;  Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  512-13;  Paynes 
Jfist.  Europ.  Colonies,  327;  Crosby's  Stntcm.,  MS.,  98. 

'“See  laws  and  decrees  of  Feb.  29,  1808,  Oct.  ?,  1873,  Aug.  19,  1878,  June 
27,  1884,  and  a decree  of  Presid.  Barillas  in  1885;  also  official  correspond. 


IMMIGRATION  AND  COLONIZATION 


591 


government  entered  into  a contract  with  F.  F.  Millen 
to  introduce  10,000  immigrants  from  Europe  or  the 
United  States,  the  former  agreeing  to  give  each  immi- 
grant, of  upwards  of  21  or  under  50  years  of  age,  a 
grant  of  45  hectareas  of  land,  upon  his  complying  with 
the  terms  of  it.13  Vain  efforts  had  been  made  by  the 
American  government  prior  to  the  civil  war  to  obtain 
permission  from  the  Central  American  republics  for  the 
colonization,  under  its  patronage  on  their  waste  land, 
of  negroes  voluntarily  emigrating  from  those  states. 
The  scheme  was  opposed  in  toto  by  the  leading  men.14 

In  1867  and  1868  a considerable  number  of  immi- 
grants, many  of  whom  were  Americans  and  some 
Cubans,  settled  in  Honduras,  the  government  by  its 
liberal  laws  and  other  facilities  encouraging  foreign 
immigration.  This  policy  it  has  continued  to  pursue, 
and  in  late  years  many  foreigners  have  been  drawn  to 
the  country  by  the  discovery  of  valuable  gold  placers.10 

Salvador  has  done  little  or  nothing  toward  increas- 
ing  her  population  by  immigration  ; but  foreigners  of 
good  moral  character  and  industrious  habits  are  always 
welcomed  and  protected  in  their  rights.  They  can  also 
become  naturalized  after  five  years’  residence,  or  at  the 
end  of  three  years  by  contracting  marriage  with  a na- 
tive of  the  state. 

In  Nicaragua  the  executive  was  authorized  on  the 


with  the  U.  S.  govt.  Gnat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  841-5;  Id.,  Id.,  Gob.  Democ.,  i. 
197-8;  Hie.,  Gaceta,  Apr.  18,  1808;  S.  F.  Times,  May  9,  1868;  Alex.,  Diario 
Ofic.,  Sept.  18,  1878;  Alanero,  Dor.  Interes. , 105-6;  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  Cong.  42, 
Sess.  2,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  1 (For.  Rel.),  542-3;  El  Guatemalteco,  June  30,  1SS4;  S.  F. 
Bulletin,  June  15,  1S85. 

13  Cultivating  one  half,  and  becoming  a citizen,  provided  he  had  not  been 
imprisoned  meanwhile  for  crime.  The  concession  involved  several  other 
facilities,  and  privileges.  Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1884,  7-8;  Pan.  Star  and 
Herald,  July  23,  1S83. 

14  On  the  ground  that  a large  number  of  English-speaking  negroes  thus  in- 
troduced could  never  become  assimilated  with  their  already  mixed  population, 
and  would  soon  create  a balance  of  power  in  their  hands,  as  against  the  re- 
mainder of  the  population.  The  rulers  saw  in  the  plan  danger  to  their  insti- 
tutions and  customs.  U.  S.  Govt  Docs.,  Cong.  35,  Sess.  2,  Sen.  Miscel.  Doc., 
26;  Foreiyn  Affairs,  1862,  8S 1 — 4,  897-910;  Crosby's  Slatem.  of  Events  in  Cal., 
MS.,  95-100;  Pirns  Gate  of  the  Pac.,  138-46. 

15 Squiers  Cent.  Am.,  275-6;  Squier's  Hond.,  267-78;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Sept.  21, 
1867;  Jan.  4,  25,  Nov.  14,  1868;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Sept.  17,  Dec.  4, 
1885. 


592 


COSTA  RICA,  NICARAGUA,  AND  SALVADOR. 


6th  of  May,  1853,  to  enter  into  colonization  con- 
tracts.16 One  such  was  made  with  James  Welsh 
May  11,  1859,  and  another  with  Adolph  Adlesberg 
May  11,  1861,  neither  of  which  had  effect.17 

A colonization  decree  was  issued  by  President 
Rivas,  November  23,  1855,  granting  each  immigrant 
250  acres  of  public  land,  and  100  additional  to  each 
family. 1S  The  liberality  of  the  grants,  together  with 

the  facilities  then  afforded  by  the  Transit  route  brought 
a rapid  increase  of  immigration.  In  1861  a contract 
to  foster  colonization  was  made  with  Gottel.19  Again, 
on  the  7th  of  March,  1865,  an  immigration  law  was 
enacted  granting  a number  of  privileges  to  persons 
availing'  themselves  of  it.  A number  of  Americans 
came,  and  in  March  1867  the  town  of  Guzman  was 
founded.'20 

The  government  of  Costa  Rica  has  often  offered 
inducements,  in  the  way  of  land  grants,  for  European 
immigration.21  It  must  be  said,  however,  that  the 

16  The  government  granting  500,000  square  varas  of  land  to  each  family, 
and  specifying  the  number  of  families  to  be  settled.  It  was  to  guard  against 
improper  persons  being  introduced,  that  is  to  say,  only  those  of  good  moral 
character  and  industrious  habits,  professing  the  catholic  religion,  and  willing 
to  sever  their  connection  with  and  throw  off  the  protection  of  their  former 
nationalities,  were  to  be  received.  Upon  complying  with  the  required  condi- 
tions, they  would  be  granted  the  rights  of  citizenship.  Rocha,  C6d.  ’Nic.,  i. 
157-8.  A number  of  Prussians,  among  whom  were  several  families,  arrived 
in  September  1846  on  the  brig  Frisch  at  San  Juan  del  Norte,  desiring  to  set- 
tle in  the  country.  The  government  tendered  them  facilities  to  settle  in  the 
interior,  provided  they  would  first  relinquish  their  allegiance  to  Prussia. 
Only  six  men  remained;  the  rest  went  away.  Nic.,  Boletin  OJic.,  345-6,  367. 
In  1S51  it  was  contemplated  to  establish,  under  liberal  grants,  a French  colony 
in  Nic.;  but  it  was  not  carried  out.  Dupuy,  Nic.,  8-27. 

17  Congress  on  Feb.  13,  1862,  declared  the  former  null  and  void,  and  re- 
fused to  sanction  the  latter.  Rocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  187;  Nic.,  Boletin  OJic., 
March  1,  1S62. 

18 The  deed  of  full  ownership  was  to  be  executed  six  months  after  the 
immigrant’s  arrival.  He  was  also  exempted  from  import  dues  on  everything 
lie  brought  to  enable  him  to  settle.  Fabens,  Walker’s  friend,  was  named 
i i rector  of  colonization.  Perez,  Mem.,  7;  El  Nicaragiiense,  Jan.  5,  1856;  II  cits' 
Yfalkers  Exped.,  103-11;  Nic. , Boletin  OJic.,  Apr.  16,  1S56. 

19  The  govt  declared  it  null  in  1S06.  La  Union  de  Nic.,  May  18,  1861;  Nic., 
Decrelos,  1865-6,  74-5. 

10  The  govt  has  not  ceased  to  promote  immigration.  In  1S73  concessions 
were  made  to  the  colony  in  Gottel  Valley,  and  in  1S78  efforts  were  made  to 
bring  colonists  from  Alsace-Loraine.  Nic.,  Oacela,  Feb.  11,  1865;  Apr.  6, 
Aug.  24,  1867;  El  Poi-venir  de  Nic.,  Apr.  13,  Aug.  3,  1873;  Salv.,  Dtano  OJic., 
Dec.  12,  1878. 

71  It  has  refrained  from  introducing  the  African  element,  though  men  of 


LAND  GRANTS. 


593 


Costa.  Ricans  are  jealous  of  foreign  influence,  and 
though  willing  to  have  the  benefits  of  foreign  capital, 
are  not  disposed  to  share  with  foreigners  the  wealth 
which  that  capital  develops.  Nevertheless,  foreign- 
ers are  permitted  to  hold  real  and  other  kinds  of 
property,  and  to  become  citizens  of  the  country.22 

In  1849  a grant  of  land  of  20  leagues  in  length  by 
12  in  breadth  was  made  to  a French  company  for 
1,000  colonists.23  The  conditions  of  the  contract  were 
not  carried  out,  though  a considerable  number  of  im- 
migrants formed  under  it  an  establishment.  The  pro- 
ject failed.24  In  the  fall  of  1850,  51  persons,  after 
two  months’  sail  from  Bremen,  arrived  at  San  Juan 
del  Norte,  and  underwent  great  hardships  and  priva- 
tions to  reach  San  Jose.  After  three  years  only  three 
families  remained.25 

A similar  grant  to  that  of  the  French  company  was 
made  on  the  Atlantic  coast  to  a British  company,26 
which  had  no  effect. 

Still  another  concession  was  made  May  7,  1852,  to 
a German  company,  organized  at  Berlin,  who  seemed 
to  be  actuated  by  a desire  to  carry  out  their  obliga- 
tions, even  though  the  people  and  government  of 
Costa  Rica  early  showed  a disposition  to  look  upon 
their  scheme  with  disfavor.27  Baron  Billow  was  the 

that  race  can  alone  be  advantageously  employed  in  her  low-lying  hot  region. 
The  immigration  of  Chinese  has  been  prohibited  as  injurious.  Bales'  Cent. 
Am.,  140;  Costa  R.,  Informe  See.  Hoc.,  1875,  7-8. 

21  With  the  same  civil  and  political  rights  enjoyed  by  natives.  Those  de- 
siring to  retain  their  nationality  are  equally  protected,  and  are  exempted 
from  military  service  and  extraordinary  taxation.  They  may  freely  dispose 
of  their  property,  which  at  their  death  goes  to  their  legal  heir,  whether 
by  will  or  ab  intestato.  Costa  ft.,  Col.  Ley.,  v.  114-16:  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa 
ft.,  44. 

23  They  were  exempted  from  imposts  for  15  years. 

24  The  settlement  was  effected  where  there  were  no  ready  means  to  pro- 
cure supplies,  or  to  dispose  of  products  without  great  trouble  and  expense. 
Besides,  the  settlers  were  unfamiliar  with  tropical  agriculture. 

20  Nineteen  died  at  San  Jose.  One  was  killed  by  a tiger  on  the  way  there, 
and  his  remains,  with  those  of  his  wife  and  child,  were  buried  under  the 
evergreens  of  San  Miguel;  the  rest  went  up  the  Sesapiqui  River,  where  9 were 
soon  after  put  under  the  sod;  9 died  at  Miravalles,  and  4 at  Alajuela. 

26 Concession  to  Sir  Henry  Bulwer.  Costa  ft.,  BoletinOfie.,  July  20,  1854. 

2|  The  grant  covered  54  square  miles  in  the  Reventazon  Valley,  between 
Cartago  and  the  Atlantic  Ocean;  the  company  were  to  settle  7,000  adult  col- 
onists within  20  years.  An  additional  absolute  concession  of  32  acres  for 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  38 


594 


COSTA  RICA,  NICARAGUA,  AND  SALVADOR. 


director  of  the  company.  He  died  in  1856,  and  in  all 
probability  his  enterprise  died  with  him.  Another 
attempt  was  made  by  Crisanto  Medina,  to  whom  a 
large  grant  of  land  was  made  for  colonization  pur- 
poses, at  Miravalles,  at  the  foot  of  the  volcano  of  that 
name.  The  grant  embraced  a fine  plateau  about 
2,500  feet  above  the  sea.28  In  1852  thirty-seven 
Germans  were  settled  there,  and  possibly  a few  more 
came  afterward,  but  the  project  was  abandoned.29 

In  1856  there  was  an  arrival  of  French  immigrants.30 
On  the  23d  of  April,  1858,  another  colonization  law 
was  passed.31  The  idea  of  augmenting  the  population 
by  offering  inducements  to  foreign  immigrants  has  not 
been  abandoned.  Thus  we  see  further  contracts 
entered  into  with  private  parties  to  that  end.32 

The  most  numerous  class  of  population  in  Central 
America,  next  to  the  pure  Indians,  are  the  ladinos, 
most  of  whom  are  half-breeds,  which  include  the  mes- 
tizos, mulattoes,  quadroons,  octoroons,  and  zambos.33 
The  mestizos  are  of  a light  yellow  hue;  numbers  of 
them,  however,  are  found  as  white  as  the  natives  of 
southern  Europe.  They  are  generally  a fine-looking 
race  of  men,  resembling  in  bodily  and  mental  features 
the  creoles  or  pure  native  whites,  though  more  hardy. 

each  colonist  was  also  made.  But  the  principal  grant  was  to  be  forfeited  if 
the  main  condition  was  not  fulfilled.  Billow,  Nic.,  124-39;  Costa  R.,  Boldin 
Ofic.,  March  9,  1854;  Calvo,  Memoria,  8;  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Sec.  Bel.,  1851,  7-8; 
1854,  8;  Id.,  Informe  Oobern.  y Bel.,  1853,  13-14;  Id.,  Doc.  Soc.  Itin.,  1-102; 
Wagner,  Costa  R.,  181-3,  332-5;  Marr,  Cent.  Am.,  ii.  172-3,  179-81,  218-19, 
228-9. 

28  Each  family  was  to  have  10  acres,  a temporary  dwelling,  provisions  for 
six  months,  the  use  of  a cow  and  ox  for  one  year,  all  for  $80,  reimbursable  in 
equal  annual  instalments  during  10  years.  Wagner,  Costa  R.,  250-G,  473-93. 

29  Further  details  on  the  subject  may  be  found  in  Squier's  Cent.  Am.,  4G2, 
473-80;  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  355-G;  Reichardt,  Nic.,  245-8,  290-6,  ix.-xiv. ; Molina, 
Bosq.  Costa  It.,  126;  Id.,  Coup  d'Oeil  Costa  R , 30-3:  Id.,  Tier  Freistaat  Costa 
R.,  G7  -83. 

30  That  same  year  the  colonization  of  Golfo  Dulce  was  contemplated.  El 
Nicaragiiense,  July  19,  185G;  Lafonxl,  Golfo  Dulce. 

31  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xv.  17G-9. 

32  In  1878  with  Barreto  to  introduce  Canary  Islanders,  and  in  1881  with 
Perera.  Vm  de  Mij.,  Aug.  30,  1878;  Mex.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Sept.  2,  1878;  Costa 
R.,  Col.  Ley.,  1881,  94-8. 

33  Mestizo  is  the  offspring  of  white  and  Indian;  mulatto  of  white  and  black; 
quadroon  of  white  ana  mulatto;  octoroon  of  white  and  quadroon;  zambo  is 
an  offspring  of  Indian  and  negro,  more  extended  intermixtures  are  given 
elsewhere. 


CLASS  DISTINCTIONS. 


595 


In  temperament  they  are  passionate,  revengeful,  treach- 
erous, and  cowardly,  ambitious  and  yet  lazy,  sensuous, 
and  in  a majority  of  cases,  at  least  in  the  lower  class, 
devoid  of  moral  principle.  The  pure  Indian  is  more 
reliable  than  the  mestizo,  the  latter  having  all  the  vices 
of  the  two  races  out  of  which  he  sprang. 

The  ladino  class  furnishes  the  domestic  servants, 
muleteers,  small  farmers  and  tenants,  herdsmen,  and 
not  a few  beggars  and  robbers.  In  revolutionary 
times  many  of  its  numbers  have  been  banditti,  preying, 
under  the  garb  of  guerillamen,  upon  both  friend  and 
foe.  A considerable  number  of  ladinos,  however,  be- 
come mechanics  and  traders,  and  many  have  attained 
high  positions  in  the  church  and  the  state,  and  become 
distinguished  for  their  talents  and  abilities.34  The 
zainbos  and  other  mixtures  of  the  negro  race,  like  most 
of  the  negroes  and  mulattoes,  reside  in  the  coast  dis- 
tricts. They  do  the  heaviest  work  in  the  towns,  and 
often  engage  in  agriculture. 

The  Creoles,  or  pure  native  whites,  calling  them- 
selves Americans,  though  less  numerous,  form  the 
ruling  class.  In  the  towns  they  are  the  leading  ele- 
ment, filling  the  most  desirable  positions,  such  as  those 
of  land  and  mine  owners,  merchants,  manufaturers, 
lawyers,  physicians,  mechanics,  officials,  and  higher 
clergy.3.  The  creole  is  generally  well  built,  and  of 
about  medium  height,  with  a pleasing  expression  of 
countenance.  His  eyes  are  usually  black  like  his  hair 
and  beard.  He  lacks  the  steadfastness  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon,  and  the  trustworthiness  of  the  German,  often 
allowing  himself  to  be  swayed  by  passion  and  caprice. 
There  are,  nevertheless,  many  honorable  exceptions, 
which  are  probably  the  result  of  education  and  contact 
with  the  people  of  other  and  older  nations.  Indeed, 

3*  Forexamples,  in  Nic.,  Gen.  Corral,  Walker’s  victim,  Gregorio  Juarez  and 
Rosalio  Cortez,  ministers  of  state,  were  mulattoes.  Anselmo  Rivas,  also  a 
minister,  resembled  an  Abyssinian;  Fruto  Chamorro,  the  conservative  presi- 
dent, showed  evidences  of  many  mixtures.  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  255. 

30  The  whites  in  their  social  intercourse  maintain  a certain  exclusion,  but 
in  othei  respects  equality  prevails.  Knowing  their  numerical  inferiority, 
they  have  followed  the  policy  of  concession.  Squier's  Travels,  i.  268. 


596 


COSTA  RICA,  NICARAGUA,  AND  SALVADOR. 


whatever  may  have  been  the  defects  of  character  of 
the  creole,  when  he  lived  comparatively  isolated  from 
the  world,  and  entertained  the  conceit  of  his  own  ex 
cellenee  and  superiority,  a great  change  for  the  better 
is  noticeable  in  many  individuals  in  after  years,  since 
Central  America  has  been  enjoying  facilities  of  com- 
munication with  other  peoples,  which  has  enabled  her 
sons  and  daughters  to  study  their  ways,  and  to  adopt 
whatever  is  good  in  them,  not  to  mention  the  bad 
ways  which  have  also  taken  root. 


The  population  of  Costa  Rica  is  represented  to  be 
nearly  all  white,  the  Indians  not  being  numerous,  and 
the  negroes  and  mixed  breeds  living  on  the  coast.36 
The  Costa  Ricans  are  a well-formed  people.  There 
is,  perhaps,  not  as  much  manly  dignity  and  female 
grace  as  are  yet  to  be  found  in  Spain ; nor  is  the  color 
of  their  females,  as  a rule,  to  be  compared  with  that 
of  their  European  sisters;  but  what  is  lacking  in  that 
is  fully  compensated  by  elegance  of  form,  regularity  of 
features,  splendid  eyes,  and  an  abundance  of  glossy 
hair,3  and  not  least  by  their  affability  and  sweetness 
of  manner.  The  people  are  generally  intelligent,  and 
noted  for  the  absence  of  hauteur  in  their  manner.33 
They  are  sedate,  industrious,  economical,  fairly  honest,33 


36  According  to  Trollope,  pure  Spanish  blood  is  an  exception.  He  thinks 
there  must  be  a great  admixture  of  Indian  blood  with  it.  The  gen.  color  i3 
that  of  a white  man,  but  of  a very  swarthy  one.  W.  Ind.  and  the  Sp.  Main., 
275. 


37  Belly,  Nic.,  ii.  132.  Trollope,  West  Ind.,  275-6,  speaks  disparagingly  of 
Costa  Rican  women’s  personal  appearance.  Another  Englishman  treats  them 
with  more  gallantry:  ‘Blonde  hair,  gray  eyes,  and  red  cheeks  are  rare  in  no 
class;  and  many  a pretty  face  may  be  seen  on  market-day,  scarcely  darker 
or  more  Spanish -looking  than  a west-country  girl’s.  Boyle's  Ride  Across  a Con- 
tinent, 225. 

38  Being  a compact  population,  and  constantly  thrown  into  the  company 
of  one  another  through  family  or  business  relations,  a certain  fraternity  be- 
came established,  and  the  practice  obtained  of  calling  each  other  hermano  and 
hermanitico  at  every  meeting.  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  52-3.  Owing  to  that 
practice,  the  Costa  Ricans  have  been  nicknamed  liermaniticos. 

39  That  is  to  say,  they  are  not  given  to  stealing  or  barefaced  cheating;  but 
at  a bargain  they  will  take  all  the  advantage  they  can;  and  if  a lie  will  help, 
their  conscience  is  elastic  enough  to  use  it.  In  this  they  are  neither  better 
nor  worse  than  other  nations  claiming  a high  standard  of  honesty.  Their 
sense  of  morality,  in  sex  relations,  is  not  what  it  should  be.  Divorces  and 
separations  are  common,  and  concubinage  quite  prevalent.  The  superin- 


DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS 


597 


and  peaceable.  Upon  occasions  they  have  shown 
themselves  possessed  of  good  soldierly  qualities  when 
their  independence  or  rights  have  been  in  peril,  as 
during  Walker’s  filibuster  war;  but  they  cannot  be 
called  a warlike  people.40  They  are  not  ambitious, 
aspiring  to  a moderate  independence  to  be  attained 
without  an  excessive  effort.  Indigence  is  almost  un- 
known. All  Costa  Ricans  own  property  of  some  kind, 
and  even  the  humblest  of  them  has  the  ambition  of 
possessing  a piece  of  land 

The  houses  of  the  wealthy  and  well-to-do  are  quite 
comfortable.  They  are  built  with  ordinary  doors  and 
windows,  and  of  one  or  two  stories.41  Window-glass 
is  only  used  in  the  better  houses  of  the  principal  cities. 
In  the  smaller  towns  windows  are  dispensed  with  as 
superfluous.  Carpets  are  to  be  found  in  a few  houses 
of  the  wealthy,  or  of  foreigners.  Instead  of  them, 
floors  are  covered  with  matting.  The  rich  exhibit 
paintings  or  engravings  on  their  walls.  The  houses 
of  the  poor  are  comfortless.42 

The  higher  classes  enjoy  the  pleasures  of  the  table. 
In  the  populous  cities  inns  are  kept  for  the  better 
class  of  travellers,  at  which  a tolerably  good  table  is 
provided.  The  usual  food  of  the  peasants  and  other 
poor  people  consists  of  tasajo,  or  jerked  beef,  black 
beans,  corn,  rice,  tortillas,  plantains,  and  other  fruits.43 
Intoxication  is  prevalent  among  the  lower  classes. 

tendent  of  the  census  for  1864  recorded  ‘ 1,200  separados  de  hecho,  quienes 
sin  equivocarme  puedo  decir  que  viven  en  concubinato,  sin  contar  la  frecuen- 
cia  de  este  entre  solteros  y solteras.’  Costa  R. , Censo,  1864,  xxv. 

40  They  dislike  wasting  their  resources  in  wars  or  war  material,  preferring 
the  arts  of  peace,  and  to  welcome  those  bringing  them  wealtli  from  other 
countries.  Laferriere,  De  Paris  a Guatemala,  45-6,  57. 

41 A large  number  of  houses  in  Cent.  Am.  are  made  with  tapial,  which  is 
common  earth  put  moist  into  boxes  of  the  dimensions  of  the  walls,  and  beaten 
with  mallets.  Another  sort  of  building  is  made  by  driving  a number  of  poles 
into  the  ground  at  a yard  or  two  from  each  other,  to  which  long  canes  are 
tied,  the  space  between  the  canes  being  filled  up  with  mud,  or  with  mud  and 
stones.  When  dry,  the  outside  is  plastered  over  with  mortar.  The  houses 
are  protected  by  projecting  roofs.  There  are  likewise  many  houses  built  with 
thick  adobe  walls,  covered  with  concave  tiles. 

42 Dirty  and  slovenly.  Trollopes  W.  hid.,  260,  268.  The  only  articles  of 
furniture  in  them  are  a hammock,  a table,  a bedstead  without  mattress,  and 
two  or  three  of  the  commonest  wooden  chairs. 

43  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  367-8. 


598 


COSTA  RICA,  NICARAGUA,  AND  SALVADOR. 


Guaro,  or  aguardiente,  and  gin  are  deemed  a necessity 
for  the  peasant  and  laborer.  With  the  action  of  the 
heat  and  the  poor  food,  liquor  soon  overpowers  him.44 

Saturday  is  the  day  upon  which  the  cities  are  sup- 
plied with  comestibles  and  other  commodities  for  the 
week.  Natives  of  both  sexes  and  all  asfes  throne:  the 
market-places,  particularly  in  San  Josd,45  bringing 
vegetables,  fruits,  and  other  food  for  the  table.  Others 
bring  manufactured  articles,  like  earthen- ware,  ham- 
mocks, charcoal,  hats,  rebozos,  etc.46  From  sunrise 
till  noon  the  market-places  are  crammed  with  sellers 
and  buyers.  The  ladies  of  all  ranks  do  their  own 
marketing,  and  are  seen,  basket  on  arm  and  bare- 
headed, strolling  about  and  driving  bargains.  The 
market-women  move  rapidly,  carrying  goods  on  their 
heads  or  in  strings.  The  better  class  of  women  follow 
in  their  dress  the  fashions  of  Europe,  except  that  they 
wear  no  hats.  The  females  of  the  lower  classes  have 
their  own  mode  of  dress,  which  is  generally  more 
studied  than  in  other  places  of  Central  America. 
Some  of  them  wear  ear-rings  and  expensive  collars,  a 
jipijapa  hat  costing  $16.  The  gowns  are  of  muslin, 
printed  calico,  or  some  other  light  material,  and  cover 
half  a dozen  embroidered  petticoats.  The  hair  is  di- 
vided into  two  tresses  hanging  down  behind,  and  in  the 
braids  runs  a bright-colored  ribbon.  Others  wear  on 
the  head  a rebozo,  which  like  the  hat  is  significant  of 
the  taste  or  wealth  of  the  wearer.47  Only  a few  among 
them  complete  this  studied  toilet  with  shoes  or  boots. 

44  Hence  the  constant  use  of  emetics,  castor  oil,  soda  purgante  or  refres- 
cante,  rhubarb,  quinine,  sarsaparilla,  and  florida  water,  which  are  looked 
upon  as  universal  panaceas.  Lajerriere,  Dc  Paris  a Gvatim.,  57.  The  large 
revenue  derived  by  the  government  from  the  monopoly  of  the  sale  of  spiritu- 
ous liquors  shows  how  great  must  be  the  consumption.  Boyles  Bide  Across  a 
Continent,  ii.  225. 

io  The  Indians  are  never  found  in  the  cities.  Lajerriere,  De  Paris  a Guatim., 
42-4. 

46  Belly  speaks  of  the  great  variety  and  abundance  of  commodities  exhib- 
ited in  the  market  on  such  days.  Cacao  nibs  were  used  as  small  change. 
The  sales  of  one  Saturday  that  he  visited  the  market  exceeded  §100,000.  Nic., 
i.  392. 

41  Some  of  these  rebozos  are  of  silk,  made  in  San  Salvador,  and  sold  in 
Costa  Rica  at  §18  or  §20  apiece. 


NICARAGUAN  SOCIETY. 


599 


The  men  bring  their  mules,  or  carts,  or  merely  their 
machetes.  They  generally  wear  a coarse  cloth  coat 
and  a pair  of  drill  or  cotton  trousers.  The  hat  varies; 
it  is  either  of  straw,  otter,  or  felt.  Most  of  the  people 
of  the  interior  go  barefooted,  but  carry  plenty  of 
pesos  in  their  pockets  and  make  them  jingle.  After 
purchasing  in  the  market-place  such  articles  as  they 
need,  which  go  under  the  general  term  habilitaciones, 
and  selling  their  products,  they  seek  the  vinaterfas  or 
pulpen'as,  and  invite  one  another  to  drink. 

The  great  amusement  of  Costa  Rica  is  gambling. 
The  people  have  a command  of  money,  and  their  only 
ways  of  spending  it,  to  afford  them  entertainment,  are 
the  church,  the  bottle,  and  gambling.48  On  Sundays 
and  feast-days  after  the  church  service49  the  men  re- 
sort to  the  cockpit,  many  staking  from  $200  to  $500 
on  the  result  of  a fight  between  two  cocks.60 

The  Nicaraguan  women  of  pure  Spanish  stock  are 
quite  fair,  and  have  the  embonpoint  characterizing  the 
sex  under  the  tropics.  Many  of  them  are  handsome, 
having  an  oval  face,  regular  features,  large  and  lus- 
trous black  eyes,  small  mouth,  good  teeth,  small  hands 
and  feet;  and  withal  a low  but  clear  voice.  Some  of 
the  descendants  of  white  and  Indian  of  the  higher 
class  are  also  quite  beautiful.  The  Indian  girl  with 
her  full  lithe  figure,  long  glossy  hair,  and  erect  walk 
should  not  be  overlooked.61  Nicaraguan  society  has 
a peculiar  charm  and  grace,  with  little  conventionality. 
Both  men  and  women  of  all  classes  are  extremely  cour- 


48  All  classes  seem  to  be  given  to  the  vice.  At  the  club  a minister  of  state 
or  some  other  high  functionary  presides  over  the  faro-bank.  Boyle's  Ride,  226. 

43  1 here  is  a good  deal  of  heresy  and  infidelity  exhibited  by  the  higher 
class;  but  the  poor  people  are  very  devout. 

53  A favorite  amusement  of  all  Cent.  Am.  Laferri&re,  De  Paris  a OuaUrn., 
56-7;  Reickardt,  Nic.,  123-5.  In  connection  with  the  manners  and  customs  of 
Costa  Ricans,  see  also  Frisch,  Staaten  von  Mex.,  88;  Wayner,  Costa  R. , 170-8, 
189-92,  194. 

M The  native  women  when  carrying  a jar  of  water  on  their  heads  present 
the  sculptural  profiles  of  caryatides.  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  198.  Beautifully  moulded 
and  unobtrusive  in  their  manners;  kind  and  hospitable  to  strangers.  Squier’s 
Travels,  i.  284,  294. 


600 


COSTA  RICA,  NICARAGUA,  AND  SALVADOR. 


teous.5'2  Strangers  are  well  received,  if  decently  clad, 
well-mannered,  and  of  good  behavior.  They  will  find 
it  rather  difficult  to  obtain  the  privilege  of  visiting  re- 
spectable families.  When  a young  man  desires  to 
pay  his  addresses  to  a young  lady,  he  applies  for  the 
permission  of  her  parents,  guardian,  or  relations,  as 
the  case  may  be.  Marriages  are  invariably  according 
to  the  rites  of  the  catholic  church.  Burials  of  mem- 
bers of  rich  families  are  in  churches.53 

The  Nicaraguans  of  the  hiarher  order — there  is  no 
middle  one — cannot  be  credited  with  industrious 
habits.  Life  is  easy  with  them,  and  the  climate  is 
enervating.  So  they  spend  much  of  their  time  lying 
in  a hammock  and  smoking  cigarettes.54  The  lower 
order  in  the  towns  follow  the  example,  at  least  the 
male  portion.  The  peasantry,  however,  is  docile  and 
fairly  industrious,  and  maybe  called  an  excellent  rural 
population.  The  peon  system  is  unknown  in  Nica- 
ragua. 

The  Nicaraguan  people  nave  a fine  muscular  devel- 
opment, and  a mild  soft  expression.  Though  not  war- 
like, they  are  brave,  and  will  fight  desperately  when 
reduced  to  it  by  necessity.  The  masses  are  not  so 
demoralized  as  some  travellers  would  have  us  believe 
them.  Crimes  are  relatively  rare,  and  the  public 
roads  are  safe  from  highwaymen.55  A servant  may 
steal  a small  amount,  or  some  object  thrown  in  his 
way,  and  yet  will  convey  a large  sum  of  money  to  a 
long  distance  without  thinking  of  running  away  with 
it.  It  must  be  confessed  that  there  is  too  much 


62 The  women  are  not  well  educated;  but  they  are  simple  and  unaffected, 
quick  of  apprehension,  and  ready  at  good-natured  repartee.  Id.,  269. 

63  Cemeteries  being  generally  in  bad  condition.  Squier  has  it  that  the 
priests  have  perpetuated  the  practice,  because  they  derive  a considerable  fee 
from  each  burial.  Travels,  i.  383-4. 

54  ‘ The  aristocracy  keeps  the  shops,  and  there  it  dozes; . . . the  lower  orders 
keep  the  plaza,  and  there  they  doze.’  Boyle's  Ride  Across  a Contment,  102. 

“Belly,  A 'ic.,  217,  speaking  of  those  of  mixed  blood,  says  they  are  the 
victims  of  traditional  indolence,  and  of  the  absence  of  moral  light  rather  than 
of  actual  depravity.  The  nearer  to  the  pure  Indian  type,  the  more  reliable 
and  faithful  they  are.  Stout,  Hie.,  118,  says  that  the  Nicaraguans  are  possessed 
of  many  virtues. 


DRESS  AND  DWELLINGS. 


601 


proneness  to  condone  offences  against  morality  and 
honor.56 

There  is  no  national  costume.  The  wealthy  follow 
to  some  extent  to  European  fashions,  generally  sup- 
pressing the  silk  hat,  which  is  replaced  with  any 
hat  that  is  broad-brimmed  and  suited  to  the  climate.57 
Men  of  the  lower  class  go  barefooted,  or  wear  the 
caite,  which  is  a species  of  sandal.  The  rest  of  their 
dress  is  a pair  of  cotton  trousers,  frequently  not  reach- 
ing lower  than  the  knees,  a shirt,  its  lower  part  often 
outside  the  trousers,  and  a palm-leaf  hat. 

There  are  many  fine  horsemen  in  Nicaragua,  as 
well  as  in  all  Central  America.  A caballero  is  in  his 
element  when  mounted  on  a spirited,  champing  horse, 
with  a pel  Ion  thrown  over  the  saddle,  which  is  the 
Mexican  saddle  modified  and  with  high  peaks.  He 
carries  also  to  complete  his  equipment  a pair  of  bol- 
sters and  pistols.58  Women  imitate  the  European  sum- 
mer costumes,  but  use  no  hat  except  when  riding  on 
horseback.  They  generally  appear  in  a loose  and 
flowing  dress,  with  neck  and  arms  exposed.  A light 
shawl  is  thrown  over  the  shoulders,  or  worn  over  the 
head  at  church.  A red  or  purple  sash  may  be  wound 
around  the  waist,  and  a narrow  golden  band,  or  a 
string  of  pearls  extending  around  the  forehead  and 
binding  the  hair,  which  often  falls  in  luxuriant  waves 
over  the  shoulders.  The  usual  way  of  dressing  the 
hair  is  to  have  two  braids  knotted  behind  the  head, 
and  to  place  a few  natural  flowers  in  it.  The  feet  are 
incased  in  satin  slippers.  The  women  of  the  lower 
class  use  a petticoat  without  waist,  covering  the  under- 
garments. A floating  short  shirt  quite  open  in  the 
upper  part,  and  almost  sleeveless  hardly  concealing 

56  Such  offences  which  in  other  countries  would  be  indelible  blots,  throw- 
ing their  authors  out  of  the  company  of  honorable  people,  are  after  a while 
overlooked,  and  the  perpetrators  reinstated  in  society.  Levy,  Nir.,  275. 

67  The  waistcoat  and  cravat  are  often  dispensed  with.  Gloves  are  rarely 
worn.  Loud  colors,  with  large  chains  and  trinkets  are  too  often  displayed. 

68  The  ordinary  saddle  or  albarda  is  a cheap  affair  and  uncomfortable. 
There  are  horses  of  an  easy  amble,  which  are  quite  rapid  and  yet  gentle. 
Squiers  Travels,  i.  157;  ii.  91. 


C02 


COSTA  RICA,  NICARAGUA,  AND  SALVADOR. 


the  bust.  In  the  street  they  wrap  themselves  in  a 
rebozo.  Stockings  and  shoes  are  worn  only  in  cities.59 

The  dwellings  of  the  poor  in  the  country  are  usu- 
ally of  canes  thatched  with  palms,  many  of  them 
open  at  the  sides,  and  with  the  bare  earth  for  floors. 
Some  of  them  have  the  canes  plastered  over,  and 
whitewashed,  with  tile  roofs,  or  otherwise  improved. 
Those  of  large  proprietors  are  strongly  built,  neat, 
comfortable,  and  generally  cool.  In  the  towns  there 
are  many  dwellings  of  the  same  character;  but  the 
residences  of  the  wealthier  class  are  built  of  adobes, 
of  one  story,  enclosing  large  courts  which  are  entered 
under  archways,  these  being  frequently  constructed 
with  much  beauty.60  The  interior  is  divided  into 
large  rooms  around  the  gallery  or  corridor.  The  walls 
are  whitened  on  both  sides.  One  of  the  rooms  is 
used  as  a parlor,  the  others  for  different  purposes.61 
The  furniture  is  generally  of  home  manufacture  and 
simple  enough.6'2  The  house  is  lighted  with  stearine 
candles,  imported  or  common  tallow  dips.  Petroleum 
and  lamps  have  also  been  introduced.63 


63  Levy,  Nic.,  272;  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  198;  Wells'  Erplor.,  74-5.  The  people  gen- 
erally are  clean  in  their  persons  except  when  travelling,  or  when  ill,  and  in 
the  latter  case  the  touch  of  water  is  prohibited.  Squier's  Travels,  59,  153-4, 
269,  271,  289. 

60  For  a hot  climate  the  adobe,  warm  in  winter  and  cool  in  summer,  is  not 
to  be  surpassed  as  a dwelling.  In  the  courts  are  shade  trees,  making  the 
corridors  upon  which  all  the  rooms  open  exceedingly  pleasant.  Id.,  i.  33-4; 
Id.,  Cent.  Am.,  305;  Id.,  Nic.,  649;  Stout’s  Nic.,  38,  62^1,  66.  Doors  and 
windows  are  wide.  The  windows  have  no  glass,  being  enclosed  on  the  out- 
side with  an  iron  railing  constructed  sometimes  like  a balcony.  The  floors  are 
of  soft  brick.  The  roof,  sloping  considerably,  is  of  concave  tiles.  The  yard 
often  has  a flower  garden,  or  is  used  for  raising  poultry,  or  maybe  pigs. 

61  Kitchen,  laundry,  stables,  etc.,  are  at  the  end  of  the  yard,  or  when  possi- 
ble, in  a separate  yard. 

62  In  late  years  some  foreign  furniture  has  been  imported.  Most  parlors 
are  furnished  as  follows:  Chairs  with  leather  seats,  easy  chairs  of  the  same, 
mostly  rockers.  In  houses  of  the  wealthy  is  a round  or  oval  centre-table,  and 
other  tables  fitting  into  the  corners,  and  possibly  a piano,  a hanging  lamp,  and 
small  mirrors,  together  with  framed  lithographs  or  paintings  hanging  on  the 
walls.  The  bedrooms  have  similar  chairs,  a hammock,  and  a bed  of  rawhide 
extended  and  nailed  to  a wooden  frame,  supported  by  four  legs.  At  eacli 
end  rises  a piUar  to  sustain  a sort  of  awning  which  covers  the  whole  bed,  and 
answers  also  for  a mosquito  net.  The  appurtenances  of  the  bed  are  a mat, 
sheets,  and  pillows.  No  mattresses  are  ever  used.  Some  persons  prefer  a 
common  cot.  Levy,  Nic.,  262-7;  Belly,  Nic.,  197. 

63  In  some  places  coyol  oil  or  lard  in  tin  lamps  are  used,  with  or  without  a 


FOOD  AND  DRINK. 


603 


The  characteristics  of  Nicaraguan  life  are  sobriety 
and  uniformity  of  food.64  Families  make  a practice 
of  not  laying  in  supplies,  but  purchase  what  they  need 
from  day  to  day.  Some  buy  their  food  already 
cooked. 

The  custom  of  extending  invitations  to  dinner  with 
one’s  family,  so  common  in  other  countries,  does  not 
obtain  in  Nicaragua,  except  among  relatives  or  very 
intimate  friends.  Men  are  asked  to  eat  only  on  spe- 
cial occasions,  when  banquets  are  given,  at  which  the 
English  custom  of  giving  toasts  is  followed. 

Amusements  are  few  in  Nicaragua.  However,  the 
upper  classes  have  their  tertulias  and  balls,  often  im- 
provised, at  which  the  polka,  waltz,  bolero,  and  other 
well-known  Spanish  dances  are  performed  with  grace 
and  spirit.  The  lower  classes  frequently  have  fandan- 
goes and  other  characteristic  dances.  There  is  no 
place  of  general  resort  for  the  better  classes,  unless  it 
is  the  billiard-room,  which  serves  alike  as  a gambling- 
den.65  The  cockpit  is  in  full  operation  every  Sunday, 
the  people  being  fond  of  the  amusement,  and  even 

glass  chimney.  In  Segovia  the  people  often  have  no  other  light  than  that 
emitted  by  a burning  piece  of  resinous  pine. 

Quite  simple.  Squier’s  Travels,  120,  272-5.  Breakfast  invariably  com- 
prises eggs,  roast  meat,  beans,  and  cheese,  to  which  other  dishes  may  be 
added  or  not;  finishing  with  chocolate  or  coffee,  the  former  mixed  with 
roasted  corn,  and  the  latter  with  milk.  The  dinner  consists  of  soup,  boiled 
meat  and  greens,  followed  by  a stew  of  beef,  pork,  fish,  or  fowl,  with  some 
vegetables,  and  dessert  in  the  form  of  a variety  of  dulces.  Rice  is  as  necessary 
at  dinner  as  beaus  at  breakfast.  Between  breakfast  and  dinner,  fruits  or 
some  cooling  beverage  are  partaken  of.  Supper  is  a frugal  meal,  accompanied 
with  chocolate,  or  tiste,  which  is  the  national  beverage  of  Nic. — a mixture  of 
cacao,  and  ground  roasted  corn,  beaten  in  cold  water  with  sugar.  Wheaten 
bread  is  made  of  imported  flour;  but  it  is  too  expensive  for  general  use,  and 
is  generally  sweetened.  The  tortilla  of  Nic.  is  larger,  thicker,  and  of  coarser 
dough  than  in  other  parts.  In  many  places  it  is  considered  ‘ articulo  de  lujo,’ 
and  instead  of  it,  boiled  or  roasted  green  plantains  are  used.  Wine  is  rarely 
brought  into  requisition.  The  only  fermented  liquor  in  common  use  is  the 
aguardiente  distilled  from  molasses,  which  only  the  lower  classes  drink,  and 
not  to  excess.  The  poorer  classes  are  very  irregular  in  their  eating,  for  they 
eat  at  all  hours;  living  mostly  on  plantains,  beans,  cheese,  and  cliicharrones 
and  other  fat  portions  of  pork.  Fruit  in  superabundance  is  eaten.  Levy,  Nic., 
207-72;  Stouts  Nic.,  130-2;  Squier’s  Travels,  i.  271. 

60  The  govt  has  at  the  capital  a fine  military  band,  which  gives  public  con- 
certs in  the  open  air  twice  a week.  The  marimba  and  old  Spanish  guitar  are 
much  used.  Occasionally  a Spanish  dramatic  or  zarzuela  company,  or  a troupe 
of  acrobats  or  other  artists,  visit  the  country. 


G04 


COSTA  RICA,  NICARAGUA,  AND  SALVADOR. 


the  most  respectable  indulge  in  it.68  Gambling  at 
monte  and  other  games  of  hazard  is  common  enough, 
but  the  vice  has  not  attained  the  development  noticed 
in  other  parts  of  Spanish  America.67  It  is  certainly 
conducted  with  less  publicity. 

There  are  neither  bull-pits  nor  professional  bull- 
fighters. Now  and  then  a performance  of  the  kind 
takes  place  in  some  plaza;  the  bull  is  much  worried, 
but  not  killed.68 

After  describing  the  manners  and  customs  of  the 
Nicaraguans,  there  is  but  little  left  to  say  of  their 
neighbors  the  Salvadorans,  who  resemble  them  in  most 
characteristics.  It  must  be  acknowledged,  however, 
that  the  people  of  Salvador  are  entitled  to  the  first 
rank  in  Central  America  for  their  industry,  general 
intelligence,  and  love  of  order  Individual  rights  are 
respected  among  them,  and  well-behaved  foreigners 
are  at  all  times  made  welcome.  The  Salvadorans 
seem  to  understand  what  are  the  duties  of  repub- 
licans.69 

The  population  of  Salvador  consists  of  Indians, 
ladinos,  and  zanibos.  The  ladinos  comprise  the  whites, 
of  which  class  the  proportion  is  small,  and  the  several 
mixtures  of  white  and  Indian.  The  mode  of  living 
of  the  latter  scarcely  differs  from  that  of  the  Nica- 
raguans or  other  Central  Americans  of  the  same 
standing. 

The  aboriginal  peoples  have  undergone  considerable 

“In  Leon  some  of  tlie  elite  do  not  frequent  the  place,  but  they,  not  ex- 
cepting the  priests,  practise  it  in  their  corridors.  Little  parties  are  got  up  of 
afternoons  to  have  chicken-fights,  and  at  times  large  sums  change  hands. 

fi;  Govt  has  from  time  to  time  passed  laws  to  prohibit  gaming.  Rocha,  C6d. 
Kir.,  ii.  Sl-3;  La  Union  de  Kic.,  March  9,  1861;  Kic.,  Gaceta,  Jan.  15,  1870; 
Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March  20,  1S86. 

“Occasionally  those  who  take  part  in  the  dangerous  amusement  receive 
fatal  injuries.  L<ry,  Kic.,  2S8-94;  Stjuiers  Travels,  i.  331-3.  The  follow- 
ing authorities  also  treat  of  the  character,  and  manners,  and  customs  of 
the  Nicaraguans.  Jteichardt,  Kic.,  80-1,  88-90,  102-25;  Heine,  Wanilerlnlder, 
93-107,  187-204,  passim;  De  Bow's  Rev.,  xiii.  236-58;  Wells’  Walkers  Expect., 
44-79,  84-5,  106-7,  241-2,  422. 

89  ‘ Whatever  may  be  the  future  history  of  Cent.  Am.,  its  most  important 
part,  in  all  that  requires  intelligence,  activity,  concentration,  and  force,  will 
be  performed  by  San  Salvador. ' Squier's  Cent.  Am.,  315. 


SALVADORAN  SOCIETY. 


605 


modification  from  the  three  centuries  of  contact  with 
the  white  men,  and  of  subjugation  to  the  Spanish 
rulers.  But  there  are  towns,  even  near  San  Salvador, 
the  capital,  which  have  retained  many  of  their  primi- 
tive customs,  and  where  the  aboriginal  blood  has  suf- 
fered but  little,  if  any,  intermixture.  The  native 
language  has  fallen  into  disuse  in  most  places,  and 
only  a few  words,  also  accepted  by  the  whites,  are 
retained  70  The  region  known  as  costa  del  balsamo71 
is  entirely  occupied  by  Nahua  nations,  whose  habits 
have  scarcely  changed  since  the  conquest  They  are 
not  absolutely  hostile  to  the  Europeans,  but  certainly 
dislike  any  intrusion  on  their  part.  They  are  an 
industrious  people. 

The  aboriginal  Salvadoran  is,  as  a rule,  slender  in 
form  but  muscular.  Some  of  the  women  have  fine 
figures  and  graceful  carriage;  they  walk  with  a firm 
step  and  body  erect.  They  are,  both  men  and  women, 
gentle,  affable,  and  rather  hospitable;  their  tempera- 
ment is  melancholy  and  dreamy.  They  are  well-dis- 
posed toward  foreigners,  and  though  they  will  not 
tolerate  any  doubt  as  to  the  purity  of  their  blood,  yet 
consider  themselves  insulted  by  being  called  indios. 
They  also  look  upon  the  whites  and  ladinos  as  usurp- 
ers in  the  land.  They  are  much  given  to  boasting  of 
their  courage  and  generosity,  and  wish  to  be  taken 
for  a brave  people.  The  Indian  possesses  a certain 
quantum  of  honesty,  but  will  fulfil  his  contracts  faith- 
fully when  his  interests  do  not  suffer  by  it;  otherwise, 
he  will  find  a loop-hole  of  escape.  He  cannot  under- 
stand the  value  put  by  others  on  capital ; his  present 
needs  being  covered,  he  cares  nothing  for  the  super- 
fluous.72 

The  men  are  quite  reserved  in  their  manner;  the 


70  Aboriginal  names  of  places  have  been  generally  preserved;  and  there 
are  a few  towns,  exclusively  inhabited  by  Indians,  who  use  their  own  lan- 
guage among  themselves.  Squier'a  Cent.  Am.,  318-23. 

11  About  50  miles  in  length,  and  20  to  25  miles  in  breadth,  lying  between 
La  Libertad  and  Acajutla. 

u Nevertheless,  in  business  transactions  he  is  indisposed  to  trust  others. 


606 


COSTA  RICA,  NICARAGUA,  AND  SALVADOR. 


women  are  different.  Their  desire  to  have  children 
by  white  men  promotes  looseness.  They  do  not  see 
any  dishonor  in  having  foreign  lovers,  and  children 
born  out  of  wedlock.  Nearly  all  the  Indians  can  read 
and  write,  and  have  some  knowledge  of  arithmetic. 

The  dress  of  the  Salvadoran  Indians  is  extremely 
simple;  probably  the  same  as  that  worn  by  their  an- 
cestors. The  women  use  a piece  of  blue  cotton 
wrapped  round  the  waist,  and  reaching  only  a little 
below  the  knees;  the  upper  part  of  the  body  being 
scantily  covered  with  a sort  of  chemise  with  an  aper- 
ture at  the  top  for  the  head,  and  open  at  the  sides.73 
The  head-dress  consists  of  two  long  tresses  of  their 
own  black  hair,  interlaced  with  a red  ribbon,  and 
wreathed  round  the  head  like  a turban.  They  wear 
neither  shoes  nor  stockings.  The  men  generally  have 
caites  to  their  feet.  Their  dress  is  a light  suit  of 
cotton,  a straw  hat  or  colored  kerchief  on  the  head, 
and  a chamarra  of  coarse  cloth,  which  answers  all  the 
purposes  of  cloak,  blanket,  carpet,  and  bed. 

The  dwellings  are  simple  and  comfortless;  indeed, 
they  seem  to  have  been  put  up  with  the  expectation 
of  their  being  tumbled  down  at  any  moment  by  earth- 
quakes. 

The  men  leave  to  the  women  all  the  cares  of  the 
house ; the  latter,  consequently,  lead  a laborious  and 
hard  life.  Their  food  consists  of  eggs,  venison,  tor- 
tillas, beans,  rice,  and  fruit.  They  are  fond  of  coffee, 
and  the  men  indulge  freely  in  the  use  of  chicha,  rum, 
and  every  other  alcoholic  drink  that  comes  in  their 
way.  The  women,  on  the  contrary,  are  strictly  sober.74 
Like  all  other  christianized  Indians,  they  devote  much 
of  their  time  and  substance  to  religious  feasts,  which 
are  generally  followed  by  carousals  and  gambling, 
cock-fighting  being  a prevalent  amusement.  They 
have  a decided  liking  for  music,  accompanying  their 

73  This  garment  is  elaborately  but  rudely  embroidered  about  the  neck  and 
shoulders  with  colored  thread.  It  is  often  laid  aside  in  the  country  towns. 
Montgomery's  Narr.,  98-9;  Squier's  Cent.  Am.,  321. 

71  Lafcrricre,  De  Paris  a Guatim.,  211-21. 


MUSIC  AND  SKY-ROCKETS, 


607 


sad  strains  with  the  guitar,  accordion,  marimba,  or 
dulcema.  The  practice  of  burning  fire-crackers  and 
letting  off  sky-rockets  is  quite  common  upon  every 
occasion,  whether  of  rejoicing  or  mourning.  At 
funerals  they  let  off  rockets  as  they  march  along  to 
the  cemetery.75 

75  Upon  the  death  of  an  infant,  all  rejoice,  dance,  and  carouse,  the  parents 
also  taking  part,  presumably  on  the  belief  that  it  has  joined  the  choir  of 
angels  in  heaven.  If  the  child  is  a male  one,  they  paint  whiskers  and  a 
mustache  on  its  face  to  make  it  resemble  that  of  Jesus,  and  call  it  a jesusito. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 


THF  PEOPLE  OF  HONDURAS  AND  GUATEMALA. 

1SOO-1S87. 

Amalgamation  in  Honduras — Possible  War  of  Races — Xicaques  and 
Payas — Zambos  or  Mosquitos — Pure  and  Black  Caribs — Distinguish- 
ing Traits—  Ladinos — Their  Mode  of  Life — Guatemala  and  her  Peo- 
ple— Different  Classes — Their  Vocations — Improved  Condition  of 
the  Lower  Classes — Mestizos — Pure  Indians — Lacandones — White 
and  U pper  Class — Manners  and  Customs — Prevailing  Diseases — Epi- 
demics— Provision  for  the  Indigent. 


In  Honduras,  the  amalgamation  of  races  has  almost 
obliterated  the  line  distinguishing  whites  from  blacks. 
The  mixture  of  white,  negro,  and  Indian  has  brought 
about  a population  ranging  in  hue  from  chocolate  to 
cream  color.  Now  and  then  a pure  white  descendant 
of  the  old  aristocratic  families  may  be  seen ; but  such 
instances  are  quite  rare,  as  few  families  have  escaped 
the  amalgamation. 

A war  of  races  is  among  the  possibilities.  In 
former  times  some  families  were  wont  to  enlist  blacks 
and  Indians  in  the  deadly  feuds  of  the  country;  now 
they  stand  in  dread  of  elements  which  will  overshadow 
or  exterminate  them,  unless  a timely  influx  of  whites 
from  the  United  States  and  Europe  shall  counter-bal- 
ance the  ever-increasing  preponderence  of  the  black 
race.1  However,  there  are  a number  of  respectable 
negro  families,  some  of  whose  members  have  occupied 
high  positions  in  the  government 

1 A large  number  of  the  priests  are  blacks,  and  they  regard  with  ill-con- 
cealed jealousy  the  advance  of  Americans  in  Cent.  Am.  Every  measure  of 
the  liberals  to  promote  foreign  immigration  meets  with  opposition  on  the  part 
of  the  black  priests. 


( 008 


WHITE,  RED,  AND  BLACK. 


609 


The  Indian  or  aboriginal  element  predominates 
here  as  in  all  Central  America.  In  some  districts  it 
is  difficult  to  say  whose  habits  of  life  prevail,  the 
white  or  the  Indian.  In  the  eastern  portion  of  the 
state,2  the  population  is  almost  entirely  of  Xicaques 
and  Payas,  portions  of  which  native  tribes  have 
accepted  the  catholic  religion  and  live  at  peace  with 
the  white  inhabitants;  the  rest,  living  among  the 
mountains,  conform  more  to  their  original  mode  of 
life,  but  maintain  friendly  relations  with  the  white 
race. 

The  coast  around  Carataska  Lagoon,  and  as  far  to 
the  westward  as  Brewer  or  Brus  Lagoon,  was  at 
one  time  occupied  by  zambos,  or  Mosquitos,  but  the 
Caribs  spreading  rapidly  eastward  from  Trujillo  and 
Black  River  have  displaced  them.  The  zambos  have 
of  late  years  lost  their  former  activity,  and  surrendered 
to  the  besetting  vice  of  drunkenness,  which,  together 
with  other  causes,  is  hastening  their  extinction.  Most 
of  them  having  been  driven  by  the  Caribs  into  territory 
belonging  to  Nicaragua,  the  proportion  of  them  still 
remaining  in  Honduras  must  be  small. 

The  Caribs  are  the  descendants  of  the  original 
inhabitants  of  the  leeward  island  of  Saint  Vincent.3 
The  presence  of  negro  blood  among  the  Caribs  is 
explained  by  the  foundering,  when  they  were  still 
dwelling  in  Saint  Vincent,  of  an  African  slave  ship, 
on  one  of  the  small  islands  of  the  vicinity.4  The 
Caribs,  both  the  pure  and  the  black,  are  active,  im 
dustrious,  and  provident,  and  far  more  civilized  than 

2 Lying  between  the  Rio  Roman  ancl  Cape  or  Segovia  River,  an  area  of 
some  15,000  square  miles. 

3 Their  ancestors  had  favored  the  French  in  the  squabbles  with  England, 
and  in  1796  were,  by  order  of  the  British  government,  transported  en  masse, 
to  the  number  of  about  5,000,  and  at  heavy  expense,  to  the  then  deserted 
island  of  Roacan,  in  the  bay  of  Honduras.  They  were  subsequently  invited 
by  the  Spanisli  authorities  to  the  mainland;  and  aided  to  found  settlements 
near  the  port  of  Trujillo.  Since  then  they  have  rapidly  increased,  extending 
themselves  both  to  the  eastward  and  westward  of  that  port.  Squier’s  Cent. 
Am.,  232. 

4 The  black  Caribs  are  represented  as  tall  and  stout,  and  more  mercurial 
and  vehement  than  the  pure  Caribs;  the  latter  are  shorter,  but  powerfully 
built. 


Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  39 


CIO 


HONDURAS  AND  GUATEMALA. 


the  zambos,  living  in  well-constructed  huts,  which 
are  kept  clean  and  comfortable.  They  still  retain 
their  original  language,  though  most  of  them  can  speak 
Spanish  and  a little  of  English.  While  professing 
to  be  catholics,  they  retain  many  of  their  old  rites  and 
superstitions.  Being  a good,  frugal,  intelligent,  and 
useful  laboring  population,  much  aid  may  be  expected 
from  them  in  the  future  development  of  the  country. 

In  Comayagua  and  Chotuteca  there  are  several 
towns  wholly  occupied  by  Indians,  who  retain  their 
ancient  language  and  many  of  their  primitive  customs. 
They  are  industrious,  provident,  and  peaceable;  but 
if  left  to  their  own  unaided  efforts,  will  never  bring 
about  the  development  of  the  country ; but  with  the 
introduction  of  an  intelligent  and  enterprising  people 
their  good  qualities  could  be  rendered  useful. 

Among  the  ladino  class  the  men  are  all  polite;  the 
educated  are  well-bred;  and  even  in  the  lowest  walks 
of  life  courtly  language  and  manners  prevail.5 

The  women  of  the  higher  class  are  rather  tall,  but 
straight;  their  every  movement  is  elegant  and  modest. 
The  brunettes  with  raven  hair  prevail  as  to  numbers  ; 
yet  a fair  complexion,  with  light  hair,  blue  eyes,  and 
ruddy  cheeks  is  found,  particularly  in  the  highlands. 
Pretty  hands  and  arms  are  common.  The  women  of 
the  lower  classes  are  generous  and  kind-hearted,  hos- 
pitable, gentle,  frank,  and  patient.  Upon  them  falls 
a large  share  of  the  work  done.6  This  does  not,  of 
course,  apply  to  women  of  wealthy  families,  but  the 
fact  stands  that  the  women  of  the  lower  orders  arc 
mere  slaves,  albeit  they  appear  cheerful  and  happy. 
The  practice  of  men  and  women  living  together  with- 
out being  married  prevails  here,  as  elsewhere  in  Cen- 
tral America,  chiefly  among  the  lower  order.' 

5 Leaving  out  the  dignified  and  courteous  members  of  the  old  and  wealthy 
famdies,  the  people  show  a strange  mixture  of  politeness,  simplicity,  shrewd- 
ness, and  effrontery,  and  above  all,  an  indescribably  passive  indifference  of 
countenance.  Wells'  Hond.,  202-3. 

6 It  has  been  said  of  the  Cent.  Am.  woman,  ‘she  nursed,  made  tortillas, 
and  died.’  Id.,  215. 

7 The  women  of  this  class  lead  a degraded  life.  If  the  man  has  large 


DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS. 


611 


Women  of  the  higher  class  are  taught  but  little  be- 
yond reading,  writing,  and  a few  rules  of  arithmetic, 
playing  on  the  guitar  or  piano,  dancing,  and  presenting 
a good  appearance  in  society.  This  done,  they  are 
soon  taken  to  the  altar,  and  their  matronly  duties 
begin.  A few  young  women,  however,  are  sent  to 
the  United  States  for  an  education.8 

Dwellings  in  Honduras  are  mostly  of  one  story; 
the  Hondurenos,  not  having  the  excuse  of  earthquakes, 
say  that  it  was  the  mode  established  by  their  ancestors. 
The  sala,  or  parlor,  is  the  room  where  the  family  pass 
the  greater  part  of  the  day,  doing  nothing  in  the  fore- 
noon.9 The  construction  of  the  house  is  very  much 
like  that  described  for  Nicaragua.  The  residences  of 
the  wealthier  classes  are  cleanly  and  cool,  and  have 
neat  gardens  in  the  rear,  adorned  with  beautiful  flowers 
and  birds  in  cages.  There  is  no  excess  of  furniture. 
A bedstead,  one  or  two  chairs,  and  a clothes-press 
form  the  ordinary  furnishing  of  a bedroom.  But  in 
the  houses  of  the  wealthier  families,  and  where  several 
women  reside,  the  rooms  are  more  generously  supplied. 

Breakfast  and  dinner  are  substantial  meals  with  the 
wealthy.10  The  manners  observed  at  table  are  very 
sedate,  and  always  courteous.  When  wine  or  other 
beverage  is  drank,  the  health  of  the  master  and  mis- 
tress of  the  house  is  pledged  with  the  first  glass.  The 
poor,  especially  in  eastern  Honduras,  are  badly  fed, 
and  though  generally  fleshy  and  well  formed,  are  not 

means,  his  mistress  has  menials  under  her;  if  not,  she  is  maid  of  all  work. 
Bates’  Cent.  Am.,  115. 

s Notwithstanding  this  lack  of  education,  Cent.  Am.  women  never  fail  to 
interest  the  traveller  by  the  peculiar  gentleness  and  dignity  of  their  de- 
meanor. Wells'  Hond.,  227-8. 

8 ‘ Sitting  at  the  window  in  the  afternoon  and  evening  to  recover  from  the 
fatigue  of  it.’  Id.,  195. 

10  Breakfast  bill  of  fare:  boiled  rice  and  beans,  salads,  bread,  butter,  cheese, 
tortillas,  coffee  and  milk,  fruit.  Dinner:  soup,  beef,  salad,  a variety  of  vege- 
tables. There  are  other  dishes,  such  as  ollas  fried  with  garlic,  piccadillo  of 
half -cooked  lights,  oil,  rice,  and  plantains,  baked  slices  of  liver,  salchichas 
or  blood  puddings  with  plenty  of  garlic,  catamales  filled  with  bits  of  fat  meat 
and  cheese,  boiled  meat,  broth,  etc.;  the  repast  concludes  with  sweetmeats 
and  coffee.  Wines  and  liquors  are  generally  of  poor  quality.  The  rum  of 
the  country  is  the  most  harmless.  Cooking  is  generally  done  on  an  adobe 
fogon,  or  range,  in  a small  building  behind  the  dwelling-house.  Id.,  192-4. 


612 


HONDURAS  AND  GUATEMALA. 


constitutionally  strong.  In  tlie  cattle  districts  of 
Olancho  they  fare  better,  getting  all  the  beef  they 
need.  Yet  even  the  former  make  patient  and  en- 
during soldiers,  capable  of  travelling  twenty  leagues 
a day  through  the  mountains.11 

The  upper  classes  adopt  American  and  European 
fashions,  and  costly  articles  of  wearing  apparel  are  in 
demand.  Women,  as  a rule,  wear  white  dresses  the 
year  round,  or  those  of  a light  pink  or  blue  gauzy 
stuff.  At  parties  or  balls  the  dress  is  usually  white 
and  very  light.  Little  jewelry  is  worn.  In  the  street 
a woman  always  wears  a mantilla  or  a shawl  covering 
her  head.  The  hair  is  oftener  worn  plaited,  and  put 
up  behind  the  head.  Ringlets  are  seldom  seen. 
Women  are  rarely  seen  out  except  in  the  morning 
and  toward  sunset. 

Men  of  means  travel  on  fast  mules  worth  at  least 
$150  each;  the  trappings  being  silver  mounted,  and 
some  of  the  bridles  and  head-stalls  adorned  with  plates 
of  virgin  silver.  The  Hondurans  are  fine  riders. 
Many  of  the  females  are  graceful  and  fearless  horse- 
women. The  habit  of  riding  on  the  right  side  pre- 
vails. Sometimes  the  bottom  of  the  rider’s  dress  is 
loaded  with  small  silver  coins  fastened  through  holes 
in  the  skirt.12 

All  classes  of  the  people,  from  the  clergy  down — 
or  up — indulge  in  bull  and  cock  fights,  horse-racing, 
dancing,  and  the  excitements  of  the  monte-table,  all 
of  which  amusements  generally  follow  the  services  of 
the  church  on  great  civic  or  religious  festivities.13 
Gambling  is  quite  general,  and  thousands  have  been 
ruined  by  this  vice;  however,  there  is  less  of  it  here 
than  in  other  parts  of  Central  America.  Begging  is 

11  The  couriers,  wearing  leathern  caites,  travel  that  distance  every  day, 
at  a gait  between  a fast  walk  and  a run. 

12  Gloves  fringed  around  the  cuffs  with  silver,  and  a small  riding- whip, 
complete  the  attire.  To  ride  and  dance  well  are  parts  of  the  Central  Ameri- 
can’s education.  Id.,  201,  227. 

13  Religious  feasts  are  common,  and  the  people  seem  to  be  close  observants 
of  the  ceremonies,  and  yet  cannot  be  said  to  be  as  much  priest-ridden  as  other 
Central  Americans. 


CASTES  AND  CLASSES. 


613 


a prevalent  practice  throughout  the  country,  and  vari  - 
ous devices  are  resorted  to  by  the  halt,  maimed,  blind, 
and  others  to  obtain  alms.14  Good  domestic  servants 
are  not  easily  procured  in  Honduras;  they  are  gen- 
erally mulattoes  of  poor  intelligence,  and  exceedingly 
indolent.15 

The  population  of  Guatemala  is  set  down  at  about 
750,000  Indians,  430,000  ladinos  or  mestizos,  10,000 
persons  white  or  nearly  so,  8,000  negroes  or  colored, 
and  2,000  foreigners.16  The  white  men  are  mostly 
owners  of  estates,  and  several  of  them  belong  to  the 
learned  professions;  others  are  engaged  in  trade,  or 
keep  shops.17  The  mestizos  are  mechanics,  retail 
shop-keepers,  or  servants.  The  Indians  are  the  cul- 
tivators of  the  soil,  and  generally  speaking,  the  agri- 
cultural laborers.  Many  mestizos,  and  not  a few 
pure  Indians,  however,  belong  to  the  learned  profes- 
sions, and  for  that  reason  are  counted  among  the 
gentry,  though  not  among  the  so-called  nobles,  sup- 
posed to  be  descendants  of  the  Spaniards  who  in 
colonial  times  held  positions  under  the  government,  or 
were  connected  with  them. 

Until  the  liberal  regime  became  established  in  1871, 
a regime  which  did  away  with  the  privileges  of  class, 
there  were  two  castes  in  the  country;  namely,  the 
laboring  and  producing  class,  and  the  governing  one 
which  was  wholly  made  up  of  consumers.  Between 
the  two  classes  custom  and  the  rulers  had  built  up  a 
Chinese  wall,  an  almost  impassable  barrier.  That 
distinction  has  been  rapidly  disappearing  under  the 
influence  of  liberal  laws. 

The  Guatemalans  of  the  educated  class  are  noted 
for  their  kindly  disposition,  simplicity  of  manners,  an.d 

14  Even  manacled  prisoners  are  permitted,  under  guard,  to  beg  for  money 
to  relieve  their  condition. 

15  Good  colored  servants  brought  in  from  abroad  soon  fall  into  the  indolent 
habits  of  the  blacks  surrounding  them.  The  stranger  then  finds  that  his 
man  ‘ Bob  Long  has  become  Don  Roberto  Longorio.  ’ 

10  An  official  document  sets  the  ■whole  population  on  the  1st  of  Jan.,  1886, 
at  1,322,544  souls.  Ouat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1886,  annex  no.  ]. 

17  Among  those  traders  are  a number  of  European  Spaniards,  who  are 
every  year  joined  by  some  of  their  relations  from  the  old  country. 


C14 


HONDURAS  AND  GUATEMALA. 


high  sense  of  justice.  Both  sexes  are  amiable,  cour- 
teous, and  attentive  to  strangers.18  Notwithstanding 
their  good  intellectual  powers,  owing  to  the  effects  of 
climate,  habit,  educational  and  religious  training,  bad 
government,  and  perhaps  the  combination  of  those 
causes,  they  have  been  inclined  to  indolence,  and  have 
lacked  in  vigor  of  thought,  energy,  and  enterprise; 
punctuality  could  not  be  counted  among  their  good 
traits,  but  a most  confirmed  religious  bigotry  prevailed 
for  years  among  all  classes.19  An  enlightened  public 
opinion,  in  both  government  and  religious  matters, 
has  been,  however,  growing  from  the  time  that  the 
detestable  old  system  was  overthrown,  it  is  honed 
forever. 

The  youth  of  Guatemala  are  made  conversant  with 
the  etiquette  of  society.  The  higher  class  are  quiet, 
reticent,  grave,  and  seemingly  impassible,  but  as  a 
rule  make  good  husbands,  fathers,  and  neighbors. 
They  are  studiously  polite  and  punctilious,  expecting 
a full  return  from  others.  The  women  are  more  free, 
impressive,  and  impressible  than  the  other  sex,  gracious 
in  speech,  unaffected  and  winning  They  also  rank 
high  for  morality.20  Many  of  them  are  blondes;  many 
have  a white  skin,  with  dark  eyes  and  hair.21 

The  mestizos,  who  are  the  issue  of  white  fathers 
and  Indian  mothers,  and  of  the  promiscuous  inter- 
course,22 habitually  seek  the  towns.  They  are,  as  a 

18  Of  mild  disposition,  good  natural  talents,  aptitude  for  learning,  and 
lively  imagination.  Hospitality  is  one  of  their  virtues.  Montgomery's  Narr., 
157-00. 

19  Belly,  who  wrote  before  the  upsetting  of  the  old  conservative  regime, 
says:  ‘ Un  population  que  son  beau  climat  sollicite  k l’inertie,  et  qui  sort  a 
peine  de  la  plus  abominable  education  religieuse  et  morale  que  jamais  un 
peuple  ait  subie.’  A trav.  V Amir.  Cent.,  i.  1 53 — 4.  Laferriere  visited  the 
country  some  years  later,  and  fully  confirms  the  above.  De  Pai-is  a Gualim., 
203. 

20  < Those  of  the  better  class  will  compare  well  with  any  people  for  good 
morals,  discreet  conduct,  and  admirable  behavior.’  Min.  Hudson's  Dept,  in 
U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  43,  Sess.  1,  i.  440. 

21  Most  of  the  women  smoke,  the  elder  ones  cigars,  and  the  young  ciga- 
rettes. They  do  it,  however,  in  a pretty  and  .refined  manner.  Stephens' 
Trav.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  256. 

22  ‘A  natural  roving  appetite  inclines  them  to  favor  and  to  freely  indulge 
such  intercourse.’  Min.  Hudson's  Kept,  in  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc., 
Cong.  43,  Sess.  1,  i.  445. 


PHYSIQUE  AND  DWELLINGS. 


615 


class,  much  the  superior  intellectually  of  the  pure 
Indian,  better  educated,  and  less  superstitious,  as  well 
as  less  loyal  to  church  and  government,  and  too  often 
wicked,  treacherous,  and  dissolute.  When  not  injured 
by  early  excesses  the  mestizos  are  finely  built.  The 
younger  and  uncorrupted  females  are  distinguished  by 
the  voluptuous  swell  of  their  busts,  fine  lithe  forms, 
erect  and  graceful  carriage.  They  walk  with  an 
elastic  footstep  and  inimitable  grace  and  freedom. 

The  Indians  mostly  dwell  by  themselves  in  villages, 
many  on  the  estates  of  planters,  and  a few  in  the  cities 
and  towns.23  They  are  supposed  to  be  intensely 
catholic,  but  they  mix  in  with  their  Christianity  many 
heathen  rites;  and  being  partially  educated  by  the 
clergy,  nearly  all  understand  and  can  speak  the 
Spanish  language.  When  not  corrupted  by  military 
service  the  aboriginal  is  industrious,  mild,  and  tem- 
perate. Those  who  dwell  apart  in  their  villages  raise 
most  of  the  fruits  and  produce  marketed,  and  make 
most  of  the  domestic  articles  sold  in  shops.  Nearly 
all,  and  particularly  those  of  the  departments  of  Los 
Altos,  have  a fine  physical  development. 

The  race  has  been  from  the  time  of  the  conquest 
oppressed  and  kept  in  a state  of  barbarous  ignorance 
and  superstition.  The  regime,  established  since  1871, 
energetically  enforced  by  the  late  President  Barrios, 
has  done  much  to  brills^  about  a changfe  for  the  better.24 

The  Lacandones  have  been  specially  spoken  of  by 
several  authors  who  have  written  on  Guatemala.  The 
Spaniards,  after  attempting  in  the  latter  end  of  the 
seventeenth  century  to  pacify  the  warlike  Indian  prov- 

23  Every  Ind.  village  has  its  own  authorities,  most  of  whom  are  chosen 
from  among  the  inhabitants. 

24  The  old  system  attempted  to  improve  their  condition  by  enacting  laws 
believed  to  be  conducive  to  that  end.  Witness  clauses  of  a decree  of  the  con- 
stituent assembly  of  Nov.  8,  1851,  giving  force  to  certain  laws  of  1839,  and 
reviving  others  of  the  old  Spanish  Recop.  de  Indios,  which  were  intended  to 
prevent  the  maltreatment  of  Indians.  Gnat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  246,  512-15,  846- 
53.  On  the  6th  of  Sept.,  1879,  a decree  was  passed,  acknowledging  the 
lamentable  condition  of  ignorance  and  abjectedness  the  Indian  had  been  kept 
in,  and  providing  that  at  least  a portion  of  them  should  attend  the  pul),  schools 
already  established  in  nearly  all  the  departments.  Salv. , Diario  OJic.,  Sept. 
20,  1879. 


616 


HONDURAS  AND  GUATEMALA. 


inces,  including  the  Lacandon  region,  resolved  upon 
forcibly  removing  the  Indian  towns.  The  Indians  of 
the  town  of  Dolores  were  generally  quiet,  but  as  an  ex- 
pensive garrison  would  be  required  to  make  sure  of 
their  continuing  at  peace,  the  inhabitants  were  removed 
first  to  Aquespala,  next  for  some  unknown  reason  to 
San  Ramon,  and  finally  to  Santa  Catarina  de  Retal- 
huleu.25  These  changes  caused  much  suffering : a laro-e 
number  died,  others  became  scattered,  but  most  of 
them  returned  to  their  native  mountains.26  The  gov- 
ernment  of  Guatemala  tried  in  1831  and  1837  to  bring 
the  Lacandones  under  its  authority,  but  all  its  efforts 
failed,  and  they  have  since  retained  their  indepen- 
dence, though  seemingly  they  have  abandoned  their 
old  predatory  habits,  contenting  themselves  with  pre- 
serving their  isolation.27 

The  above  remarks  refer  to  the  western  Lacandones, 
who  live  on  or  near  the  Pasion  River,  and  its  tribu- 
taries. The  eastern  Lacandones  are  a harmless  tribe 
who  hold  no  relations  with  and  fear  the  others.23 

The  dwellings  of  the  citizens  of  Guatemala  are  gen- 
erally of  only  one  story,  but  the  capital  and  other 
cities  present  fine  houses  of  two  stories;  as  a rule  the 
houses  are  commodious,  and  abundantly  suppled  with 
water.  Those  of  the  wealthy  are  elegantly  furnished, 
and  the  rest  tolerably  well  provided,  the  floors  being 
covered  with  mattings.  The  habitations  of  the  poor 


35  The  German  writers  Scherzer  and  Von  Tempski,  and  the  American 
Stephens,  have  occupied  themselves  with  those  people.  According  to  them 
the  inhabitants  live  isolated,  and  render  no  sen-ice  to  Guat.  They  practise 
a religion  which  is  a mixture  of  catholic  and  heathen  rites.  The  only  ladinos 
allowed  to  live  with  them  are  the  priest  and  his  attendants. 

36  The  towns  conquered  by  the  Spaniards  did  not  contain  all  the  Lacan- 
dones. According  to  Pinelo,  the  Lacandones  and  Manches  were  computed,  in 
1637,  at  100,000.  This  was  subsequent  to  the  invasion  of  their  territory  by 
Quinones.  Squier,  Cent.  Am.,  56S-72,  gives  much  information  on  the  subject. 

21  Now  and  then  a few  of  them  visit  the  Mexican  states  of  Chiapas,  Tabasco, 
and  Campeche  to  procure  tobacco  and  other  things,  and  suddenly  disappear 
by  unknown  paths,  and  never  allow  strangers  to  visit  them. 

28  The  eastern  Lacandones  are  tillers  of  the  soil,  hunters,  and  fishermen. 
Though  occasionally  baptized  by  catholic  missionaries,  and  fond  of  saying 
prayers,  they  still  adhere  to  their  old  heathen  worship,  and  indulge  in  polyg- 
amy. They  visit  the  whites  and  settled  Indians  to  sell  their  produce.  Ber- 
cndt's  Erplor.  in  Cent.  Am.,  in  Smithsonian  Jtept,  1867,  425. 


DRESS  AND  FOOD. 


617 


and  Indians  are  mere  thatched  huts  and  altogether 
comfortless. 

The  upper  or  educated  class  follow  in  their  dress 
the  fashions  of  Europe  and  the  United  States.  The 
women,  however,  wear  a mantilla  or  shawl  and  veil 
when  going  to  church,  and  appear  without  any  cover- 
ing of  the  head  when  walking  out  or  on  a visit.  They 
like  to  adorn  their  hair  with  flowers.29  The  men.  are 
rather  modest  in  their  apparel,  and  only  when  equipped 
for  travelling  do  they  exhibit  some  ostentation.  At 
such  times,  their  weapons,  the  trappings  of  their  horses 
or  mules,  and  other  ornaments  are  expensive,  provided 
their  means  will  allow  the  indulgence. 

The  following  was  the  dress  worn  in  the  first  quar- 
ter of  the  present  century  by  the  women  of  the  lower 
order,  not  included  in  the  wealthy  class.  Short  red 
petticoats,  with  deep  plain  white  flounces  round  the 
bottom,  gathered  up  in  very  thick  plaits  over  their 
hips  with  a white  border;  thence  upwards,  they  had 
only  a chemise  to  cover  them.30  The  hair  in  front 
was  in  the  madonna  form,  and  the  hinder  part,  being 
of  great  length,  was  divided  into  tightly  plaited  cords, 
which  were  twisted  round  the  head  in  various  devices. 
A pink  satin  shoe,  without  stockings,  completed  the 
costume.  Most  of  the  Guatemala  damsels  of  the  lower 
classes  dressed  in  that  style,  excepting  that  more  fre- 
quently they  went  without  shoes,  this  being  specially 
noted  in  the  servant  class.31  Some  changes  have  oc- 
curred since  then,  and  a considerable  number  of  the 
lower  order  have  adopted  the  custom  of  dressing  like 
the  wealthy,  but  as  a rule  a marked  difference  exists 
between  the  two  classes. 

Men  of  the  mechanic  class  generally  dress  like  the 

29  Fine  and  costly  tortoise-shell  combs  were  at  one  time  much  used. 
Women  wear  hats  only  when  riding  on  horseback.  The  Guat.  female  is  fond 
of  embroidered  articles,  costly  fans,  rich  jewelry,  and  every  other  finery. 
There  are  other  women  in  the  world  like  them. 

3u  Tt  being  starched  into  stiff  folds,  it  supplied  in  some  measure  the  place 
of  a jacket. 

31  Wealthy  women  objected  to  their  female  servants  wearing  other  than 
naguas,  and  would  have  none  that  wore  shoes. 


618 


HONDURAS  AND  GUATEMALA. 


upper  class ; the  laborers  rarely  have  more  than  a shirt 
and  trousers;  and  occasionally  a round  jacket.  Many 
go  barefooted  or  wear  the  caite.  A common  palm  or 
straw  hat  covers  the  head.  The  village  or  agricul- 
tural  Indians  go  scantily  clad.  The  best  wear  of  a 
male  consists  of  a straw  hat,  a short-sleeved  shirt,  short 
breeches,  and  caites.  The  females  rarely  sport  more 
than  a loose  waistcoat,  a»nd  a short  petticoat,  or  a 
cloth  wrapped  round  the  waist,  reaching  a little  below 
the  knees.  Children  of  both  sexes  run  nude. 

The  food  of  the  Guatemalans  is  about  the  same  as 
that  of  other  Central  Americans  of  their  respective 
classes.  Travellers  will  find  mesones  to  provide  shel- 
ter and  refreshments  for  man  and  beast  at  certain 
distances  on  their  journey.32  At  places  where  no  inns 
exist,  the  traveller  will  be  accommodated  by  the. 
priest,  or  by  the  alcalde  in  the  town  hall. 

The  Guatemalans,  like  all  Central  Americans,  are 
fond  of  bull  and  cock  fighting,33  as  well  as  of  games  of 
chance,  which  are  indulged  in  with  great  frequency.34 
The  government  endeavors  to  provide  amusements  of 
a more  intellectual  and  refined  character.  It  built  a 
fine  theatre  in  the  capital,  and  from  time  to  time  sub- 
sidizes musical  and  dramatic  troupes.35 

Begging  is  common.  The  sight  of  a crowd  of  beg- 
gars  in  rags,  many  of  them  exhibiting  their  sores,  is 
very  repulsive.  Those  beggars  are  supported  by  pub- 
lic charity  and  are  rarelv  sent  away  without  relief.36 

33  Such  places  are  convenient,  though  not  agreeable,  owing  to  the  variety 
and  abundance  of  fleas,  jiggers,  etc.  Laf entire,  De  Paris  a Guatem.,  267; 
Stephens’  Trav.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  163-81. 

33  In  bull-fights  they  merely  worry  and  torture  the  animal,  but  never  kill 
it  in  presence  of  the  public. 

34  The  vice  is  not  prevalent  among  the  Indians  who  live  apart  in  their  vil- 
lages. During  the  bathing  season  in  Amatitlan,  for  instance,  the  time  is 
spent  in  gambling,  and  intrigues  between  the  sexes,  and  among  the  visitors 
are  always  a number  of  veritable  sharpers.  The  native  generally  bears  his 
losses  with  hardly  a sign  of  impatience.  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  152-3;  Stephens' 
Trav.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  261,  298-301;  JBoddam,  IF.,  Across  Cent.  Am.,  136-8. 

33  Barrios,  Mensaje,  1876,  55-6;  Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomenlo,  1880,  35-6;  1883, 
59-60;  1884,  40-1;  1885,  44-6. 

30 Bates’  Cent.  Am.,  etc.,  110 


DISEASES  AND  HOSPITALS. 


619 


The  several  states  of  Central  America  have  often 
been  visited  with  calamities  in  the  form  of  storms  and 
hurricanes,  freshets,  and  fires,  causing  heavy  losses  of 
property,  and  at  times  of  life  also.  Disease  causes  its 
destruction  as  elsewhere,  and  often  maladies  in  an  epi- 
demic form  have  decimated  the  population.  Fevers 
are  rare,  except  on  the  coasts,  where  they  prevail  dur- 
ing the  hottest  months.37  The  small-pox  has  on  sev- 
eral occasions  done  havoc  among  the  population.  The 
invasions  of  the  malady  in  1851  in  Costa  Rica,  1862 
in  Guatemala  and  Honduras,38  and  in  1883  in  Costa 
Rica,  have  been  specially  recorded  in  those  countries.39 

Leprosy  prevailing  in  several  parts  of  Central 
America,  special  hospitals  have  been  established  in 
some  of  the  republics  for  the  reception  and  care  of 
persons  thus  afflicted.40  Syphilis  exists  in  Central 
America,  but  is  not  so  prevalent  as  in  Mexico.  In 
some  parts  laws  have  been  enacted  to  regulate  the 
social  evil.41 

That  great  scourge  of  the  present  century  in  Europe 
and  America,  Asiatic  cholera,  has  repeatedly  invaded 
the  Central  American  states,  carrying  vast  numbers 
to  destruction.  In  1836  it  desolated  the  largest  cities, 

37  The  fevers  of  the  country  are  the  intermittent,  resembling  the  worst 
form  of  fever  and  ague  in  the  western  U.  S. ; the  calentura,  which  is  a type 
of  the  same.  It  is  not  common  in  the  interior,  and  yields  usually  to  strong 
cathartics,  followed  by  quinine,  which  physicians  are  wont  to  administer  in 
heavy  doses.  Wells'  Howl.,  547-8.  Yellow  fever  breaks  out  with  more  or 
loss  virulence  some  years  at  the  ports,  particularly  on  the  Atlantic  side;  it 
has  occasionally  spread  to  the  interior.  Diariode  Mex.,  539  40,  569-71;  A mer. 
Cent.  Cie  Behje,  ii.  48-52;  Disturnell's  Tnjl.  of  Clim.,  252;  Costa  It.,  In  forme 
Sec.  Gobem. , 1809,  15;  Hie.,  Gaceta,  May  9 to  Aug.  8,  1868;  Laferrikre,  De 
Paris  a Guatern.,  47-8,  and  table  444  B.  Measles  and  scarlet  fever  have  also 
made  their  appearance  epidemically,  destroying  many  lives.  Sale.,  El  Si<jlo, 
May  28  to  Aug.  14,  1851;  Id.,  Diario  Ofic.,  July  31,  1S75;  Costa  R.,  Mem. 
Sec.  Guerra,  etc.,  1867,  doc.  D,  31. 

38  Nic.  adopted  timely  precautions  to  escape  it,  by  having  the  people  vac- 
cinated. Nic. , Boletin  Ofic.,  Aug.  2,  1862. 

39  Rocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  ii.  165;  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Min.  Gobem.,  1852-3;  Id. , 
1884,  annex  A. 

49  Elephantiasis  is  not  common,  but  occasionally  found  in  the  upland  re- 
gions. Only  one  leg  is  stricken;  the  swelling  often  reaches  above  the  knee. 
It  is  considered  incurable  and  fatal.  Costa  R.,  Informe  Sec.  Interior,  1864,  9- 
10;  Nic.,  Informe  Min.  Gobern.,  1871,  7;  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  Gob.  Democ.,  ii. 
21;  Wells’  Hand.,  548. 

*lJourn.  of  a Voy.,  in  Am.  Register,  iii.  147;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol.,  viii. 
607;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xxiii.  259-63;  Id.,  Mem.  Sec.  Gobem.,  1884,  99-100. 


620 


HONDURAS  AND  GUATEMALA. 


and  everywhere  created  the  utmost  consternation.42 
It  again  made  its  appearance  in  the  early  part  of  July 
1855.  A soldier  died  in  Fort  San  Juan.  A few  days 
later  a boat-load  of  cholera  patients  came  to  Granada, 
and  forthwith  the  malady  spread  throughout  Nicara- 
gua and  the  rest  of  Central  America,  its  heart-rending 
effects  not  ceasing  in  Salvador  and  Guatemala  till 
toward  the  latter  part  of  1857.43  The  disease  broke 
out  again  epidemically  in  Nicaragua  toward  the  end 
of  1866,  and  continued  its  ravages  there  and  in  Hon- 
duras in  1867  and  1868,  and  it  appears  that  some 
cases  occurred  in  Honduras  even  as  late  as  1871. 44 

The  several  republics  have  provided  hospitals  for 
the  care  of  the  indigent  poor,  as  well  as  other  benevo- 
lent establishments  for  the  comfort  of  orphans  and 
others  needing  public  support.  There  are  also  chari- 
table societies  affording  great  relief  to  the  sick  and 
destitute. 

42  But  few  cases  appeared  in  Hond.  down  to  1S56.  Wells'  Horul.,  549.  A 
malady  presenting  some  of  the  symptoms  of  cholera  did  considerable  havoc  in 
Costa  R.  in  1845,  and  it  was  apprehended  that  it  might  degenerate  into  the 
Asiatic  type,  bat  it  fortunately  did  not.  In  the  same  state  the  government, 
to  ward  off  an  expected  invasion  of  the  disease  on  the  9th  of  Feb.,  1849,  estab- 
lished a strict  quarantine,  which  was  raised  on  the  9th  of  April.  Nic.,  Rey in- 
tro Ofic.,  107;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xi.  14-15,  20. 

43  We  have  seen  how  previous  to  and  during  the  Walker  war  cholera  de- 
stroyed a conservative  army  in  Managua,  and  later  one  from  Costa  Rica,  and 
how  for  a long  time  it  hindered  military  operations.  Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Rev. 
Nic.,  140;  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Min.  Rei,  1856,  9-11;  S.  F.  Herald,  Sept.  5,  1855; 
Id.,  Bulletin,  June  6,  1856;  Id.,  Alta,  Oct.  2,  1857;  El  Tiempo,  Aug.  14,  Sept. 
15,  1857;  El  Estandarte  Nac.,  Sept.  15,  1857;  El  Eco  Nae.,  Oct.  1,  1857. 

44C'osta  R.  by  timely  precautions  escaped  the  infliction.  Nic.,  Gac. , Dec. 
22,  1866;  March  9 to  Nov.  9,  1867,  passim;  Jan.  25,  1868;  Id.,  Decretos,  1867, 
50;  Id.,  Mem.  Min.  Fomento,  1869,  7;  Costa  R. , Mem.  Sec.  Guerra,  etc.,  1S67, 
8,  doc.  A,  23,  D,  31;  El  Porvenir  de  Nic.,  Feb  18,  1872. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

INTELLECTUAL  ADVANCEMENT. 

1800-1887. 

Public  Education — Early  Efforts  at  Development — Costa  Rica’s  Meas- 
ures— Small  Success — Education  in  Nicaragua — (Schools  and  Col- 
leges— Nicaraguan  Writers — Progress  in  Salvador  and  Honduras 
— Brilliant  Results  in  Guatemala— Polytechnic  School— Schools 
of  Science,  Arts,  and  Trades — Institute  for  the  Deaf,  Dumb,  and 
Blind — University — Public  Writers — Absence  of  Public  Libraries 
— Church  History  in  Central  America  and  Panama — Creation  of 
Dioceses  of  Salvador  and  Costa  Rica — Immorality  of  Priests — 
Their  Struggles  for  Supremacy — Efforts  to  Break  their  Power — 
Banishments  of  Prelates — Expulsion  of  Jesuits — Suppression  of 
Monastic  Orders  — Separation  of  Church  and  State — Religious 
Freedom. 


During  the  last  years  of  colonial  rale  the  govern- 
ment displayed  some  interest  on  behalf  of  public 
education  in  Central  America.  It  was,  however, 
religious  rather  than  secular,  and  the  consequence  was 
that  liberal  ideas  were  not  countenanced.  After  the 
establishment  of  the  republic,  and  whixe  the  liberal 
system  prevailed,  this  important  branch  was  not  ne- 
glected.1 Later,  after  the  dissolution  of  the  confedera- 
tion, some  of  the  states,  having  fallen  under  the  rule 

1 Thus  were  established  in  Salv.  the  Colegio  Seminario,  which  subsequently 
assumed  the  name  of  Colegio  y Universidad  del  Salvador,  in  Nic.,  the  Uni- 
versidad  de  Leon,  and  in  Guatemala  was  founded  the  Academia  de  Estudios, 
with  which  became  incorporated  the  old  university  of  San  Carlos,  the  Cole- 
gio de  Abogados,  and  the  Protomedicato,  which  had  existed  several  years  of 
the  colonial  period.  Squier’s  Trav.  Cent.  Am.,  ii.  390-1;  Squier,  Compend. 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  36-7;  Astatmi'uaqa,  Cent.  Am.,  22;  Dunlop’s  Cent.  Am.,  181; 
Montufar,  Reseha  Hist.,  i.  333;  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  798-806;  iii.  11-214. 
The  Colegio  de  Abogados  y Junta  Acad  ('mica  de  Jurisprudencia  had  been 
installed  June  5,  1810.  Diario  de  Mix.,  Sept.  22,  1810;  Juarros,  Gnat.,  ii. 
p.  vii. 


622 


INTELLECTUAL  ADVANCEMENT 


of  a.  despotic  oligarchy,  were  lukewarm,  to  say  the 
best.  Costa  Rica  cannot  be  accused  of  neglect.2  In 
1856  she  had  public  schools  in  all  the  towns,  sup- 
ported by  the  government,  and  in  the  chief  places 
others  receiving  aid  from  the  municipalities.3  The 
university  of  Santo  Tomas,  at  San  Jose,  has  chairs  of 
Spanish  and  Latin  grammar,  philosophy,  mathemat- 
ics, law,  medicine,  and  pharmacy,  and  confers  diplo- 
mas.4 

The  efforts  of  general  and  local  authorities,  as  well 
as  of  private  individuals,  for  the  spread  of  instruction 
among  the  masses  were  never  discontinued,  education 
being  more  or  less  under  ecclesiastical  control  till 
August  1881,  when  it  was  placed  under  the  super- 
vision of  the  national  executive.  Thus  far  educa- 
tional results  were  far  from  satisfactor}T.  the  statistics 
in  November  1883  showing  that  throughout  the 
republic  only  14.70  per  centum  of  the  population 
could  read  and  write.5  Nevertheless,  there  are  many 
well-educated  men,  who  received  their  instruction  in 
the  schools,  colleges,  and  university,  and  have  attained 
good  standing  in  the  several  learned  professions,  and 
in  political  life. 

The  labor  to  enlighten  the  masses  continues  un- 
abated, with  hopes  of  better  success.  No  works  of 
literary  importance  have  been  issued  from  the  press 
in  Costa  Rica,  and  only  a few  newspapers,  other  than 
the  official  journal,  are  published. 

The  advantage  to  Nicaragua  of  possessing  an  edu- 
cated people  has  not  been  unknown,  and  efforts  to 

2 See  laws,  official  reports,  and  statements  of  travellers.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley., 

iii.  223-6;  xi.  158-215;  xii.  156;  Month far,  Resumen  Ilist.,  iii.  562-4,  640-1; 
Ministerial  annual  reports,  1848-54;  El  Costaricense,  Nov.  10,  17,  1840;  Mo- 
lina, Bosq.  Costa  R.,  46  -7;  Squiers  Cent.  Am.,  468  9;  Wagner,  Costa  R.,  186- 
8,  219-29;  Costa  R.,  Bol.  OJic.,  Jan.  10,  1856. 

3 There  was  a normal  school  for  training  teachers,  at  San  Jose,  and  insti- 
tutes for  secondary  instruction  in  several  cities. 

4 It  was  created  May  3,  1843,  made  pontificial  in  1853  by  Pius  IX.  Costa 
R.,  Col.  Ley.,  viii.  25-S,  121-82;  xi.  9-12;  xii.  268-75;  Moniitfar,  Resena  Hist., 

iv.  412-14,  419;  El  Costaricense,  Dec.  1,  1849;  Wagner,  Costa  R.,  220-3. 

5 The  percentage  of  each  dept  given  in  Costa  R.,  Oaceta,  July  11,  1885, 
suppl.  See  also  Annual  Rcpts  of  Min.  of  Pub.  In  sir  tic.,  1858-83;  Wapjidus, 
Mex.  uml  Cent.  Am.,  359-60. 


EDUCATION  IN  NICARAGUA. 


623 


that  end  have  been  made  since  early  times,  though 
without  the  desired  results.6  The  general  super- 
vision was  finally  given  the  executive,  and  local  boards 
in  the  departments.  Since  that  time  some  progress 
has  been  made.  The  number  of  primary  schools  has 
been  increased;  and  schools  of  agriculture,  arts,  and 
trades,  new  colleges,  and  a national  library  have  been 
established.  Teachers  of  both  sexes  have  been  brought 
from  the  United  States  and  Europe.  It  is  hoped  that 
these  efforts,  persistently  sustained,  will  yield  the 
better  fruits.  Indeed,  President  Cardenas’  message 
of  January  15,  1885,  gave  a hopeful  account,  though 
primary  instruction  still  is  quite  backward  for  want  of 
competent  teachers  7 

There  are  no  data  as  to  the  number  of  those  who 
can  read  and  write,  or  as  to  the  mental  condition 
of  the  population.  There  is  no  national  literature. 
Persons  assuming  to  write  for  the  public  generally 
do  it  through  a newspaper  or  loose  sheet.  Among 
this  class  are  some  who  wield  powerful  pens.8  Occas- 
ionally there  appears  a work  in  book  form  from  the 
pen  of  Tom&s  Ay  on,  Geronimo  Perez,  and  others  on 
history  or  politics.9 

6 Early  in  1872  the  university  of  Leon,  the  former  Colegio  Tridentino,  had 
hut  three  chairs  and  66  alumni,  and  four  classes  of  secondary  instruction 
attended  hy  102  pupils;  that  of  Granada  had  only  a chair  of  law,  and  seven 
classes  of  secondary  instruction  attended  hy  160  pupils.  In  primary  instruc- 
tion, there  were  at  that  time  only  92  schools  for  boys  and  9 for  girls,  a num- 
ber of  them  private,  and  one  missionary  in  Cuapa,  attended  hy  3,871  hoys 
and  532  girls,  out  of  a population  of  205,500,  or  say  20  children  out  of  1,000 
inhabitants;  only  532  girls  out  of  18,000  of  school  age,  and  4,000  boys  out  of 
12,000,  were  receiving  instruction.  Livy,  Nic.,  360-3.  Teachers  of  pub. 
schools  are  paid  $12  a month  and  a little  extra  in  larger  towns.  That  state  of 
things  was  due  mainly  to  the  neglect  of  parents.  The  funds  appropriated  for 
education  were  constantly  tampered  with  and  defrauded;  this  was  acknowl- 
edged by  the  minister  of  instruction.  There  were  no  schools  for  adults,  no 
professional  institutes.  As  a rule,  wealthy  families  sent  their  sons  to  be  edu- 
cated abroad,  or  at  least  in  Guat.  There  was  in  1873  no  scientific  course 
provided  with  the  requisite  materials,  no  laboratories,  no  museum,  no  public 
or  private  collections,  no  observatory,  nothing;  not  even  a small  library. 
The  conclusion  to  be  drawn  from  the  above  is  that  the  general  intellectual 
level  could  not  be  high. 

7 ‘ Fuera  de  la  multitud  de  causas  dependientes  del  caracter,  y del  estado 
social  de  nuestros  pueblos . . no  tenemos  maestros  idoneos  suficientes.’  Mensaje, 
in  Costa  It.,  Gctceta,  Feb.  4,  1885. 

8 The  newspapers  often  contain  fine  poetical  compositions  by  native 
writers. 

9 The  following  authorities  contain  further  details:  The  official  reports  of 


624 


INTELLECTUAL  ADVANCEMENT. 


The  Spanish  language  was  introduced  in  Nicaragua, 
as  in  the  rest  of  Spanish  America,  but  a great  num- 
ber of  Indian  words  are  in  daily  use  even  by  the  edu- 
cated classes. 

Salvador,  from  the  earliest  days  of  her  autonomical 
life,  has  been  a warm  advocate  and  supporter  of  pub- 
lic instruction.10  As  early  as  1846  it  was  already 
progressing  considerably  under  President  Aguilar’s 
administration.11  Attendance  having  been  made 
compulsory,  and  schools  established  to  fill  the  re- 
quirements, primary  instruction  has  been  brought 
within  the  reach  of  nearly  all  Salvadorans.12  The 
republic  has  a large  number  of  educational  establish- 
ments, to  wit,  three  universities,13  a seminary,  a 
botanic  garden,  schools  of  agriculture,  design,  medi- 
cine, and  military  academy.  There  is  also  a national 
library  at  the  capital.11  A school  of  mechanics  was 
ordered  founded  in  1885. 

Salvador  does  not  lack  for  men  of  good  attainments 
in  science  and  literature,  nor  for  writers  possessed  of 
power  and  elegance,  especially  in  diplomacy  and  other 
political  topics.15 

The  spread  of  education  among  the  masses  in  Hon- 
duras was  until  late  years  sadly  neglected.16  The 

ministers  from  1850  to  the  present  time;  Nie.,  Dec.  y Acnerdos,  from  1851 
down;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  14,  1848;  March  31 , 1849;  and  for  years  1S62  to  1874 
passim,  and  others. 

10  Even  in  the  dark  days,  when  her  affairs  were  in  the  hands  of  despotic 
rulers,  education  was  not  neglected  as  much  as  might  have  been  expected. 

11  Montdfar,  Reseda  Hist.,  v.  52-3,  270. 

12 The  Am.  min.,  Jan.  8,  1872,  says:  ‘Primary  instruction  is  expanding 
yearly  in  its  numbers  and  area.’  Min.  Biddle’s  Desp.,  in  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H. 
Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  42,  Sess.  3,  i.  511-12. 

13  At  San  Salvador,  Santa  Ana,  and  San  Miguel. 

14  In  1875  there  were  333  primary  schools  for  boys,  50  for  girls,  23  mixed, 
29  high  schools,  one  normal  for  males  and  for  one  for  females,  one  telegraphic, 
one  lithographic,  and  one  academy  of  fine  arts.  The  appropriations  for  teachers 
in  1874  were  nearly  §09,000.  It  must  be  also  remarked  that  many  are  teach- 
ing without  compensation  to  benefit  their  country.  Secondary  and  higher 
instruction  are  free.  The  primary  is  uniform,  gratuitous,  and.  obligatory. 
Lofcrrierc,  Dc  Paris  a Gwatem.,  202,  206,  282. 

13  The  press,  though  not  fully  developed,  has,  nevertheless,  given  at  times 
evidences  of  ability,  when  not  hampered  by  restrictions  on  the  part  of  would- 
be  despotic  rulers.  Salv.,  Gac.,  Dec.  21,  1849;  Dec.  5,  1877;  S<dv.,  L'iaiio 
Ofic.,  Jan.  2,  1875,  to  Oct.  23,  1879,  passim;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March  4, 
May  10,  1875;  Sept.  18,  1882;  Sept.  9 and  18,  1885. 

1C  Mon  til  far  gives  the  causes,  speaking  on  the  subject  for  1838.  Headmen 
Hist.,  iii.  278-9 


EDUCATION  IN  HONDURAS. 


625 


state  has  two  universities,  one  in  Comayagua  and  an- 
other in  Tegucigalpa,  both  having,  nominally,  chairs 
of  law,  medicine,  and  theology.17  Most  of  the  edu- 
cated men  of  Honduras  have  received  their  instruction 
in  foreign  countries,  or  at  the  universities  of  the  other 
states.18 

The  Lancasterian  system  of  education  was  intro- 
duced in  Honduras,  as  in  the  rest  of  Central  America, 
early  during  the  confederation  system,  and  has  been 
continued  with  some  modifications.  There  may;  pos- 
sibly, be  400  schools  in  all  the  state,  each  with  an 
average  attendance  of  25  pupils,  making  an  average 
of  10,000  pupils  of  all  classes  in  a total  population  of 
350,000  to  400,000  souls.  There  are  no  libraries  in 
the  country  worthy  of  mention,  and  hardly  any  news- 
papers other  than  the  official  journal.19 

Greater  interest  has  been  manifested  in  public  edu- 
cation in  late  years.20  Larger  appropriations  have 
been  made,  and  competent  teachers  procured.21 

The  retrogressive  Government  which  ruled  over 

O O 

Guatemala  for  more  than  thirty  years,  down  to  1871 
when  it  was  overthrown,  not  only  failed  to  make  ade- 
quate provision  for  the  education  of  the  masses,  but 
endeavored  to  keep  them  in  a state  of  ignorance  and 
fanaticism.  The  new  regime  hastened  to  bring  on  a 
change,  being  convinced  that  without  an  educated 
people,  democratic  institutions  would  be  impossible. 
Primary  schools  were  accordingly  established  as  fast 

17  In  chemistry,  engineering,  the  higher  mathematics,  they  are  deficient, 
and  cannot  compete  with  the  universities  of  Nic.,  Salv.,  or  Guat.  They  are, 
in  fact,  but  little  in  advance  of  the  common  schools  in  the  U.  S.  Still,  they 
give  proinisfe  of  greater  usefulness  and  advancement  in  the  future.  Squier's 
Cent.  Am.,  2G7-8. 

18  Hond.  has  furnished  more  than  her  quota  of  the  distinguished  men  of 
Cent.  Am.;  among  them  soldiers,  statesmen,  and  orators.  Wells  Ilond.,  549. 

19  Such  as  exist  with  only  a feeble  life  are  generally  engaged  in  acrimoni- 
ous political  wranglings. 

29  President  Soto  in  his  message  of  1877  enumerates  the  improvements 
made,  but  confesses  that  they  do  not  satisfy  his  aspirations.  Salv.,  Gaceta  Ofic., 
June  19,  20,  1877. 

21  In  1881  about  $64,000,  and  in  1882  nearly  $74,000,  were  expended  for 
public  instruction.  A number  of  teachers  arrived  early  in  1883  from  Europe, 
as  also  a complete  outfit  for  a scientific  college.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March 
23,  1883. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  40 


626 


INTELLECTUAL  ADVANCEMENT. 


as  circumstances  and  the  condition  of  the  treasury  per- 
mitted, in  every  town  and  village.  In  187G  their 
number  had  already  reached  600,  and  progress  was 
uninterrupted  after  that.22  Secondary  and  professional 
education  have  also  been  fostered.  There  are  three 
national  institutes  of  secondary  instruction  for  males 
and  two  for  females,  a normal  school  for  training 
teachers;  also  several  of  special  instruction,  namely, 
agriculture,  design,  arts,  and  trades;  one  for  the  deaf 
and  dumb  and  two  of  law,  one  of  medicine,  and  one 
of  engineering.  Since  1882  schools  of  music  and  elo- 
cution  and  a mercantile  academy  23  have  been  added. 
Special  mention  should  be  made  of  the  Politecnica, 
or  military  academy,  in  which  a liberal  education  is 
afforded,  comprising  English  and  French,  a thorough 
course  of  science,  including  mathematics  and  drawing, 
in  addition  to  the  specialties  of  the  military  profession.24 

The  national  university,  which  during  the  old  regime 
had  been  governed  by  the  ordinances  of  Carlos  II.,  the 
Bewitched,  who  ruled  in  the  latter  part  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  was  placed  under  regulations  more  in 
consonance  with  modern  ideas.  The  establishment 
has  been  since  imparting  the  highest  order  of  instruc- 

22  At  the  end  of  1882  there  were  811  primary  schools;  namely,  528  ele- 
mentary for  boys  and  226  for  girls,  5 complementary  for  hoys,  3 for  girls;  one 
Sunday  school  for  working-women,  and  48  night  schools  for  artisans,  etc. 
This  was  an  increase  of  26  over  1881.  The  attendance  was  of  26,773  boys 
and  10,696  girls,  an  increase  of  2,166  of  both  sexes  over  1881.  Early  in  1884, 
the  primary  schools  were  844,  including  47  night  schools  for  men,  oue  for 
women,  one  Sunday  school  for  women,  and  16  mixed  schools.  The  attendance 
had  also  greatly  increased.  The  buildings  confiscated  from  the  church  in  1872 
were  applied  to  education.  There  were  likewise  several  private  and  municipal 
schools.  Barrios,  Mensaje,  Sept.  II,  1876,  33-8;  B.  Whetham's  Across  Cent. 
Am.,  39;  U.  S.  Oov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  44,  Sess.  1,  i.  pt  i.  137-8,  148, 
175;  Gual.,  Becop.  Ley.,  Gob.  Democ.,  ii.  81-192,  passim;  Belly,  A trav.  V Amir. 
Cent.,  i.  131-4;  Salv.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  18,  Oct.  7,  Nov.  8,  1876;  Feb.  11  to  Nov. 
27,  1877,  passim;  Id.,  Diario  OJic.,  Aug.  15,  1878;  Quat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Lnstruc. 
Piib.,  1880-4;  Reichardt,  Cent.  A in.,  57,  227 ; La  Estrella  dePan.,  Jan.  10,  1884; 
Batres,  Sketch  of  Guat.,  19-20,  40-72,  passim;  El  Guatemalteco,  Jan.  26,  Feb. 
2,  Dec.  24,  1884;  Conklinys  Guide,  337,  341. 

21  Pan.  Ev'ij  Telegram,  May  26,  1886. 

2‘  The  academy  has  pupils  who  pay  their  own  expenses,  and  are  not  obliged 
to  join  the  military  service;  and  others  placed  therein  by  the  govt,  and  in- 
tended to  be  commissioned  as  officers  of  the  army.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Jan. 
11,  1877;  Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Guerra,  1882-4;  Guat.,  Recap.  Ley.,  ii.  692-700; 
Id.,  Id.,  Gob.  Democ.,  i.  141-54;  ii.  125-8;  Salv.,  Diario  OJic.,  Sept.  19,  1877; 
July  5,  1878. 


RELIGION  AND  THE  CLERGY. 


627 


tion.  The  old  Sociedad  Economica,  whose  mission  is 
to  advance  agriculture,  and  the  fine  and  mechanic  arts, 
likewise  has  undergone  improvements.25  The  expen- 
diture for  public  instruction  has  increased  from  year 
to  year,  as  appears  in  the  note  below.26 

Notwithstanding  the  retrogressive  policy  of  the  oli- 
garchic rule,  Guatemala  was  not  devoid  of  men  of 
ability  and  learning.  Several  works  have  issued  from 
Guatemalan  pens,  the  writers  deserving  special  men- 
tion being  Jose  Valle,  Domingo  Juarros,  Alejandro 
Marure,  Pedro  Molina  and  his  sons,  Francisco  Bar- 
rundia,  Lorenzo  Montufar,  Jose  Milla,  and  others,  in- 
cluding the  brothers  Dieguez  as  poets.27 

Newspapers  as  a rule  have  had  a precarious  life, 
though  several  of  them  often  contained  productions 
from  able  Central  American  pens.  The  government 
has  at  times  afforded  aid  with  subsidies. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  mention  the  fact  that  the 
catholic  religion  was  the  only  form  of  worship  recog- 
nized or  tolerated  in  Central  America  during  the 
Spanish  domination.  Its  clergy  enjoyed  here  the 
same  privileges,  and  were  subject  to  the  same  duties 
and  restrictions,  as  in  Mexico.  In  the  short  period 
that  the  country  was  an  appendage  of  the  Mexican 
empire,  no  change  took  place  in  the  relations  between 
church  and  state.  But  soon  after  the  establishment 
of  the  Central  American  confederation,  and  while  the 
liberal  democratic  party  was  in  power,  efforts  were 
made  to  do  away  with  the  privileges  of  the  clergy, 
and  to  bring  them  under  subjection  to  the  civil  author- 

24  Besides  naving  a school  of  drawing,  painting,  and  modelling,  and  a night- 
school  for  artisans,  it  is  provided  with  a cabinet  of  physics,  with  the  view  of 
establishing  a school  of  chemistry  applicable  to  industry.  The  museum  in- 
stalled in  1866  is  every  day  enriched  with  new  acquisitions. 

20 1872-4,  paid  by  municipalities,  $16,051;  by  national  govt,  $112,048; 
1879-83,  paid  by  municipalities,  to  whom  had  been  ceded  the  urban  tax, 
$36,242;  by  the  national  treasury,  $1,773,899.  It  seems  that  the  total 
amount  paid  for  pub.  instruction  from  1860  to  1870  had  not  much  exceeded 
$60,000.  Gnat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1885,  annex  12,  table  16. 

27  Under  the  former  regime  books  objectionable  to  the  church,  for  sus- 
taining liberal  ideas  on  social  or  religious  topics,  were  placed,  by  a decree  of 
the  national  assembly  of  Oct.  16,  1841,  in  the  list  of  the  forbidden;  an  1 the 
church  was  authorized  to  proceed  against  them.  Gnat.,  Recop  Ley  , iii.  286-7. 


028 


INTELLECTUAL  ADVANCEMENT. 


ity.2S  Pursuant  to  this  policy  several  laws  and  meas- 
ures were  adopted  against  the  clergy  in  general,  and 
Archbishop  Casaus  in  particular,29  which  irritated  the 
anti-liberals  and  roused  the  ire  of  the  clericals,  who 
at  once  cave  utterance  to  the  most  fanatical  language ; 
and  there  were  even  liberal-minded  men  who  took  up 
the  cause  of  the  friars  and  abused  in  the  press  some 
of  the  wisest  measures.30  Serious  _ troubles  ensued  ; 
but  during  several  years  the  legislative  action  was 
sustained,  and  still  more  radical  resolutions  were 
adopted.  In  1829  the  archbishop  and  a portion  of 
his  clergy  being  detected  in  plotting  against  the  gov- 
ernment were  forthwith  sent  out  of  the  country. 
Two  months  later  the  general  congress  declared  reli- 
gious orders  at  an  end  in  the  republic.31 

28 This  was  made  evident  in  several  acts.  The  clergy  were  daily  abused; 
the  liberal  leaders  constantly  inveighing  against  their  fanaticism  and  intoler- 
ance, and  ridiculing  many  things  which  the  populace  looked  upon  as  sacred. 
Friars  were  held  up  in  a multitude  of  anecdotes,  and  otherwise,  as  so  many 
destructive  insects.  El  Liberal,  nos.  28-30,  41,  45,  49.  The  arts  and  objects 
of  priestcraft  were  exposed  to  ridicule,  contempt,  and  reprobation.  A play 
called  ‘La  Inquisicion  por  dentro’  had  a great  run,  and  brought  that  insti- 
tution into  effectual  and  lasting  odium.  Squier’s  Travels  Cent.  Am.,  i.  372. 
The  inquisition  of  Mex.  had  had  jurisdiction  over  Cent.  Am.  After  its  final 
abolishment,  the  king  of  Spain  decreed,  March  9,  1820,  that  all  cases  pending 
before  its  courts  should  be  referred  to  the  ordinaries  for  determination.  The 
inquisitors  failed  to  obey,  and  removed  from  the  archives  of  Guat.  all  the 
cases  pending  there,  alleging  complicity  on  the  part  of  the  archbishop.  The 
matter  was  laid  before  the  cortes  by  Deputy  Mendez  of  Salv.  May  14,  1821. 
Dispos.  Var.,  iii.  152;  Fernando  VII.,  Decretos,  285-0;  Cbrles,  Diario,  xviii. 
1821,  May  14,  6. 

29  One  on  pastorals;  another  required  the  archbishop’s  appointments  of 
parish  priests  to  be  previously  submitted  for  confirmation  to  the  chief  of  the 
state.  La  Tertulia  Patridtica,  no.  4.  By  law  of  Nov.  8,  1824,  the  clergy  were 
deprived  of  their  privilege  to  import  goods  free  of  duties;  another  of  June  9, 
1820,  reduced  the  tithes  to  one  half.  El  Liberal,  no.  30.  Others  of  May  3,  and 
June  9,  1820,  gave  natural  children  the  right  to  inherit  either  extestainento 
or  abintestato,  and  those  of  ordained  priests  and  professed  nuns  were  placed 
in  the  same  category;  one  forbidding,  Sept.  1,  1820,  the  prelates  of  religious 
orders  to  recognize  obedience  to  or  hold  relations  with  their  respective  gen- 
erals in  Spain;  and  finally,  the  famous  decrees  of  June  10  and  July  20,  1820, 
forbidding  the  admission  into  convents  or  nunneries  of  persons  under  23 
years,  or  to  profession  any  under  25.  Marure,  Bosq.  /lev.  Cent.  Am.,  i 244—0; 
Guat.,  Gaceta,  Feb.  10,  1850;  Squier’s  Cent.  Arn.,  205-7. 

30  Such  writings  appeared  in  El  Indicador,  nos.  90,  94,  95,  149,  152. 

31  This  was  almost  unanimously  sanctioned  by  the  people,  and  at  once 
carried  into  effect.  Rocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  373;  ii.  373-80;  Guat.,  Ilecop.  Ley., 
i.  273;  Id.,  Montufar,  Ileseiia  Hist.,  i.  150-8;  Squier,  Compend.  Hist.  Cent. 
Am.,  01;  Squier s Trav.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  370-1;  ii.  390-4;  Thompson's  Guat., 
145-50;  Stout’s  Hie.,  149-51;  Crowe's  Gospel,  123-32,  135;  Reichardt,  Cent. 
Am.,  39;  Cal.  Overland  Monthly,  xiv.  100-1;  Dunlop’s  Cent.  Am.,  178,  181, 
180;  Hie.,  El  Porvemr,  Oct.  22,  1871;  Feb.  10,  1873. 


RELIGIOUS  FREEDOM. 


629 


Finally,  in  1832,  religious  ireedom  was  proclaimed,32 
and  it  was  moreover  declared  that  the  appointment  to 
church  dignities  pertained  to  the  nation,  and  should 
be  made  by  the  executive.33  The  church  was  thus 
brought  low;  but  a reaction  came  erelong,  and  with 
the  practical  dissolution  of  the  confederation,  the  ser- 
viles,  then  in  power,  undid  what  their  opponents  had 
done,  and  among  other  acts  restored  the  privileges  of 
the  clergy,  and  also  the  monastic  orders.34  For  all 
that,  the  church  had  been  struck  blows  from  which  it 
never  fully  recovered.  It  is  true  that  the  masses 
still  cherished  a portion  of  their  former  religious  big- 
otry, but  from  year  to  year  it  has  been  giving  way  to 
move  liberal  sentiments,  and  foreigners  never  encoun- 
tered any  difficulty  to  remain  on  the  score  of  religion, 
so  long  as  they  respected  the  prejudices  of  the  people.35 
The  shameless  immorality  of  the  priests  has  tended  to 
develop  a feeling  of  indifference  to  religion,  and  to 
weaken  the  reverence  formerly  felt  toward  its  min- 
isters. Being  shielded  by  the  fuero  eclesidstico  from 
trial  by  the  common  courts,  the  clergy  were  practically 
exempt  from  deserved  punishment,  provided  they  were 
submissive  to  their  superiors.36  Superadded  to  which 
was  the  repeated  interference  of  the  clergy  in  political 


32  Under  this  law  Fred.  Crowe,  an  English  protestant  missionary,  and  the 
author  of  the  Gospel  in  Central  America,  resided  several  years  in  Guat.,  till  he 
was  driven  away  by  the  serviles. 

33  Pursuant  to  which  Father  Delgado  was  chosen  and  acted  as  bishop  of 
San  Salvador,  though  without  confirmation  by  the  pope,  for  about  four  years. 
He  was  never  confirmed,  but  retained  as  vicar -general,  under  the  archb.  of 
Guat.  Montvfar,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  13-17;  Marure,  Bosq  Hist.  Rev.  Cent.  Am., 
196-9,  and  Docs,  xviii.-xix.,  xxx.-xxxii.;  Id.,  Ej'em.,  14;  Mem.,  Hist.  Rev 
Cent.  Am.,  32-7;  Cabildo,  Ecles.  Injonne,  54-5;  Squiers  Trav.  Cent.  Am.,  i. 
370-1;  Niles'  Reg.,  xxix.  39. 

3iGuat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  iii.  273,  294—324;  Montujar,  Reseila  Hist.,  iii.  522-4; 
iv.  146,  205-7,  552;  Crosby's  Statern.,  MS.,  91,  105-7,  110-11;  Squier's  Cent. 
Am.,  515-16;  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  162-3. 

33  Infidelity  spread  extensively  among  the  mestizos,  and  the  white  people 
also,  so  that  the  requirements  of  the  church  became  constantly  neglected 
Obnoxious  books  were  in  the  hands  of  ali  classes.  Some  of  the  more  candid 
priests  avowed  deistical  and  atheistical  notions.  Crowe’s  Gospel,  256-7 

36  A large  number  were  charged  with  libidinous  practices;  even  unnatural 
crimes  were  among  the  number.  Excesses  in  eating  and  drinking,  gambling, 
rioting,  and  bad  language  were  quite  common  with  them.  Exorbitant  fees, 
and  extorting  personal  services,  and  grinding  the  poor  were  ot  daily  occur 
rence.  And  yet  the  offenders  were  not  punished,  noi  even  suspended. 


G30 


INTELLECTUAL  ADVANCEMENT. 


affairs,  which  had  been  so  baneful  that  the  people 
came  to  learn  what  was  the  proper  orbit  of  church 
and  state  respectively. 

Archbishop  Casaus  died  November  10,  1345,  aged 
eighty  years.3.  During  his  absence,  the  archdiocese 
of  Guatemala  was  in  charge  of  Francisco  de  Paula 
Pelaez,  archbishop  of  Bostra  in  partibus  iiifidelium 
and  coadjutor  with  right  of  succession,  who  became 
Casaus’  successor 33  and  held  the  office  till  his  death, 
on  the  25th  of  January,  1867. 39  The  next  occupant 
of  the  see  was  Bernardo  Pihol  y Aycinena,  late  bishop 
of  Nicaragua,  from  September  1868.  The  expulsion 
by  the  provisional  government,  in  1871,  of  the  jesuits, 
together  with  the  confiscation  of  their  estates,  and  the 
apprehension  of  further  action  against  the  clergy, 
prompted  the  archbishop  and  many  of  his  subjects  to 
promote  a counter-revolution ; their  plans  failed,  and 
the  archbishop,  together  with  Mariano  Ortiz  y Urru- 
ela,  bishop  of  Teya  in  partibus  iiifidelium,  was  expelled 
from  the  country;  neither  of  them  ever  returned.40 
The  Guatemalans  have  been  since  without  a pastor. 

The  government  soon  after  concluded  to  adopt  radi- 
cal measures  in  order  to  crush  the  power  of  the  clergy,41 

37  At  Habana,  Cuba,  whose  diocese  he  had  charge  of  for  many  years,  never 
resigning  the  see  of  Guatemala,  though  he  repeatedly  refused  to  return  thereto. 
His  remains  were  taken  there,  however,  by  the  Spanish  war  schooner  Polka, 
and  interred  in  Santa  Teresa  church,  June  1S46,  with  the  utmost  pomp  of 
church  and  state.  Montufar,  Resena  J/ist.,  v.  12-13,  19-25. 

38  The  Marquis  Jose  de  Aycinena,  who  had  expected  the  appointment,  was 
balked  in  his  ambition,  but  was  made  bishop  of  Trajanapolis  in  part,  infid. ; 
he  died  Feb.  17,  1805.  A few  months  earlier,  Aug.  23,  1S64,  occurred  the 
death  of  another  prelate,  a native  of  Guat.,  named  Jose  M.  Barrutia  y Cro- 
quer,  bishop  of  Camaco  in  part,  infid.  Nk.,  Oaceta,  Sept.  24,  1864;  March  18, 
1805.  Antonio  Larrazabal,  who  had  also  been  made  a bishop  in  part,  infid., 
had  died  Dec.  2,  1853.  Costa  R.,  Oaceta,  Jan.  7,  1854;  Belly,  A trav.  I’ Amir . 
Cent.,  i.  136-7. 

39  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Feb.  16,  1867;  Pan.  Mercantile  Chronicle,  Feb.  17,  1867. 

I’inol  died  at  Habana,  June  24,  1881;  Urrucla’s  demise  was  on  June  8, 

1873,  at  Leon.  Nic.,  Gaceta,  June  14,  1873;  Von.de  Mej.,  July  28,  1881. 

41  In  1872  the  Capuchin  friars  of  La  Antigua,  who  were  natives  of  Spain, 
were  sent  out  of  the  country;  all  convents  of  friars  were  closed,  and  the  prop- 
erty of  the  several  orders  was  confiscated.  In  1873  the  consolidation  of  mort- 
main property,  proceeding  from  pious  endowments,  capellanias,  and  legacies 
to  the  church  and  benevolent  establishments,  was  decreed.  In  1874  nunneries 
were  closed,  and  the  confiscation  of  their  estates  went  on.  The  government 
agreed  to  allow  pensions  to  the  nuns  and  native  friars  for  their  support.  At  the 
same  time  all  communities  of  religions  of  either  sex  under  any  form  whatever 


THE  CHURCH  STRIPPED. 


631 


which  being  accomplished,  the  government  has  since 
provided  for  the  support  of  public  worship  and  of  the 
benevolent  establishments.  But  freedom  of  conscience 
and  of  worship  is  fully  recognized  and  protected  by 
law.42 

Bishop  Barranco  occupied  the  see  of  Honduras  from 
1811  to  18 19. 43  It  was  then  vacant  until  1841,  when 
Francisco  de  P.  Campoy,  a Spaniard,  was  made  bishop. 
The  tithes  were  restored  for  the  support  of  the  church ; 
they  amounted  to  a large  sum,  especially  in  Olancho. 
Campoy’s  death  occurred  on  the  24th  of  September, 
1849. 44  The  next  incumbent  was  Hipolito  Casiano 
Flores,  appointed  in  1854,  and  consecrated  in  1855. 

Since  the  abolition  of  the  monastic  orders  by  Presi- 
dent Morazan  in  1829  there  have  been  no  convents  in 
Honduras.45  The  clergy  are  mostly  negroes,  mulat- 
toes  or  mestizos;  their  power  for  evil  has  been  greatly 
curtailed.46  The  authorities  and  people  are  neither 
intolerant  nor  bigoted;  on  the  contrary,  they  are  very 
liberal  in  regard  to  religion.  Freedom  of  worship 
exists  by  law,  but  the  catholic  is  the  religion  of  the 
state.47 

The  aristocrats,  who  in  the  early  days  of  the  Cen- 


were  forbidden  forever.  The  fuero  eclesiastico  was  abolished,  and  the  most 
unlimited  freedom  of  religion  proclaimed.  Civil  marriage  was  declared  legal, 
and  where  the  parties  desired  a religious  ceremony  the  former  must  precede 
it.  Ecclesiastics  were  forbidden  to  appear  with  frocks  or  other  official  in- 
signia in  public  out  of  the  church.  Cemeteries  were  secularized.  Barrios , 
Mensaje,  Sept.  11,  187(5;  Guat..,  Recop.  Ley.  Gob.  Democ.,  i.  159-61,  192-6;  ii. 
13-14,  23-7,  58,  (54-5,  205;  El  Porvenir  de  Nic.,  Apr.  20,  27,  1873;  U.  S.  Gov. 
Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  43,  Sess.  2,  i.  99-101,  106,  147;  Pan.  Star  and  Her- 
ald, Oct.  23,  1S73;  Salv.,  Diario,  Dec.  21,  1878;  Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Gobern.  y 
Just.,  1880,  2-5;  1882,  11-12. 

42  In  1883  a protestant  chapel  was  established  in  the  capital,  in  charge  of 
Rev.  Mr  Hill.  Pan.  Star  and  Herabl,  March  23,  1883. 

43  There  had  been  before  him,  from  1539  to  1810,  twenty  bishops,  the  im- 
mediate predecessor  of  Barranco  being  Manuel  Julian  Rodriguez,  who  ruled 
till  1810.  Bernardo  Pavon  was  appointed  but  died  before  his  consecration. 
Juarros,  Guat.,  i.  181;  Mex. , Compend.  Concilio  III.  en  Mex. , 418-21;  Morelli, 
Fast.  Nov.  Orb.,  107. 

44  Nic. , Corr.  1st.,  Dec.  1,  1849;  Guat.  Gac.,  Nov.  30,  1849. 

45  Formerly  there  were  convents  of  Franciscan,  Merced,  and  Carmelite 
orders. 

4tlThe  church  has  no  property  whatever;  the  priests  are  generally  pcor, 
and  entirely  dependent  on  fees,  and  on  contributions  of  the  devout  for  festi- 
vals, etc. 

4!  Wells'  Hond.,  551-2,  555;  Wappaus,  Mex.  und  Cent.  Am.,  305. 


G32 


INTELLECTUAL  ADVANCEMENT. 


tral  American  confederation,  opposed  the  creation  of 
a bishopric  in  Salvador,  concluded,  in  1842,  upon  its 
creation  with  a bishop  who  should  uphold  their  ideas. 
Jorge  Yiteri  y Ungo  went  to  Rome  on  this  mission, 
and  its  object  was  granted.48  Yiteri  himself  was  made 
the  first  bishop 49  and  took  possession  of  his  office  on 
the  25tli  of  September,  1843,  after  swearing  allegiance 
to  the  state  of  Salvador.  His  career  has  been  detailed 
elsewhere,  as  well  as  the  cause  of  his  banishment. 
After  his  departure  the  pope,  at  the  request  of  the 
Salvadoran  government,  made  Tom&s  Miguel  Pineda 
y Zaldana,  bishop  of  Antfgora,  in  partibus  infidelium, 
guardian  of  the  diocese,  and  upon  Yiteri’ s translation 
to  the  see  of  Nicaragua,  he  became  the  real  bishop.50 
Zaldana  had  troubles  with  the  government,  and  left 
the  diocese,  but  after  the  overthrow  of  President 
Gerardo  Barrios  returned,  and  ruled  till  his  death  on 
August  7,  1875. 51  His  successor,  Jose  Luis  Ciircamo 
y Rodriguez  is  represented  to  be  intolerant  and  hostile 
to  the  supremacy  of  civil  over  ecclesiastical  authority. 
H owever,  freedom  of  thought  and  of  religion  has  ex- 
isted in  the  country  since  1872,  and  in  1881  marriage 
was  declared  to  be  a civil  contract. 

The  diocese  of  Nicaragua  has  had,  from  its  creation 
till  the  present  time,  41  bishops,  though  only  37  have 
ruled  over  it.52  It  was  originally  a suffragan  of  the 

48  The  papal  bull  to  erect  the  diocese  of  San  Salvador  is  dated  4th  day  of 
the  Kalends  of  Oct.,  1842.  Monttifar,  Reseua  Hist.,  iv.  171-85. 

49  He  was  a strong,  finely  formed,  and  pretentious  individual;  a count 
palatine,  and  attendant  on  the  pontifical  throne,  one  who  had  a right  to  be 
preceded  by  a tintinnabulum.  He  was  not  like  the  poor,  meek  man  who  was 
born  in  a stable  at  Bethlehem. 

‘M hi.,  Reseila  Hist.,  v.  649,  661-2;  Salv.,  Gac.,  July  29,  1853;  Id.,  Diario 
OJic.,  Nov.  4,  1875;  Hie.,  Core.  1st.,  May  23,  1851. 

61  Salv.,  Diario  OJic.,  Aug.  8,  13,  1875. 

62 The  most  noted  were:  Friar  Benito  de  Baldonado,  1620-9,  who  founded 
two  hospitals;  he  died  in  Leon;  Diego  Morsillo  Rubio  de  Aunon,  1704—9,  who 
being  afterward  transferred  to  La  Paz,  was  twice  viceroy  and  captain-general 
of  Peru;  Isidro  Marin  de  Bullon  y Figueroa,  1746-8,  who  began  the  con- 
struction of  the  cathedral  of  Leon,  and  died  in  Guatemala;  Estdvan  Lorenzo 
de  Tristan,  1775-83;  in  1780  he  finished  and  inaugurated  the  cathedral,  and 
it  is  added  that  through  his  exertions  Cent.  Am.  obtained  the  privilege  of 
free  trade;  Jose  Antonio  de  la  Huerta  Casso,  1795-1804,  notable  for  his  efforts 
in  developing  education.  Monthfar  makes  severe  comments  on  some  of  the 
prelates.  Reseila  Hist.,  iv.  136-9.  Nicolas  Garcfa  Jerez,  a Dominican,  became 


CHURCH  AND  STATE. 


633 


archbishopric  of  Lima,  but  in  1743  was  transferred 
to  that  of  Guatemala.  Since  the  decree  of  1829, 
suppressing  the  monastic  orders,  there  have  been  none 
in  Nicaragua.  There  never  was  any  nunnery.53 

The  government  allows  for  the  support  of  the 
church  a sum  exceeding  $14,000  yearly.54 

According  to  the  national  constitution,  the  Roman 
catholic  is  the  state  religion,  but  there  is  no  law 
against  other  creeds.  Treaties  with  foreign  nations 
guarantee  to  their  subjects  or  citizens  the  most  perfect 
religious  liberty,  and  worship  in  private  houses,  chapels, 
etc.  They  may  also  have  their  own  cemeteries. bi> 
The  relations  between  church  and  state  are  held  under 
a concordat  with  the  holy  see  of  August  29,  18G2. 
Since  then  there  have  been  dissensions,  but  they  were 


bishop  in  1810,  and  figured  prominently  in  the  revolutionary  period.  He  had 
to  emigrate  in  1824  to  Guatemala,  where  he  died  in  1825.  Vicar  Cuadra  was 
guardian  till  1851,  when  under  a reconstruction  of  the  diocese,  Costa  R.  hav- 
ing been  detached,  Jorge  Viteri  y Ungo  was  transferred  to  it  from  Salvador. 
He  died  July  25,  1853.  The  see  had  no  bishop  till  the  appointment  of  Ber- 
nardo Pinol  y Ayciuena.  It  took  place  in  Nov.  1855,  and  the  papal  bulls 
reached  Granada  in  1S56,  where,  owing  to  Walker’s  war,  they  were  kept  in 
the  parish  church,  and  finally  destroyed  with  the  city.  Piuol  was  consecrated 
in  Guat.  July  17,  1859,  and  performed  his  functions  till  Sept.  14,  1868,  when 
he  departed  for  Guat.  as  archb.  During  his  rule  Manuel  Ulloa  was  made 
bishop  of  Lemira,  in  part,  infid.,  and  coadjutor;  he  was  made  bishop  of  Nic. 
in  1871,  and  resigned  the  office  in  1883.  El  Costaricense,  Nov.  10,  1S49;  Salv., 
Gaceta,  March  8,  1850;  Aug.  12,  1853;  Pio  IX.,  Carta,  Squier's  Trav.  Cent. 
Am.,  i.  391;  Nic.,  Corr.  1st,  Feb.  6,  March  7,  June  20,  Dec.  12,  1S50;  Id., 
Gac.,  Aug.  13,  Sept.  3,  1853,  Dec.  16,  1865;  Jan.  6,  Apr.  21,  1866;  Id.,  Se- 
manal  Nic.,  Oct.  10,  1872;  Id.,  Boletin  Ojic.,  Apr.  12,  1862;  Id.,  Dec.  y Acuer- 
dos,  1859,  ii.  162;  1863,  215;  1865,  136;  El  Pol,  March  15,  1855;  Decreto  sobre 
la  hula  de  S.  S.,  Perez,  Mem.  Rev.  Nic.,  i.  8-9;  El  Porvenir  de  Nic.,  Feb.  25, 
1872;  Levy,  Nic.,  62-6;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  July  2,  1883. 

63  In  1871  a number  of  jesuits  expelled  from  Guat.  managed  to  get  into 
the  country,  and  were  allowed  to  remain  several  years,  but  were  finally  sent 
away.  Details  have  been  given  in  a former  chapter.  In  1S72  several  friars 
expelled  from  other  parts  tried  to  enter  the  country,  but  were  not  permitted 
to  stay.  El  Porvenir  de  Nic.,  Oct.  1,  1871,  to  Feb.  16,  1873,  passim;  Nic.,  Se- 
manal  Nic.,  June  18,  1872;  Id.,  Mem.  Min.  Golem.,  1875,  23-4;  18S3,  25-6, 
annex  B,  27-8,  F,  1-4. 

04  For  the  seminary  $2,000;  the  bishop  $3,000;  the  chapter  and  other  ec- 
clesiastics $4,158;  music  $1,000;  other  expenses  about  $4,000.  The  chapter 
consists  of  dean,  archdeacon,  chancellor,  three  .anons,  and  six  or  seven  other 
officials.  The  church  gets  the  first-fruits  from  farmers.  Tithes  have  been 
abolished  since  1862.  300  or  400  priests  without  parishes  depend  entirely  on 

fees.  The  cathedral  has  no  valuables,  having  bee._  sacked  several  times.  Nic., 
Boletin  Ojic.,  Dec.  6,  1856;  March  1,  1862;  Union,  Nic.,  March  2,  1861;  Nic., 
Dec.  y Acuerdos,  1857-8,  261-5;  Id.,  Gac.,  Aug.  6,  1870;  Livy,  Nic.,  383-4. 


634 


INTELLECTUAL  ADVANCEMENT. 


settled  at  Rome.56  After  several  vain  attempts,  Costa 
Rica  was  finally  made  a separate  bishopric  by  a bull 
of  Pius  IX.,  dated  March  1,  1850,  and  since  that  time 
the  see  has  been  ruled  by  only  two  bishops.57 

Under  the  concordat  with  the  pope  of  October  2, 
1882,  the  government  of  Costa  Rica  is  bound  to  make 
the  church  an  allowance  of  $9,000  yearly,58  but  it  has 
almost  invariably  paid  more  than  double  that  sum.59 

The  concordat  places  the  clergy  under  restrictions. 
There  exists  in  Costa  Rica  but  little  bigotry,  except 
in  the  lower  people.  In  fact,  the  educated  classes 
merely  acquiesce  in  the  pretensions  and  formulas  of 
the  church.60  The  most  perfect  freedom  of  religion 
exists,  and  those  not  professing  the  catholic  are  pro- 
tected in  the  exercise  of  their  own  forms  of  worship.61 

66  Appointments  of  parish  priests,  and  publications  of  papal  bulls  or  briefs, 
and  decrees  of  ecclesiastical  councils  must  first  obtain  an  exequatur  from 
the  president  of  the  republic.  Parish  priests  before  assuming  their  offices 
must  take  the  oath  to  support  the  constitution,  and  to  do  no  act  against  the 
nation’s  independence  or  the  public  peace.  Hie. , Alem.  Min.  Fomento , 1869, 
13-16;  1871,  9-10;  Id.,  Mem.  Min.  Bel.,  1871,  7-10,  25-8;  Id.,  Gaceta,  May 
30,  1S08;  Oct.  29,  Nov.  5,  1870. 

67  Anselmo  Llorente  y Lafuente  was  the  first  caded  to  fill  the  position  of 
bishop  of  San  Jose  de  Costa  Rica,  April  10,  1851.  He  had  not  been  long  in 
office  when  he  tried  to  collect  tithes  on  coffee,  but  failed,  and  his  course 
greatly  displeased  the  people  and  lowered  their  regard  for  the  church,  'the 
matter  was  finally  settled  by  a concordat  entered  into  at  Rome,  Oct.  2,  1852, 
and  tithes  were  declared  abolished.  He  died  in  1872;  and  the  government 
soon  after  proposed  a successor,  who  was  not  approved  of  by  the  Roman  curia. 
Finally,  Oct.  11,  1879,  the  government  nominated  Bernard  August  Thiel,  a 
native  of  Germany,  and  professor  of  the  university  of  Costa  Rica,  for  the 
office,  and  he  was  confirmed  by  the  pope  Feb.  27,  1880.  During  the  vacancy 
the  see  was  under  the  guardianship  of  the  bishop  of  Abydos,  in  part,  infid. 
Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  v.  155-60;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  203;  Mon- 
tufar,  Reseua  Hist.,  ii.  247-9;  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Min.  Rel.,  1851,  1-2,  10-12; 
1854,  11-12;  Id.,  Informe  See.  Rel.,  1872,  19-20;  1873,  19;  1874,  12;  1880, 
19-20;  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  63,  111-12;  El  Siqlo,  July  18,  1851. 

68  For  the  bishop  §3,000,  the  ecclesiastical  chapter  §3,000,  and  the  Colegio 
Tridentino  §3,000.  Montufar,  Reseila  Hist.,  ii.  207;  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Min.  Rel., 
1859,  11;  Id.,  Gac.  Gob.,  July  16,  23,  30,  1853;  Hond.,  Gac.  Ojic.,  Jan.  24, 
1853,  suppl.;  Salv.,  Gac.,  Aug.  12,  1853;  Gnat.,  Gac.,  Sept.  16,  Oct.  14,  1853; 
Astaburuaja,  Cent.  Am.,  49-50. 

69 Costa  R.,  Mem.  Sec.  Rel.,  1884,  31. 

60  The  clergy  have,  indeed,  lost  much  of  their  influence.  The  mode  of  life 
of  the  majority  of  them  cannot  inspire  respect.  Letter  from  Costa  R.  by  a 
British  consul,  quoted  in  Squiers  Cent.  Am.,  468-9;  Wappdus,  Alex,  und  Cent. 
Am.,  360.  Lafcrriere,  writing  for  1873,  gives  a discreditable  picture  of  the 
church,  its  priests  and  feasts.  De  Paris  a Guatem.,  56. 

61  There  is  a protestant  church  and  cemetery  in  San  Jose.  The  govern- 
ment cordially  upholds  the  liberal  laws  on  the  subject  of  religion.  Costa  R., 
Mem.  Sec.  Rel.,  1884,  32. 


INQUISITION  ABOLISHED. 


635 


Harmony  had  prevailed  for  years  in  the  relations  of 
the  state  with  the  church,  until  Bishop  Thiel  and  some 
of  his  priests  undertook  to  assume  a superiority  over 
the  government.  Their  attempts  failed.  President 
Fernandez  expelled  the  bishop  in  August  1884, 62  and 
Vicar  Antonio  C.  Zamora,  who  took  charge  of  the 
diocese,  restored  friendly  relations.  After  the  death 
of  President  Fernandez,  Bishop  Thiel  was  recalled. 

Before  bringing  the  ecclesiastical  subject  to  an  end, 
I must  add  some  remarks  on  church  affairs  of  the 
Isthmus  of  Panamd.  The  diocese  of  the  Isthmus  has 
had,  from  its  creation  in  1514  till  1884,  45  bishops 
appointed.63 

The  inquisition  was  abolished  in  1821.  The  bishop 
and  his  clergy  were  partly  supported  from  the  tithes, 
which  at  that  time  yielded  about  $25,000  a year.  The 
number  of  clergy  was  then  89  secular  and  25  regular.64 
Panamd  had  been  well  provided  with  religious  build- 
ings, most  of  which  have  since  been  completely  ruined.66 

62  His  salary  was  also  suspended.  Costa  R.,  Mem.  See.  Rel.,  1885,  17. 

63  Of  whom  39  received  their  offices  during  the  colonial  period,  the  last 
one  being  Friar  Higinio  Duran,  of  the  order  of  Mercy  and  a native  of  Lima. 
He  took  possession  in  1818,  and  died  in  Chepo  on  the  22d  of  Oct.,  1823.  This 
bishop  was  one  of  the  signers  of  the  declaration  of  independ.  of  the  Isthmus 
in  1821.  His  successors  were  Manuel  Vasquez,  Juan  J.  Cabareas  Gonzalez, 
Juan  F del  R.  Manficdo  y Ballestas,  Friar  Eduardo  Vasquez,  who  died  in 
Rome,  Jan.  2,  1870,  Ignacio  Antonio  Parra,  who  took  possession  June  3, 
1871.  Hernaez,  Extracto  del  Libro  de  la  Comp,  de  Jesus,  in  Maldonado,  Asuntos 
Pollt  de  Pan.,  MS.,  34-5;  Pan.,  Col.  Docs.,  MS.,  nos  125-6;  Pan , Docs., 
Monhifar,  Re  sen  a Hist.,  iv.  344;  Nie.  , Boletin  Ojic.,  Nov.  1,  1862;  Pan., 
Boletin  Ojic  , Marcli  4,  1869;  Id.,  Gaceta,  June  6,  1871  Parra  held  the 
office  only  a few  years,  and  was  succeeded  by  Telesforo  Patil,  who  occupied 
it  till  Dec.  1884,  when  he  repaired  to  Bogota,  his  native  city,  to  fill  that  arch- 
episcopal  see.  The  assembly  of  the  state  on  the  22d  of  Dec.,  1884,  adopted 
a resolution  recognizing  his  efforts  to  promote  harmony,  and  appointed  a com- 
mittee to  escort  him  as  far  as  Barranguilla.  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  Jan.  1,  1885; 
El  Cronista  (Pan.),  Jan.  3,  1885. 

64  Bui  well' 8 hstii.  Pan.,  242.  The  congress  of  Nueva  Granada  in  1837  fixed 
the  bishop’s  salary  at  84,000.  N.  Granada,  R&jistro  Ojic.,  21. 

63  Originally  there  were  11  churches,  4 convents  of  friars,  one  nunnery, 
a cathedral,  and  one  ecclesiastical  college  established  by  the  government  of 
Old  Colombia  under  a rector,  vice-rector,  and  assistant,  with  a sufficient  rev- 
enue. A law  of  New  Granada  provided  for  the  sale  at  auction  of  all  prop- 
erty that  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  jesuits  not  required  for  national 
use.  Pan  , Cr6n.  Ojic.,  Aug.  5,  1852.  Stories  are  related  of  buried  treasures 
having  been  disinterred  in  after  years  by  jesuit  agents,  from  the  ground  of 
their  old  house,  and  from  the  orchard  of  T.  M.  Feuillet.  These  stories  bear 
some  semblance  of  truth.  See  Memoranda,  in  Maldonado , Apuntes , MS.,  36 
et  seq 


636 


INTELLECTUAL  ADVANCEMENT. 


There  existed  from  the  earliest  days  of  the  republic 
an  intimate  alliance  between  the  national  government 
and  the  ecclesiastical  authorities,  and  they  aided  one 
another 66  The  clergy  were  quite  wealthy,  possessing 
many  valuable  estates,  and  mortgages  on  almost  all 
the  landed  property  in  Colombia.6,  In  the  course  of 
centuries  the  church  became,  if  not  the  sole  owner, 
the  co-owner  of  all  estates.  It  also  derived  a large 
revenue  from  first-fruits,  tithes,  fees,  etc. 

The  republican  government  from  a very  early  time 
understood  that  the  immense  power  wielded  by  the 
church  was  incompatible  with  the  spirit  of  the  age, 
and  began  gradually,  almost  year  by  year,  to  curtail 
it,  and  to  loosen  the  ties  formerly  existing  between  the 
civil  and  ecclesiastical  authorities.  In  the  decade  from 
1851  to  1860,  the  church  lost  much  of  its  political 
sway,  but  still  held  the  powerful  lever  of  its  great 
wealth.  It  was  afterward  deprived  of  that  wealth, 
and  its  much-abused  power  ceased.  This  occurred 
during  the  war  begun  in  I860  by  the  liberal  party 
under  General  Mosquera  against  the  conservatives,  in 
which  the  clergy  took  sides  with  the  latter.  Mosquera 
triumphed ; and  his  first  measure  was  to  destroy  the 
power  of  the  church.  He  issued  decrees  confiscating 
its  whole  property.68  That  was,  of  course,  accom- 
panied with  banishments  of  bishops  and  priests.69  But 
afterward,  when  affairs  became  more  settled,  they 
returned  poor  and  submissive  to  live  on  fees  for  the 

66  The  bishops  in  the  exercise  of  their  functions,  and  administration  of 
church  property,  had  the  assistance  of  the  civil  authorities,  who  carried  out 
their  orders  without  questioning  them. 

6;  Every  New  Granadan  or  Colombian  assigned,  to  the  prejudice  of  his 
heirs,  a certain  amount  to  the  church  for  masses  and  other  supposed  benefits  it 
could  do  to  his  soul.  Successive  descendants  followed  the  example.  The 
priests  often  threatened  the  dying  with  the  penalties  of  hell  if  they  did  not 
purchase  their  salvation.  Clerical  intolerance  knew  no  limits. 

Bs  Excepting  only  cathedrals,  the  chief  church  of  each  parish,  and  the  sa- 
cred vessels  and  ornaments.  Maldomulo,  Amnios  Poltt.  Pan.,  MS.,  3-5,  15,  17. 

69  The  bishop  of  Panama  left,  and  his  priests  followed  his  example  one  by 
one.  Panama  was  thus  left  without  a priest;  the  dead  had  to  be  buried  without 
the  offices  of  a minister;  for  more  than  a year  the  churches  had  no  bell-tolling 
or  officiating  minister.  An  English  catholic  missionary,  passing  to  San  Fran- 
cisco, ventured  to  say  mass  and  baptize  in  private.  He  was  arrested,  though 
finally  allowed  to  embark.  Bidvxlls  Jsth.  Pan.,  238-43. 


PANAMA  CHURCH  AFFAIRS. 


637 


ministration  of  religious  rites.70  From  all  accounts  the 
people  had  not  lost  much  by  the  absence  of  the  priests 
The  clergy,  taken  all  in  all,  did  not  deserve  any  con- 
sideration, and  with  a few  honorable  exceptions,  do 
not  deserve  it  now,  for  they  have  taken  no  pains  to 
enlighten  the  masses,  and  their  discipline  and  morals 
have  not  been  and  are  not  exemplary. 

It  was  made  unlawful  to  settle  property  on  the 
church.  Religious  communities,  such  as  friars,  or 
monks,  nuns,  etc.,  were  strictly  forbidden.'1  Church 
and  state  have  been  since  that  time  independent  of 
one  another,  but  by  law  no  person  can  become  a bishop 
or  the  guardian  of  a diocese  who  is  not  a native  citi- 
zen of  the  republic.  All  religious  sects  not  indulging 
in  immoral  practices  are  recognized  and  protected 
by  the  laws.'2  In  Panamd  the  cemeteries  are  in 
charge  of  a commission  deriving  its  powers  from  the 
civil  government. 

70  The  laws  were  modified  in  May  1864.  The  govt  reserved  the  right  of 
inspection,  but  made  the  oath  of  submission  obligatory  on  the  chief  of  the 
church  having  authority  as  such.  Bulls  or  orders  emanating  from  any  one 
residing  in  a foreign  country  could  not  be  published  or  enforced  without 
first  obtaining  permission  from  the  national  executive.  Pan.,  Boletin  Ojic., 
Jan.  16,  1868. 

71  Under  Mosquera’s  decrees  when  he  was  dictator,  the  few  nuns — four 
aged  .and  one  young — occupying  the  convent  of  La  Concepcion  in  Panama 
were  made  to  abandon  it  in  Sept.  1862.  Nic.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  Oct.  4,  1862. 
These  women  would  not  forsake  the  cloister,  but  sought  an  asylum  in  Lima. 
With  tearful  eyes  they  exiled  themselves  from  their  home,  and  from  friends, 
many  of  whom  had  received  their  education  from  them.  'J  heir  departure 
caused  no  little  feeling  in  the  pub.  heart.  Maldonado,  Asuntos  Polit.  Pan., 
MS.,  18. 

72  Dec.  15,  1S68,  a charter  was  granted  by  the  state  govt  to  a protestant 
church  association.  Pan.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  Feb.  18,  1869. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 


JUDICIAL  AND  MILITARY 

1887. 

Judicial  System  of  Guatemala — Jury  Trials  in  the  Several  States— 
Courts  of  Honduras — Absence  of  Codes  in  the  Republic — Dilatory 
Justice — Impunity  of  Crime  in  Honduras  and  Nicaragua— Salva- 
dor’s Judiciary — Dilatory  Procedure — Codification  of  Laws  in 
Nicaragua — Costa  Rican  Administration — Improved  Codes — Pan- 
ama Courts — Good  Codes — Punishments  for  Crime  in  the  Six 
States— Jails  and  Penitentiaries — Military  Service — Available 
Force  of  Each  State — How  Organized — Naval — Expenditures — 
Military  Schools — Improvements. 


During  the  Spanish  rule  the  administration  of 
justice  in  Central  America  was  vested  in  the  real 
audiencia,  composed  of  a regente,  several  oidores,  a 
fiscal,  and  secretary,  the  governor,  captain-general  of 
the  provinces,  being  ex-officio  the  president.  The 
courts  of  first  resort  were  filled  by  alcaldes  may  ores.1 

One  great  step  taken  early  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury was  the  abolition  of  torture  of  prisoners  and  wit- 
nesses.2 The  cortes  had  previously,  in  September 
1813,  decreed  the  abolishment  of  flogging  for  crime, 
or  in  houses  of  correction,  seminaries,  schools,  etc.3 

Soon  after  the  establishment  of  the  Central  Amer- 
ican confederation,  the  national  constituent  assembly 


1 Some  of  the  alcaldes  may  ores  had  in  1810  only  $300  allowed  them  yearly, 
oihers  $500,  and  the  highest  paid  received  $1,200.  The  system  did  not  recom- 
mend itself.  Gnat.,  Apunt.,  65-71.  There  was  also  a consulado  or  tribunal  of 
commerce  established  in  Guat.  April  30,  1794.  Juarros'  Stat.  and  Comm.  Hist. 
Gnat.,  142  3. 

‘ Royal  decree  of  July  25,  1814.  Fernando  VII  , Dec.,  12. 

3 The  king  ratified  it  June  4,  1820.  The  Indians  were  benefited  thereby, 
for  even  priests  were  strictly  forbidden  to  Hog  them.  Id.,  301-2. 

(638) 


PRESENT  JUDICIAL  SYSTEM. 


639 


organized  a supreme  court  of  justice  for  the  state  of 
Guatemala.  Since  the  dissolution  of  the  confedera- 
tion, the  judicial  system  of  the  several  states  has 
undergone  many  changes,  which  it  would  occupy  too 
much  space  to  detail  here.4  I will  therefore  confine 
myself  to  the  present  organizations,  giving  such  other 
particulars  as  are  of  general  interest. 

In  Guatemala  the  administration  of  justice  is  in- 
trusted to  a supreme  court,  four  chambers  or  sections 
of  second  resort  in  the  capital,  and  one  court  of  second 
resort  in  Quezaltenango.5  There  are  also  courts  of 
first  resort  and  lower  courts  for  the  adjudication  of 
petty  civil  cases,  or  the  correction  of  trivial  offences. 
The  jury  system  was  formally  established  by  the  lib- 
eral government  in  1872. 6 

The  legislature,  recognizing  the  necessity  of  amend- 
ing the  existing  codes,  authorized  the  executive  to 
issue  laws  conducive  thereto,  which  was  done.7  The 
government  has  caused  the  construction  of  two  peni- 
tentiaries, one  in  the  city  of  Guatemala,  and  the  other 
in  Quezaltenango.8 

Under  the  late  organization  justice  is  administered 

4 Those  desirous  of  studying  the  judiciary  of  Guat.  as  it  existed  down  to 
1872  may  find  information  in  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  241-2,  003-4;  li.  21-45, 
51-69;  iii.  215-29,  305-6;  Rocha,  C6d.  Nic. , ii.  242-3;  Montufar,  Reseha  Hist., 
ii.  336-41;  Guat.,  Boletin  Ojic.,  132-7. 

5 The  first  complete  reorganization  was  by  the  law  of  May  22,  1872.  The 
creation  of  the  superior  court  at  Quezaltenango  was  by  law  of  July  29,  1872. 
Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.  Gob.  Dernoc.,  i.  88-9,  114-15.  On  the  15th  of  Oct.,  1876, 
a supreme  court,  composed  of  a president  and  four  magistrados,  was  estab- 
lished, because  the  organization  of  the  superior  courts  hindered  the  prompt 
administration  of  justice.  Salv.,  GacetaOJic.,  Oct.  13,  14,  1876.  Subsequently, 
there  was  an  increase  in  the  number  of  justices,  the  court  was  divided  into 
five  sections  or  chambers,  of  which  the  fifth  was  suppressed  March  29,  1882. 

6 Trial  by  jury  had  been  decreed,  on  the  promulgation  of  the  Livingston 
code  in  Jan.  1837,  under  the  law  of  Aug.  27,  1S36.  It  was  suspended  by  de- 
cree of  March  13,  1838,  on  the  ground  of  its  impracticability  in  a country  so 
unprepared  for  it  us  Guat.  then  was.  Montufar,  Reseha  Hist,. , ii.  289-343;  iii. 
63-84;  Salv.,  Diario  Ojic.,  Feb.  14,  1875;  Pineda  de  Mold,  Nota,  in  Guat., 
Recop.  Ley.,  i.  464;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  192;  Squier’s  Trav.  Cent.  Am.,  ii. 
419,  426. 

7 In  consequence  350  reformatory  articles  were  adopted  in  connection  with 
the  civil  code,  and  the  reforms  to  the  code  of  procedure  in  civil  cases  were 
almost  as  extensive;  a few  were  also  made  to  the  commercial;  and  a consider- 
able number  to  the  penal  code,  and  to  that  of  procedure  in  criminal  causes. 
Gucd.,  Mem.  Sec.  Gobern.,  etc.,  1880-3. 

kGuat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1880,  38-9,  65-6,  1885,  53,  and  annex  13 


640 


JUDICIAL  AND  MILITARY. 


with  fair  regularity  and  promptness.9  During  Barrios’ 
rule  an  efficient  police  was  organized  in  the  capital. 

In  Honduras  the  absence  of  a penal  code  caused 
delays  in  the  prosecution  of  criminals,  and  there  being 
no  good  jails  or  prisons,  their  offences  often  went  un- 
whipped  of  justice.10  Hence  the  numerous  robbers  and 
assassins  then  infesting  the  frontiers.  However,  we 
are  assured  that  in  the  well-settled  portions  of  the 
country  life  and  property  were  secure.  Capital  pun- 
ishment being  abolished  by  the  constitution,  the 
severest  punishment  that  could  be  inflicted  was  that 
of  500  blows  with  a heavy  withe  of  the  consistency 
of  India-rubber.11 

The  government  in  1876  and  succeeding  years  in- 
troduced reforms  in  the  police  department.  The  polit- 
ical disturbances,  which  had  nullified  the  action  of  the 
courts,  being  now  at  an  end,  the  supreme  and  lower 
courts  were  at  once  reorganized,  and  permitted  to  ex- 
ercise their  functions.  But  the  non-existence  of  suit- 
able penal  establishments,  and  the  antiquated  legis- 
lation, were  powerful  drawbacks.  The  minister-gen- 
eral was  directed  by  the  president  to  procure  the  best 
works  on  legislation,  and  the  most  noted  codes  on 
civil  and  criminal  matters,  as  well  as  on  mining,  com- 
merce, etc.,  with  the  view  of  placing  the  materials  in 
the  hands  of  competent  persons,  who  were  to  form 
codes  suited  to  the  requirements  of  the  country.12 
Such  work  demands  careful  study,  and  time  to  accom- 
plish it.  I am  not  aware  that  it  is  even  commenced. 

9 During  1881  the  supreme  court,  issued  1,995  sentences  in  criminal  cases, 
only  two  of  them  were  capital,  one  of  which  was  commuted;  in  1882,  1,467; 
1883,  1,726;  1884,  2,489  offences  were  classified  as  crimes,  and  10,130  as  mere 
misdemeanors;  of  the  former  1,321,  and  of  the  latter  1,460,  were  acquitted; 
1,168  of  the  former  and  8,670  of  the  latter  were  sentenced,  none  to  death, 
and  only  two  to  extraordinary  imprisonment. 

10  It  was  notorious  that  escaped  criminals  freely  moved,  menacing  the  lives 
of  those  who  had  had  any  agency  in  their  arrest.  The  facility  for  evading  the 
action  of  the  law  was  such  that  criminals  did  not  fear  it.  Bond.,  Mem.  Min • 
utro  Gen.,  1S52,  9-10. 

"A  robber  and  murderer  named  Umansor,  who  effected  his  escape  from 
the  fort  at  Omoa,  survived  under  400  blows  on  two  occasions;  but  200  blows 
on  the  bare  back  generally  ended  the  sufferings  of  the  culprit  when  applied 
with  that  design.  Wells'  Bond.,  229-30. 

12  Presid.  Solo,  Mensaje,  May  27,  1877 


SALVADOR  AND  NICARAGUA. 


641 


The  laws  of  Salvador  were  codified  in  1875. 13  The 
judiciary  is  vested  in  a supreme  court,  tribunals,  juries,14 
and  inferior  judges  established  by  the  constitution  and 
the  laws.15  The  president  in  his  message  of  1878  to 
congress  stated  that  the  administration  of  justice  was 
not  yet  as  expeditious  as  it  should  be,  owing  chiefly 
to  confusion  in  the  laws,  to  obviate  which  he  had  ap- 
pointed commissioners  to  study  them,  and  introduce 
harmony  in  the  legislation.16  During  the  year  1878 
the  chamber  of  third  resort  issued  188  decisions,  com- 
prising final  sentences  and  decrees  in  civil  and  criminal 
causes.1' 

The  administration  of  justice  in  Nicaragua  is  vested 
in  a supreme  court  and  a variety  of  lower  courts.18 
The  supreme  court  is  divided  into  two  sections,  one 
residing  at  Leon,  and  the  other  at  Granada.19  The 
alcalde  of  each  town  has  cognizance  of  civil  cases  not 
exceeding  $100  in  value,  and  of  simple  infractions  of 

13  Salv.,  Mem.  Sec.  Gobern.,  1875;  Id.,  Diario  Ofic.,  March  17,  1875. 

14  Trial  by  jury  in  criminal  cases  was  first  established  in  Aug.  1832,  but 
being  found  impracticable,  owing  to  the  ignorance  of  the  masses,  it  was  abol- 
ished. Dunlop’s  Cent.  Am.,  186.  The  system  was  restored  by  the  constitution 
of  1872.  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Oct.  17,  1875. 

lD  The  supreme  court  is  composed  of  eleven  magistrados,  one  of  whom  is 
the  president.  In  San  Salv.  there  are  two  chambers  of  2d  resort  with  two 
justices  in  each,  and  one  of  3d  resort  composed  of  the  president  and  the  two 
senior  justices.  A majority  of  the  magistrados  constitutes  the  full  supreme 
court.  There  is  also  a chamber  of  2d  instance  in  San  Miguel,  and  another  in 
Santa  Ana.  Seven  suplentes  or  substitutes  fill  temporary  absences  of  the  in- 
cumbents, three  for  the  capital,  and  two  for  each  of  the  others.  No  magis- 
trado,  or  judge  of  a court  of  first  resort,  can  hold  office  in  the  executive  or 
legislative  departments  of  the  government.  The  supreme  court-martial  was 
abolished  by  law  of  Aug.  31,  1875.  Military  courts  of  first  instance  existing 
in  the  depts  were  suppressed,  excepting  that  in  the  capital,  and  their  functions 
devolved  on  the  comandantes.  Salv. , Diario  Ofic.,  Sept.  3d-Sth;  Id.,  Gaceta 
Ofic.,  Sept.  13,  1876. 

1B  Presid.  Zaldivar,  Mensaje,  Jan.  14,  1878. 

17  The  1st  chamber  of  2d  instance  in  the  capital,  1,736;  the  2d,  1,889;  that 
of  Santa  Ana,  2,323;  and  the  one  at  San  Miguel,  1,370.  Salv.,  Mem.  Sec.  Del. 
Just.,  etc.,  1879;  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  June  26,  28,  July  4,  13,  1878. 

18  The  Livingston  code  of  Louisiana  with  trial  by  jury  was  established  in 
1S36,  but  suspended  in  1845.  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  192;  Sandoval,  Dev.  Do  III., 
22.  The  organic  law  of  the  courts  is  dated  July  4,  1857,  and  underwent  modi- 
fications Sept.  3,  1858.  Docha,  C6d.,  Nic.,  ii.  167-98;  Nic.,  Dec.  y Acuerdos, 
1859,  ii.  27-8;  Ivforme,  Min.  Gobern.,  1859. 

19  The  former  has  jurisdiction  over  the  depts  of  Leon,  Chinandega,  and 
Segovia;  and  the  latter  over  those  of  Granada,  Rivas,  Chontales,  and  Mata- 
galpa.  Levy,  Nic.,  344. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Von.  III.  41 


642 


JUDICIAL  AND  MILITARY. 


police  ordinances.  Cases  of  greater  importance  must 
go  before  the  judge  of  first  resort.20 

The  laws  have  never  been  collected  and  revised  to 
form  one  body  of  legislation.  The  only  ones  published, 
to  my  knowledge,  are  the  code  of  commerce,  on  March 
12,  1869;  the  civil  code,  on  March  31,  1871;  that  of 
civil  procedure,  in  May  1871;  and  lastly,  the  laws  on 
hacienda,  in  1872.21  The  executive  in  his  message  of 
1871  complained  that  the  legislation  was  defective, 
and  that  it  was  almost  impossible  to  terminate  suits 
at  law.22  In  criminal  causes  the  constitution  enjoined 
the  greatest  precautions  and  restrictions  for  inflicting 
the  death  penalty,  which  was  by  shooting  the  prisoner. 
But  that  penalty  was  finally  abolished  on  the  31st  of 
March,  1873.23  Trial  by  jury  for  grave  offences  was  es- 
tablished on  the  31st  of  March,  1871.  Punishments 
for  other  offences  are,  under  the  penal  code  of  1839, 24 
detention  for  a long  or  short  term,  with  or  without 
pecuniary  fines,  in  chains  or  without  them,  and  with 
hard  labor,  or  none.  Women  sentenced  for  serious 
crime  are  made  to  work  in  the  hospitals.  Incorrigible 
criminals  of  the  male  sex  may  be  sentenced  to  receive 
a number  of  blows  on  the  bare  back,  even  as  many  as 
500,  as  elsewhere.25 

The  number  of  criminal  prosecutions  initiated  from 
December  1,  1880,  to  Nov.  30,  1882,  throughout  the 


20  There  is  in  each  department  or  district  a court  for  civil  and  criminal 
affairs;  but  in  largely  populated  departments  there  is  also  a court  of  criminal 
jurisdiction.  Rocha,  Cdd.  Nic.,  ii.  217,  244-316.  There  should  also  be  a juez 
de  agricultura,  and  a juez  de  la  mesta,  under  existing  laws.  Cases  involving 
only  $100  are  acted  upon  verbally;  all  others  in  writing. 

21  Nic.,  Ivforme  Min.  Fomento,  1869;  Icl.,  Dec.  y Acuerdos,  1871,  123-33; 
Id.,  Oaceta,  March  18,  Apr.  1,  22,  June  3,  1871;  El  Porverdr  de  Nic.,  Oct.  22, 
1871;  Feb.  25,  1872;  Nic  , Mem.  Min.  Hoc.,  1872;  Id.,  Informe  Min.  Gobern., 
1875. 

22  ‘ Los  pleitos,  por  decirlo  asl,  se  eternizan,  y es  muy  raro  ver  uno  que 
Uegue  a concluirse.  ’ Mensaje  del  Presid.,  Marzo  1871. 

23  Nic.,  Semanal  Nic.,  Oct.  16,  1873. 

24  Manure,  Efem.,  49.  It  has  been  asserted  that  as  a rule  offenders  are  not 
vigorously  prosecuted,  and  for  various  reasons  often  go  unpunished. 

25  Ley  de  presidios,  Aug.  18,  1858;  Ley  de  Palos,  Sept.  1,  1858.  Prisoners 
sentenced  to  hard  labor  serve  out  their  terms  on  the  works  in  forts  San  Juan 
and  San  Carlos,  by  president’s  order  of  Oct.  6,  1880.  Nic.,  Mem.  Min.  Gobern., 
1883,  22-3,  and  annex  B,  27. 


COSTA  RICA  JUDICIARY. 


643 


republic,  were  1,97G  of  men  and  161  of  women,  a total 
of  2,137.26 

Costa  Rica,  as  soon  as  she  became  a member  of  the 
Central  American  confederation,  organized  a judiciary 
of  her  own,  consisting  of  a superior  court,  several  tri- 
bunals of  first  resort  in  the  provinces,  and  the  alcaldes 
of  towns,  who  were  justices  of  the  peace,  with  juris- 
diction over  petty  affairs  both  civil  and  criminal.  The 
supreme  court  has  since  undergone  many  changes, 
which  would  occupy  too  much  space  to  detail.  Its 
members  have  been  sometimes  appointed  by  the  exec- 
utive, and  at  others  chosen  by  the  people  or  the  legis- 
lative body.27  At  present,  they  are  elective,  the  court 
being  formed  with  the  following  personnel:  president 
of  the  full  court,  presidents  of  the  first  and  second 
sections,  six  justices,  secretary,  and  the  requisite  clerks, 
etc.2><  The  administration  of  justice  in  the  first  in- 
stance is  vested  in  courts  sitting  in  each  province,  and 
having  civil  and  criminal  jurisdiction,  except  in  the 
province  of  San  Jose,  which  has  a civil  and  a criminal 
court,  distinct  from  one  another.29 

Costa  Rica  adopted  in  or  about  1841  a civil  and 
penal  code,  and  likewise  a code  of  procedure,  with 
which  she  rid  herself  of  the  old  cumbersome  and  ex- 
pensive legislation.30  But  nothing  was  done  toward 

26 Of  which  578  resulted  in  conviction;  244  were  dismissed;  and  1,087  were 
pending.  Id.,  annex  G,  no.  vi. 

27  Costa  R. , Col.  Ley.,  iii.-xxii.,  passim;  Id.,  Menu  Min.  Gobern.,  1857  and 
1859;  Montufar,  Reseila  Hist.,  v.  344,  348. 

28The  yearly  salaries  are:  chief  president,  $2,160;  the  other  presidents, 
$2,040  each;  justices,  $1,800  each;  secretary,  $1,200.  The  yearly  appropria- 
tion for  the  supreme  court  is  nearly  $43,000.  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Sec.  Gobern., 
1884,  annex  D. 

29  Suits  for  sums  not  exceeding  $100  and  trivial  offences  are  attended  to  by 
alcaldes  and  jueces  de  paz.  There  is  also  a special  court  of  hacienda  to  ad- 
judicate upon  claims  of  the  treasury  against  private  parties,  and  for  the  trial 
of  offences  against  the  revenue,  including  also  the  counterfeiting  of  coin.  The 
expense  of  this  court  is  nearly  $700  per  month.  In  Limon  there  is  an  alcalde 
who  acts  as  judge.  The  civil  and  criminal  judges  of  San  Jose  receive  $105  a 
month  each;  the  other  judges,  $125;  the  alcalde  at  Limon,  $50.  The  yearly 
expenditure  of  the  judiciary,  including  the  supreme  court,  fiscal  agencies, 
casa  de  reclusion  $720;  presidio  de  San  Lucas  $11,560;  and  contingents  for 
the  year  1884  was  a little  over  $90,100.  In  former  years,  when  the  ecclesi- 
astic and  military  fueros  were  recognized,  each  had  its  own  courts,  the  system 
being  an  inheritance  from  the  old  Spanish  rule.  It  has  been  abolished. 

39  Costa  R.,  Informe  Sec.  Int.,  I860  and  1865. 


044 


JUDICIAL  AND  MILITARY. 


improving  this  work.  Indeed,  the  administration  of 
justice  in  Costa  Rica  is  not  what  it  should  be,  not  for 
lack  of  honesty,  ability,  or  laboriousness  on  the  part 
of  the  courts,  hut  because  of  the  antiquated  and  inade- 
quate civil  legislation  and  mode  of  procedure.31 

The  government,  after  obtaining1  the  authorization 
of  the  national  congress,  appointed  a commission  to 
form  new  codes.32  No  difficulties  were  apprehended 
in  regard  to  the  civil  code ; but  the  penal  code,  involv- 
ing the  manner  of  dealing  with  criminals,  has  required 
a more  careful  study,  with  the  view  of  abandoning  the 
old  vindictive  system.33 

Under  the  new  penal  code  there  were  to  be  three 
separate  presidios  for  different  grades  of  criminals; 
but  owing  to  scarcity  of  funds  only  two  were  estab- 
lished, one  on  Coco  Island,  and  the  other  on  San 
Lucas.34  But  later,  under  an  executive  order  of  No- 
vember G,  1882,  the  prisoners  on  Coco  were  removed 
to  San  Lucas,  and  thus  were  the  three  presidios  which 
should  have  been  separate  merged  into  one. 

Under  the  latest  constitution  of  the  state  of  Panamd,, 
the  judiciary  was  comprised  of  the  following:  a superior 
court  in  the  state  capital;35  one  district  court  for  civil 
and  one  for  criminal  affairs  in  the  same  city;  in  the 
other  departments  the  district  judge  has  jurisdiction 
over  civil  and  criminal  causes.  In  each  ward  of  the 
capital  there  is  an  alcalde,  and  in  the  country  a regidor 
for  each  canton.38 

31  This  was  recognized  by  the  min.  of  justice  in  his  report  of  May  15,  1884. 
Costa  A'.,  Mem.  Soc.  Just,  y Gracia,  1884,  29. 

32  The  commissions  began  their  labors  at  once,  but  had  not  completed  them 
i i July  1885.  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Just,  y Gracia,  1872-85. 

33  A law  of  July  10,  1873,  introduced  the  jury  system  in  criminal  causes. 
Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xxii.  52-69;  Id.,  Informe  Sec.  Just.,  1873,  23-4;  1876, 
19-20. 

31  The  prison  on  Coco  was  first  decreed  July  3,  1S74,  hut  the  law  not  hav- 
ing been  carried  out,  it  was  reiterated  Jan.  21,  1878.  The  regulation  of  Feb. 
25,  1874,  for  San  Lucas  placed  it  under  the  control  of  the  governor  of  the 
comarca  of  Puntarenas.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xxii.  35-48,  89-90;  Id.,  Inf.  Sec. 
Gobern.,  1874,  28;  1879,  16-18;  Id.,  Col.  I)ispos.  Ley.,  1878,  92-3. 

35 Composed  of  three  justices,  whose  terms  of  office  are  of  four  years. 
There  are  substitutes  to  fill  temporary  vacancies. 

30  The  alcaldes  and  regidores  have  charge  of  the  preservation  of  order  in 
their  respective  districts,  and  iuitiate  proceedings  for  offences  against  the 


PANAMA  MATTERS 


645 


A penal  code  was  adopted  by  the  constituent  assem- 
bly in  July  1863,  under  which  capital  punishment 
was  abolished,  and  the  highest  penalty  established 
was  that  of  ten  years  in  chains  with  hard  labor.37  V 
contract  was  entered  into  with  Justo  Arosemena  in 
1868  to  revise  some  codes  and  form  others  A and  in 
general  to  codify  all  existing  laws.  The  contract  was 
fully  carried  out,  and  the  state  became  possessed  of  a 
full  and  well-arranged  system  of  legislation. 

Of  the  criminal  prosecutions  initiated  in  1876  only 
thirteen  per  centum  resulted  in  convictions,  which 
elicited  from  the  government  secretary  some  depreca- 
tory remarks.39  The  state  had  in  1880  an  organized 
body  of  police  of  a little  over  forty  men  including  the 
officers.  The  men  are  armed  with  a club,  and  on  ex- 
traordinary occasions  with  carbines  or  rifles.40  The 
prison  arrangements  have  nothing  to  commend  them.41 

In  regard  to  the  military  department  of  the  Isth- 
mus, hardly  anything  can  be  said  with  certainty.  It 
might  possibly,  in  an  emergency,  keep  under  arms 
3,000  or  4,000  men  for  a short  period.  The  force  in 
active  service  has  varied  with  circumstances  from  400 
or  500  to  75. 42  The  number  of  commissioned  officers 

laws,  and  after  the  investigation  has  been  completed,  pass  the  papers  to  the 
proper  court.  These  officials  also  have  jurisdiction  over  civil  causes  not  ex- 
ceeding $200  in  value.  When  the  claim  does  not  exceed  .$25,  the  court's 
decision  is  final.  If  it  does,  the  court  hears  the  parties,  receives  the  testi- 
mony of  witnesses,  and  renders  a decision,  which  may  be  appealed  from  to 
the  superior  court.  Judges  and  alcaldes  in  former  years  were  greatly  re- 
spected by  the  people,  and  their  decrees  obeyed  without  demur.  Maldonado, 
Asuntos  Polit.  Pan.,  MS.,  2,  5. 

37  Other  penalties:  imprisonment,  banishment,  deprivation  or  suspension 
of  political  rights,  surveillance  of  the  authorities,  fines,  etc.  Credits  are 
allowed  prisoners  for  good  behavior.  Trial  by  jury  in  criminal  cases  exists. 
A jury  of  seven  meet  at  the  chief  town,  hear  the  evidence,  and  by  an  absolute 
majority  convict,  qualifying  the  offence,  or  acquit.  Pan.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  30, 
to  Sept.  24,  1863;  Feb.  19,  1880;  Id. , Boletin  Ojic.,  Nov.  18,  1865. 

38  The  civil,  penal,  procedure,  military,  and  commercial  codes.  Id.,  Sept. 
5,  1868;  Id.,  Inf.  Mem.  Sec.  Est.,  1872,  13;  1877,  33. 

39  He  drew  the  conclusion  that  the  jury  system,  in  the  state  of  ignorance 
so  general  among  the  masses,  instead  of  being  a safeguard  for  society  served 
to  afford  impunity  to  criminals.  Id.,  Mem.  Sec.  Jen.  Est.,  1876,  19-22;  1879, 
102-3. 

40 Pan.,  Ley.,  1879-80,  52-5. 

41  Pan.,  Informe  Gobernador,  17-19. 

42  A decree  of  Dec.  23,  1879,  fixed  the  force  at  140  with  the  officers;  a 


646 


JUDICIAL  AND  MILITARY. 


has  ever  been  large,  and  not  a few  of  them  received 
pay  without  rendering  any  service  worth  mentioning.43 
The  general  government  of  Colombia  usually  keeps  a 
force  of  its  own,  varying  between  150  and  500  men, 
with  the  double  object  of  guarding  the  transit  from 
interruption,  and  of  controlling  the  political  situation. 

The  available  military  force  of  Costa  Rica  for  active 
service  is  close  upon  15,000  men,  to  which  must  be 
added  a reserve  of  nearly  6,000,  the  national  guard  of 
about  3,500,  and  the  field  and  company  officers  num- 
bering 2,485.  The  garrisons  of  San  Josd,  Cartago, 
Heredia,  Alajuela,  Liberia,  and  Puntarenas  in  1883 
aggregated  less  than  500,  including  officers,  and  85 
musicians,  a reduction  of  128  from  the  preceding 
year.44  The  garrison  formerly  kept  at  the  president’s 
house  was  suppressed.  Schools  exist  for  instructing 
the  militia  officers.  A good  supply  of  arms,  ammuni- 
tion, and  other  war  material  is  kept  in  serviceable 
condition.45  Costa  Rica  formerly  had  a navy  of  three 
steam  vessels  and  one  schooner.  The  latter  is  all  she 
has  now,  besides  two  small  steamers  used  for  the 
protection  of  the  revenue.  ^ 

In  Nicaragua  the  army  continued  in  the  biennial 
period  of  1881-2,  as  formerly  organized,  in  three  divis- 
ions of  3,200  men  each,  which  might  easily  be  in- 
creased, but  that  number  was  deemed  sufficient  to 
cover  the  garrisons.46  The  republic  is  provided  with 

second  of  March  1,  1880,  ordered  the  organization  of  the  battalion  Ancon  no.  1 
with  95  to  125;  another  of  Feb.  22,  1881,  reduced  it  to  75.  The  pay  of  the 
rank  and  file  was  fixed  in  18S0  as  follows:  1st  sergt,  $27;  2d  sergt,  $24;  1st 
corporal,  $21;  2d  corp.,  $18;  private,  $15.  No  rations  allowed.  Pan.,  Oa- 
ceta,  Jan.  8,  March  21,  May  9,  June  24,  27,  1880;  Sept.  15,  25,  1881.  The 
force  was  greatly  augmented  during  the  disturbances  of  1885.  Pan.  Star  and 
Herald,  Dec.  22,  1885. 

43  A law  of  1881  established  the  ranks  of  gen.  -in-chief,  gen.  of  division, 
gen.  of  brigade,  colonel,  lieut-col,  major,  capt.,  lieut,  and  sub-lieut.  On  the 
1st  of  Dec.,  1877,  there  were  8 generals,  43  colonels,  lieut-col,  and  majors,  and 
254  from  captains  down.  The  appropriations  for  1877  and  1878  were  $64,000 
each,  of  which  $45,000  was  for  pay.  Pan.,  Mem.  Sec.  Jen.  Est.,  1878,  p. 
xxvii.-xxxii. ; Id.,  Id.,  Hacienda,  1878,  annex  X. 

44  Laferri^re,  writing  for  1873,  says  that  the  regulars  did  not  count  for 
much  as  to  numbers,  though  the  country  had  been  of  late  years  under  a mil- 
itary gov.  De  Paris  a QiwJUwi.,  55-6. 

45  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Min.  Ouer.,  1883  and  1884. 

46  There  were  garrisons  in  Managua,  Granada,  Leon,  Corinto,  San  Carlos, 


ARMY  ART)  NAVY. 


647 


artillery  and  other  arms,  as  well  as  with  the  requi- 
site ammunition.  Invalided  men,  and  widows  and 
orphans  of  the  soldiers,  receive  pensions.47 

Nicaragua  mav  in  the  course  of  time  become  a 

O */  i 

maritime  nation.  At  present  there  is  no  Nicaraguan 
navy.  The  naval  service  is  reduced  to  the  mere 
police  of  the  ports  of  San  Juan  del  Norte,  San  Juan 
del  Sur,  and  Corinto. 

Honduras  has  but  a small  number  of  men  under 
arms  in  time  of  peace,  but  all  male  citizens  from  18 
to  50  years  must  do  military  service  in  time  of  war.43 

The  men  do  not  make  a fine  display,  but  will  march 
from  50  to  60  miles  a day  with  no  other  food  than  a 
plaintain  and  a little  cheese,  and  when  well  officered, 
will  fight  desperately. 

The  government  has  had  it  in  contemplation  to 
introduce  some  order  in  the  service,  and  to  develop  a 
sentiment  of  respect  and  appreciation  of  the  military 
profession;  but  I am  not  aware  that  any  change  for 
the  better  has  taken  place.  Honduras  has  forts  at 
Omoa  and  Trujillo,  the  same  which  existed  in  the 
Spanish  domination;  they  could  offer  resistance  to 
scarcely  any  force  bombarding  them  from  the  sea. 

The  government  of  Salvador,  in  May  1879,  ordered 
a complete  reorganization  of  the  army,  fixing  its  force 
at  20,000  men  in  four  divisions,49  whose  commander- 


< 'astillo  Viejo,  and  Matagalpa,  aggregating  with  the  officers  506  men.  The 
revenue  guards  and  police  number  about  460.  Nic.,  Mem.  Min.  Ouer.,  1883. 
The  battalions  stationed  at  Managua,  the  capital,  bears  the  name  of  guardia 
de  los  supremos  poderes,  being  the  guard  of  honor  of  congress  or  the  execu- 
tive. The  officers  and  soldiers  are  well  dressed.  The  other  troops  merely 
get  a pair  of  pants  and  a shirt.  The  bright  trimmings  distinguish  them  from 
civilians.  As  to  pay,  the  general  of  division  in  active  service  receives  $5  per 
day;  the  private  only  30  cts  per  day  and  no  rations.  Levy,  Nic.,  343-4. 

47  In  1882  the  monthly  appropriation  for  pensions  was  $1,188.  Nic.,  Mem. 
Min.  Ouer.,  1883. 

48  The  army  might  be  raised  to  30,000  or  40,000  men.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald, 
June  2,  18S6.  The  practice  has  been  to  send  out  press-gangs,  to  seize  men 
and  force  them  into  the  ranks,  thus  forming  as  motley  a set  as  can  well  be 
imagined;  some  have  shirts,  some  jackets,  and  others  neither.  Most  of  them 
probably  have  breeches,  but  exceedingly  short  at  the  legs.  Wells’  Hond.,  238 
-40;  Laftrri&re,  De  Paris  a GuaUm,  100-1;  Squier’s  Trav.,  ii.  183-4. 

49  The  eastern,  furnished  by  the  departments  of  San  Miguel,  Usulutan,  La 
Union,  and  G-otera;  the  central,  by  San  Vicente,  Cabanas,  Cuscatlan,  and 
Chalatenango;  the  western,  by  Santa  Ana,  Sonsonat,  and  Ahuachapan;  and 


648 


JUDICIAL  AND  MILITARY. 


in-chief  should  be  the  president  of  the  republic,50  who 
allowed  himself  four  aides-de-camp  of  the  rank  of  colo- 
nel, four  of  the  grade  of  lieutenant-colonel,  and  eight 
others  from  captains  to  sub-lieutenants.  The  term  of 
military  service  was  fixed  at  six  years,  each  man  being 
credited  with  double  time  for  active  service.  The 
cost  of  the  force  doing  garrison  duty,  which  in  187G 
had  been  fixed  at  1,427  men — exclusive  of  the  general 
staff,  other  officers  of  all  grades,  and  two  music  bands 
— was  computed  at  $31,788  per  month.51 

An  act  of  congress  of  January  1877  suppressed 
pensions  of  officials  on  retiring  from  service,  and  ex- 
tended the  rule  to  military  men  having  means  of  their 
own  for  support.  The  retired  pension  was  to  be  paid 
only  to  destitute  ones,  and  in  no  case  was  it  to  exceed 
fifty  dollars  a month.52  A new  military  code  was  pro- 
mulgated on  the  1st  of  January,  1880. 53 

In  Guatemala  military  service  is  required  of  every 
male  citizen  of  the  ages  of  18  to  50,  excepting  Indians, 
priests,  ‘students,’  and  those  who  pay  fifty  dollars  a 
year  for  exemption.54  The  strength  of  the  army  is 
estimated  at  16,000,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  a larger 
force  can  be  raised  when  needed.  The  following  are 
the  grades  of  commissioned  officers  in  the  service : 


the  reserve,  by  San  Salvador,  La  Paz,  and  La  Libertad.  Each  division  was 
formed  with  four  brigades,  and  another  of  artillery;  each  brigade  to  have 
1,000  men  in  two  battalions;  five  companies  of  100  men  to  form  a battalion. 
Salv.,  Diario  OJic.,  Apr.  6,  May  16,  July  9,  10,  1879. 

48  Divisions  to  be  commanded  by  generals  of  division,  brigades  by  generals 
of  brigade;  battalions  to  have  colonels  and  lieut-colouels;  and  each  company 
a capt.,  1st  lieut,  2d  lieut,  and  2 sub-lieuts,  5 sergeants,  and  8 corporals. 
Brevets  were  recognized  in  all  grades  of  commissioned  officers,  under  an  ex- 
ecutive decree  of  1875.  Id.,  Aug.  13,  1875. 

61  The  pay  of  a gen.  of  div.  was  $150  per  month,  of  a gen.  of  brig.  $125, 
col  $100,  lieut-col  $90,  capt.  $57,  lieut  $45,  sub-lieut  $37.50,  serg.  $15,  corp- 
orals, $13J,  and  private  $11.25.  The  new  organization  given  the  army  at 
that  time  was  said  to  secure  a saving  of  $200,000  a year.  Salv.,  Gaceta  OJic., 
Oct.  7,  11,  1876. 

62  The  scale  was  fixed  in  March  1877,  from  $50  for  a general  of  division 
down  to  $10  for  a sub-lieut,  sergeants  $7  and  $6,  corporals  $5,  and  privates 
$4.  The  same  scale  standing  for  widows  and  orphans  to  whom  pensions 
might  be  allowed.  Id.,  Feb.  16,  March  6,  1877. 

43  It  went  into  effect  on  the  15th  of  that  month  and  year.  Salv.,  Diano 
OJic.,  Jan.  2-14,  1880. 

43  A few  paid  for  their  exemption  till  1892.  Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Hac.,  1883, 
24,  and  annex  19. 


GUATEMALA  AFFAIRS. 


649 


generals  of  division  and  of  brigade,55  colonel,  lieuten- 
ant-colonel, first  and  second  comandantes,  captain, 
lieutenant,  and  sub-lieutenant.56 

The  government  of  President  Barrios  labored  as- 
siduously in  providing  the  country  with  a well-disci- 
plined militia,  having  competent  officers,  as  well  as  with 
the  other  necessary  elements  of  a perfectly  organized 
army.  The  military  school  has  already  furnished  use- 
ful officers.57  The  ranks  are  filled  without  dragging 
men  from  their  usual  vocations;  garrisons  are  fre- 
quently relieved,  the  active  service  being  distributed 
among  the  several  departments.  Citizens  have  since 
looked  on  the  profession  as  one  of  honor  and  glory, 
instead  of  shunning  it  as  in  former  times.58  A well- 
provided  hospital  was  established  in  the  capital,  which 
went  into  operation  on  March  15,  1881. 59 

The  expenditures  of  the  war  department  for  the 
fiscal  year  1883  were  $1,031, 501. 60 

65 The  ranks  of  captain-general  and  lieutenant-gen.,  created  for  Miguel 
Garcia  Granados  and  J.  Rufino  Barrios  respectively,  soon  after  the  overthrow 
of  the  oligarchs,  were  suppressed  by  the  latter  in  his  decree  of  Feb.  9,  1873, 
together  with  the  grade  of  mariscal  de  campo  formerly  existing.  He  likewise 
annulled  the  grade  of  sargento  mayor,  creating  in  lieu  thereof  those  of  se- 
gundo  comandante  and  primer  comandante.  Gnat.,  Recop.  Ley.  Gob.  Democ., 
ii.  12-13,  25. 

36  The  pay  of  a private  is  three  reales  per  day,  out  of  which  he  supports 
and  clothes  himself. 

37  The  secretary  of  war  said  of  it:  ‘ Este  establecimiento  promete  muclio 
para  el  porvenir.  ’ And  indeed,  a number  of  its  graduates  were  already  en- 
gaged in  engineering  work  on  the  northern  railroad,  in  running  the  boundary 
line  with  Mexico,  and  in  instructing  the  several  battalions.  Some  had  been 
also  assigned  to  the  artillery  department.  Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Guer.,  1884,  6, 
annex  no.  1. 

58  Officers  in  active  service  cannot  marry  without  leave  from  the  sec.  of 
war,  which  is  not  granted  if  their  marriage  may  prove  detrimental  to  the 
service.  Id.,  1882,  5,  13-14. 

59 It  has  been  properly  kept,  with  beneficial  results.  Id.,  1882,  15;  1883, 
6-7,  annex  3;  1884,  9-10,  doc.  3. 

60  Id.,  1884,  annex  no.  1.  Other  authorities  containing  information  on 
military  affairs  of  Guat.  from  1822  to  1873:  Thompson’s  Guat.,  49G- 504 ; D un- 
lop sCent.  Am.,  168-9;  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  ii.  639-759,  passim;  Id.,  Gob.  Democ., 
i.  6,  103-5,  132-7;  Id.,  Decretos,  nos.  11,  23,  36-7;  Id.,  Mem.  Sec.  Guer.,  1837, 
24-6,  table  6;  Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  516-17;  Boddam  Whetham’s  Across  Cent. 
Am.,  205-8. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 


INDUSTRIAL  PROGRESS. 

1800-1887. 

Early  Agriculture — Protection  of  the  Industry — Great  Progress 
Attained  — Communal  Lands— Agricultural  Wealth — Decay  of 
Cochineal — Development  of  Other  Staples — Indigo,  Coffee,  Sugar, 
Cacao,  and  Tobacco — Food  and  Other  Products — Precious  Woods 
and  Medicinal  Plants — Live-stock — Value  of  Annual  Production 
in  Each  State — Natural  Products  of  Panama — Neglect  of  Agricul- 
ture— Mineral  Wealth — Yield  of  Precious  Metals— Mining  in 
Honduras,  Salvador,  and  Nicaragua — Deposits  of  Guatemala  and 
Costa  Rica — Mints — Former  Yield  of  Panama — Mining  Neglected 
on  the  Isthmus — Inclpiency  of  Manufactures — Products  for  Do- 
mestic Use. 


In  the  early  part  of  the  present  century  cattle  were 
the  mainstay  of  the  large  estates  in  Central  America; 
but  the  great  staple  was  indigo.1  Sugar  and  raspadura 
were  also  important  crops,  but  the  most  valuable  was 
that  of  Indian  corn.  Some  tobacco  was  also  grown. 
The  cacao  plantations  had  ceased  to  exist.  The  cul- 
tivation of  jiquilite,  cochineal,  and  vanilla  had  also 
declined.2 

Guatemala  passed,  from  time  to  time,  laws  for  the 
protection  and  development  of  agriculture,3  and  yet  it 
made  no  notable  progress  down  to  the  end  of  the 
seventh  decade.4  But  with  the  establishment  of  a 

1 Humboldt  estimated  the  production  at  the  value  of  $4,500,000.  Essai, 
Polit.,  ii.  440;  Guat.,  Apunt.,  17-20;  Guat.,  Gaceta,  vi.  70-1,  293-337,  passim. 

2 The  yearly  products  of  Cent.  Am.  were  estimated  in  1826  at  $52,529,450. 
Ocios  Esp.  Emirjr.,  v.  3-11. 

iGuat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  658-89,  744-60. 

4 Though  land  was  free  to  all,  agriculture  was  so  low  that  even  on  the 
richest  soil  staples  were  scarcely  produced  in  sufficient  quantities  for  the  con- 
sumption. Berendt,  in  Smithsonian  Rept,  1867,  424. 

(650) 


GUATEMALA  PLANTATIONS. 


651 


more  liberal  system,  a great  change  soon  became 
manifest.  The  cultivation  of  cochineal  having  become 
unproductive,5  the  government  turned  its  attention  to 
the  development  of  coffee,6  until  it  became  the  first 
source  of  wealth  of  the  country.  In  Antigua  Guate- 
mala coffee,  and  in  Amatitlan  sugar,  have  taken  the 
place  of  cochineal.7  Every  possible  encouragement 
has  been  given  to  other  products,  such  as  sugar, 
wheat,  tobacco,  cinchona,  jiquilite,  spices,  and  grapes, 
with  good  results  in  some  of  them,  and  prospects  of 
the  same  in  others.8  I give  in  note  statistical  data 
on  the  country’s  productions.9 

Honduras  produces  all  the  great  staples  of  the  trop- 
ics. The  land  on  both  coasts  is  adapted  for  cotton.10 
A soft,  slender,  and  juicy  sugar-cane  is  indigenous; 
two  and  even  three  crops  are  taken  annually.  This 
cane  requires  replanting  only  once  in  ten  or  twelve 
years.  Excellent  coffee  may  be  had  in  abundance  if 
cultivated.  Cochineal  and  grapes  were  obtained  in 
former  years.11  The  nopal  is  indigenous  and  abun- 
dant in  Comay agua.  The  tobacco  of  Honduras  has 

a well-deserved  reputation.  Indigo  is  produced  in 

5 The  annual  export  was  estimated  at  nearly  $1,100,000,  but  chemical  sub- 
stances having  been  discovered  to  take  its  place  for  coloring,  the  decadence  of 
the  industry  soon  followed.  Cochineal  could  not  fetch  over  2 to  3 francs  per 
kilogr.  in  France.  Laferriere,  De  Paris  a Guatim.,  247. 

6 It  had  young  trees  planted  in  every  department,  and  for  the  further  in- 
crease of  the  staple,  exempts  the  product  from  interior  taxation  and  export 
dues.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  May  29,  1886. 

I Presid.  Barrios,  Mensaje,  Sept.  11,  1876. 

sGuat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Gobern.  y Just.,  1880;  Id.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1880-2; 
Id.,  Sec.  Hac.,  1882-3;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March  2,  May  29,  1886. 

9 Cochineal,  reduced  from  67,709  qls  in  1860—4  to  2,845  in  1879-83. 
Coffee,  1860-4,  none;  crop  of  1883-4  was  495,385  qls;  next  year’s  estimated 
520,000,  valued  at  $5,291,074.  Sugar,  1860-4,  115,486  qls;  the  production  of 
1883  of  sugar,  panela,  muscovado,  and  molasses  valued  at  $976,902;  1884, 
$1,058,551;  1885,  $915,789.  Rubber,  1879-83,  9,074  qls.  Sundries,  1879- 
83,  115,999  qls.  Flour,  1884,  probable  production  931,144  qls.  Tobacco 
cult,  progressing.  Live-stock,  1884,  horses,  107,187;  mules  and  asses,  41,386; 
neat  cattle,  441,307;  sheep,  417,577;  goats,  27,618;  swine,  177,118.  Total 
value,  $15,  i 12,233.  Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1885-5;  El  Gualemalteco,  Jan. 
1,  Sept.  15,  1884;  Pan.  Evg  Telegram,  May  26,  1886. 

10  As  early  as  1800  there  were  9,600  trees  of  China  cotton.  Quinta  Junta 
Pub.,  14—15;  Juarros,  Guat.,  i.  38-46. 

II  Viag.  Univ.,  xxvii.  1 72—4.  The  Sp.  gov.  had  all  the  vines  destroyed  for 
fear  of  injury  to  the  wine  industry  of  the  mother  country.  Squier’s  Cent , 
Am.,  273;  IF.  Ind. , Descr.  Sp.  Settlers,  45. 


C52 


INDUSTRIAL  PROGRESS. 


quantities  for  commercial  purposes.  Food  staples  are 
varied  and  abundant.  The  country  has  also  a wealth 
of  precious  woods,  and  indeed,  of  every  variety  com- 
mon to  the  tropics.  Of  fruit-trees,  there  are  many 
indigenous.  Sarsaparilla,  of  which  there  is  none  supe- 
rior, is  found  in  abundance,  particularly  on  the  north- 
ern and  eastern  coasts.  Vanilla  grows  in  the  same 
districts.12  Agriculture  is  progressing.  The  cultiva- 
tion of  fruit-trees  on  the  northern  coast  has  drawn  the 
attention  of  capitalists.  Coffee,  indigo,  sugar-cane,  and 
tobacco  are  the  chief  staples.  Neat  cattle  were  the 
most  obvious  source  of  wealth,  the  interior  country 
beino-  favorable  for  their  increase.13 

o 

Salvador,  Nicaragua,  and  Costa  Rica  enjoy  the 
the  same  advantages  as  the  other  two  states  already 
described,  and  have  within  the  last  thirty  years  de- 
veloped agriculture  in  a remarkable  degree.  The 
great  products  of  the  first  named  are  indigo,  coffee, 
maize,  sugar,  and  rice.  A variety  of  other  articles 
contribute  to  increase  the  country’s  wealth.14  The  old 
system  of  communal  lands  prevails  throughout  Cen- 
tral America. 

The  chief  staples  of  Nicaragua  are  cacao,  sugar, 
indigo,  tobacco,  cotton,  coffee,  wheat,  and  other 
cereals,  and  plantains  and  fruits  in  great  profusion.15 

12 Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  192-204;  Laferri&re,  De  Paris  a GuaUm.,  97 

13  They  do  not  yield  a high  income,  however,  the  consumption  at  home  be- 
ing comparatively  small,  and  the  demand  of  the  neighboring  states  limited. 
Id.,  209-11,  272.  Gov.  is  endeavoring  to  improve  the  breed. 

14  Comparative  values:  Indigo — as  early  as  1030  the  yield  was  10,000 
quintals  a year;  the  production  from  1791  to  1800  was  8,752,502  lbs.  at  $2  a 
It).;  1804,  §1,129,105;  1877,  82,140,423.  Coffee— 1804,  about  §80,000;  1877, 
§2,115,009.  Maize — 1877,  §2,780,433.  Sugar  and  muscovado — 1877,  §334,- 
301.  Rice — 1877,  §154,728.  Hides  and  deer-skins — 1S70,  §444,805.  Cattle 
— 1870,  §072,948.  Aggregate  values  for  1870-7— including  rum  made  from 
molasses,  aud  set  down  at  §925,457 — were  §15,448,794.  These  figures  are 
from  official  sources,  but  may  not  be  altogether  reliable.  Salv.,  Diario  OJic., 
Oct.  21,  1S75;  Id.,  GacetaOjic.,  Feb.  7,  24,  1877;  Feb.  19,  1878. 

15 The  cotton  is  of  superior  quality,  and  grown  in  considerable  quantities; 
the  cacao  is  second  only  to  Soconusco;  the  sugar-cane  is  indigenous,  and 
yields  beautiful  sugar;  the  indigo  has  a high  reputation;  the  coffee  is  fully  as 
good  as  Costa  Rica’s,  and  flourishes  well  in  the  higher  grounds.  The  same 
may  be  said  of  tobacco.  Maize  and  rice  grow  in  perfection  and  abundance. 
Stout's  Hie.,  73-85,  345-53;  Dunlop’s  Cent.  Am.,  265-7;  Baily’s  Cent.  Am., 
120-4;  Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  363-4,  377-8,  663;  Id.,  Trav.,  i.  34  9,  158-63;  Id., 
Hie.,  620-2;  Levy,  Hie.,  45S-81;  Wells’  Hand.,  141—3;  Id.,  Walker’s  Eaeped. , 


COSTA  RICA  AND  PANAMX 


653 


The  departments  of  Rivas,  Granada,  Leon,  and  Chi- 
nandega  supply  trade  with  the  most  valuable  staples. 
The  government  has  endeavored  to  promote  agricul- 
ture, particularly  the  cultivation  of  coffee  and  tobacco.10 
Among  other  productions  mention  must  be  made  of 
the  inexhaustible  quantities  of  medicinal  plants,  and 
valuable  cabinet  and  dye  woods.1'  Cattle  are  another 
source  of  wealth,  but  cattle-raising  has  its  drawbacks.18 

Costa  Rica  produces  indigo  and  sugar  of  excellent 
quality,  and  some  of  the  best  cacao  in  the  Matina  Val- 
ley.19 Wheat,  potatoes,  and  other  vegetables,  apples, 
and  other  fruits  of  the  temperate  zone  are  also  found ; 
but  the  republic’s  chief  staple  and  source  of  wealth  is 
coffee.20  The  plantations  are  small  and  looked  to  with 
the  utmost  care.  The  largest  one  of  Costa  Rica 

116;  Lafer-ribre,  De  Paris  a Guatern.,  77-80;  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  75, 
210-12,  216,  vol.  x.  Cong.  31,  Sess.  1;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March  13,  18S6. 

16  Exempting  them  from  taxation  and  otherwise.  Rocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  191- 
4,  206-11;  ii.  106-11;  Nic.,  Reg.  Ofic.,  328-9;  Id.,  Dec.  y Acuerdos,  vol.  for 
1851-61,  passim;  Ley  de  Agric.,  Feb.  18,  1862;  Nic.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  Feb.  15, 
1862;  Id.,  Gaceta,  years  1865-74,  passim. 

17  Mahogany  abounds,  especially  on  the  margins  of  the  branches  of  the 
large  rivers.  The  cutters  are  mostly  Mosquitos  and  Caribs,  who  hire  them- 
selves for  the  season  at  $10  to  $15  a month  and  fed.  In  1862-9  the  govt 
adopted  the  plan  of  farming  out  the  privilege  of  cutting  mahogany.  The 
caoutchouc  trees  were  by  law  declared  in  1S60  govt  property.  Nic.,  Mem. 
Min.  Hac.,  1862;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Apr.  1,  1865;  El  Nacional,  Nov.  10,  1S60. 

18  Nutritious  grasses  and  water  are  scarce  in  the  summer.  On  the  other 
hand,  an  immense  quantity  of  vermin  constantly  torment  the  animals,  and 
disease  takes  hold  of  them,  killing  many.  Cows  yield  only  a small  quantity 
of  milk.  A dairy  possessing  150  to  200  milch  cows  is  said  to  do  well  if  they 
yield  50  lbs.  of  cheese  per  day.  Livy,  Nic.,  478. 

19  Said  to  be  as  good  as  that  of  Soconusco;  but  the  country  is  generally  too 
high  and  cold  for  cacao  culture;  nor  is  the  climate  favorable  for  cochineal, 
cotton,  or  grape,  owing  to  excessive  rains.  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  30-1; 
Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  37.  Spec,  laws  have  been  passed  for  the  promotion 
of  cacao  and  indigo  culture.  Costa  R. , Col.  Ley.,  xi.  299-301;  xii.  216-17;  Id., 
Col.  Ley.,  1866,  161-2;  Id.,  xix.  184—6. 

20  As  late  as  1829  her  sole  article  of  export  was  Brazil  wood.  The  miser- 
able condition  of  the  country  made  its  name  ridiculous.  But  in  a few  years 
the  situation  become  changed.  An  act  was  passed  Sept.  7,  1831,  to  promote 
coffee  culture,  and  in  1835  the  first  export  of  the  article  took  place.  Another 
decree  for  the  same  purpose  was  issued  in  1843.  Id.,  iii.  94-6;  El  Nicaragu- 
ense,  Jan.  9,  1856.  In  1845  no  less  than  45,000  quintals  were  produced;  in 
1848  double  that  quantity;  and  in  1850,  140,000  qls;  from  1854  to  1856  there 
was  no  increase,  owing  to  cholera,  locusts,  and  the  Walker  war  in  Nic. 
However,  the  crop  of  1856  was  about  55,200  qls.  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  Jan.  26, 
1850;  July  1 to  Sept.  23,  1854;  Id.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  June  29,  1854;  Id.,  Mem. 
Sec.  Rel.,  1856,  10-12;  Guat.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  7,  1853;  Wagner,  CostaR.,  41,  307- 
21;  Squier's  Cent.  Am.,  454r-72;  Laferriere,  De  Pans  a Guatirn  , 48-9;  Belly, 
A trav.  I' Amir.  Cent.,  i.  397-400. 


654 


INDUSTRIAL  PROGRESS. 


would  be  considered  small  in  Guatemala;  but  on  the 
other  hand,  men  and  women  find  occupation,  and  there 
is  no  actual  poverty.  The  production  of  coffee  has 
steadily  increased,  except  when  rains  have  been 
scanty  or  excessive,  or  locusts  have  caused  devastation 
in  the  fields.21 

Fiscal  monopolies  have  kept  back,  in  a great  meas- 
ure, the  development  of  the  cultivation  of  sugar  and 
tobacco.22  The  country  is  well  supplied  with  live- 
stock of  all  kinds,  and  is  also  rich  in  valuable  cabinet 
and  dye  woods  as  well  as  in  medicinal  plants. 

The  soil  of  the  Isthmus  of  Panamd  is  well  adapted 
for  all  tropical  productions.  The  country  only  needs 
an  industrious  population  and  peace  to  develop  its 
immense  natural  wealth.  The  chief  productions  are 
Indian  corn,  sugar-cane,  rice,  a great  variety  of  fruits, 
vegetables,  and  nutritious  roots,  such  as  yam,  yucca, 
etc.  Agriculture  has  been  limited  to  the  supply  of 
edibles,  and  of  late  years  to  the  shipment  of  some  fruit 
to  the  United  States.  The  cultivation  of  sugar  and 
coffee  might  be  made  profitable,  though  requiring  a 
large  outlay,  but  for  being  dependent  on  an  uncertain 
supply  of  labor.  In  18G2  and  18G3,  cotton  culture 
was  undertaken  in  the  interior  with  fair  success,  and 
in  1864  had  spread  all  over  the  country.23  The  plant 
is  perennial,  and  yet,  with  this  and  other  advantages, 
the  natives  have  not  become  awake  to  the  importance 

21  In  1802  there  was  a fair  crop:  1873,  333,843  qls;  1874,  about  300, OOU 
valued  in  1’untareuas  port  at  $15.50  per  quintal  of  100  lbs.;  1G76,  a scanty 
crop;  1876,  186,000;  1877,  180,652;  1879,  excessive  raius  caused  heavy  loss; 
18S4,  about  375,000  quintals;  but  1SS5  only  yielded  125,000  or  150,000.  Costa 
Ii.,  Informe  Sec.  Interior,  1862,  10-11;  Id.,  Sec.  Agric.,  1S74,  28;  1876,  20-1; 
1878,14;  1879,22;  Lafervikre,  De  Paris  a Gnatim.,  34;  Julfs,  Die  Seeliafen,  18; 
Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Apr.  9,  23,  1885. 

22  The  manufacture  of  rum  from  sugar-cane  is  a government  monopoly. 
The  cultivation  of  tobacco  has  been  for  many  years  under  the  strictest  regu- 
lations; its  manufacture  and  sale  was  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  govt  agents. 
In  1S50  it  was  declared  free  from  Jan.  1,  1852,  but  the  law  was  repealed  June 
23,  1851.  In  1889  the  monopoly  was  abolished,  but  restored  again  by  law  of 
Feb.  4,  1884.  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  B. , 30;  Costa  It.,  Col.  Ley.,  x.  132-40;  xi. 
331-3;  Id.,  Col.  Ley.,  1869,  15-17,  219-20;  Id.,  Mem.  Sec.  Hoc.,  1852-3;  Id., 
Mem.  Sec.  Gobem.  llac.,  etc.,  1884,  25-6. 

23  The  U.  S.  govt  evinced  in  1863  a disposition  to  promote  its  cultiv.  See 
correspond,  of  agric.  dept,  with  U.  S.  consul  in  Pan.  Bklwell’s  I situ  Pan., 
268-70 


VERAGUA  AND  CHIRIQUL 


655 


of  it.  Cacao  is  another  article  that  might  be  grown 
to  advantage.  The  government  has  tried  to  promote 
the  culture  of  coffee  and  cacao.24 

Coffee  and  sugar  are  cultivated,  but  not  in  sufficient 
quantity  to  meet  even  the  home  demand.  I append 
in  a note  an  official  account  of  agricultural  production 
for  1882,  though  not  giving  it  much  value.25 

Veragua  and  Chiriquf  have  good  plains  for  raising 
neat  cattle,  goats,  pigs,  horses,  asses,  and  mules.26 
Poultry,  and  a great  variety  of  wild  animals  exist  in 
abundance.  The  seas  on  the  two  coasts  are  well  stocked 
with  fish. 

The  Isthmus  has  plenty  of  timber  of  the  best  kinds 
and  of  enormous  size,  found  in  South  Darien,  and  in 
all  the  mountains  on  both  coasts,  and  in  the  islands; 
also  cabinet  and  dye  woods,  and  medicinal  plants.27 


Of  the  five  states  of  Central  America,  Honduras 
appears  to  be  the  most  plentifully  supplied  with  min- 
eral wealth.  Mount  Merendon  was  long  celebrated 
for  its  silver  and  gold  mines.  Until  about  thirty  or 
forty  years  ago,  mining  was  the  most  prominent  inter- 
est in  the  state,  but  wars  and  political  disturbances 
caused  the  abandonment  of  the  mines,  and  the  works 
fell  into  decay,  after  which  there  was  neither  enter- 
prise, capital,  nor  skill  to  restore  them.  The  owners 
of  the  property  afterward  became  owners  of  immense 
grazing  estates.  Some  mines  were  continued  in  oper- 

24 Exempting  from  taxation,  and  by  other  privileges.  Pan.  Ley.,  1S7G-7, 
7;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Jan.  7,  1877;  Bidwell’s  Isth.  Pan.,  264—72;  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc., 
H.  Ex.  Doc.  113,  vol.  vi.  1-2,  35-7,  Cong.  41,  Sess.  2. 

"Tobacco,  2,770  quintals;  grain,  197,320  qls;  cacao,  201  qls;  sugar,  155 
qls;  panela,  29,445  qls;  molasses,  4,694  jugs;  coffee,  2,853  qls;  rubber,  80 
qls;  sundries,  354,285  qls;  medicinal  roots,  390  qls.  Total  value,  $518,062. 
Pan.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1882,  annex  L. 

20No  sheep  are  raised,  and  the  goats,  sometimes  killed,  are  a poor  substi- 
tute. The  pork  is  excellent.  Live-stock  said  to  exist  on  the  Isthmus  in 
1882:  neat  cattle,  114,157;  mules  and  asses,  470;  horses,  9,942;  goats,  24,- 
732;  hogs,  203,209.  Total  value,  $1,270,945.  lb. 

27  It  would  take  too  much  space  to  enumerate  them;  but  a list  may  be 
found  in  the  report  on  the  physical  and  polit.  geog.  of  the  state  of  Pan. , 
drawn  up  by  a commission  despatched  thither  for  that  purpose,  by  the  govt 
of  New  Granada,  in  1859.  See  also  report  of  Martin,  New  Granada  minister 
in  London,  May  1858,  in  Bidwell’s  Isth.  Pan.,  322^40. 


656 


INDUSTRIAL  PROGRESS 


ation,  however,  on  a small  scale,  and  in  a rude  manner.28 
In  18G0  and  for  some  preceding  }mars  the  bullion 
export  of  Honduras  amounted  to  about  $400,000  an- 
nually, most  of  it  being  gold  collected  by  the  Indiano 
from  shallow  washings. 

The  development  of  the  mining  wealth  of  Hondu- 
ras is  engaging  the  attention  of  foreign  capitalists.29 
Several  companies  have  been  organized  in  the  United 
States,  France,  and  elsewhere  to  work  the  mines  in 
the  departments  of  Tegucigalpa,  Santa  Barbara,  Yus- 
caran,  and  Jutigalpa.30 

Guatemala  has  not  been  noted  for  mines.  How- 
ever, the  district  in  the  Alotepec  mountains  was  ricli 
toward  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
yielding  large  quantities  of  silver.31  The  river  sands 
of  the  department  of  Chiquimula  are  auriferous,  and 


28  Silver  ores  are  the  most  abundant,  and  chiefly  located  on  the  Pac.  group 
of  mountains,  whereas  the  gold  washings,  if  not  the  gold  mines  proper,  are 
most  numerous  on  the  Atlantic  side.  The  mineral  districts  in  the  depart- 
ments of  Tegucigalpa,  Choluteca,  and  Gracias  are  very  ricli  in  silver  in 
various  combinations.  The  upper  or  old  mine  of  Coloal  yielded  5S  per  ct.  of 
copper,  and  78  to  84  ounces  of  silver  to  the  ton;  the  ores  of  the  new  mines 
uf  Coloal,  a combination  of  chloride  of  silver,  a little  sulphuret  of  silver, 
oxide  of  iron,  and  antimony,  mixed  with  earthy  matter,  yielded  8,470  ounces 
per  ton  of  2,000  lbs.  Gold  mines  abound  in  llond.,  hut  only  a few  have  been 
worked.  The  chief  supplies  have  been  drawn  from  the  washings  of  Olancho. 
The  rivers  of  Guayape  and  Jalan,  as  well  as  the  streams  running  into  them, 
are  decidedly  the  richest  in  auriferous  sands.  The  finest  gold  is  from  the 
Guayape,  Jalan,  and  Mangualil,  and  from  the  Sulaco,  Caimito,  and  Pacaya, 
in  the  dept  of  Yoro.  The  southern  districts  bordering  on  Nic.  have  rich 
placers.  Hond.  has  also  mines  of  copper,  iron,  platina,  cinnabar,  zinc,  and 
coal.  Very  productive  opal  mines  are  worked  to  some  extent  in  Gracias. 
Amethysts  are  said  to  be  found  in  Campuca.  Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  145-51, 
178-89;  Id.,  Hond.  It.  It.,  85-94;  Montgomery’s  Harr.,  1194;  Baity' s Cent. 
Am.,  100-2;  Hond.  Gac.  Ofic.,  Feb.  20,  March  10,  1853;  Wells’  Hond.,  233- 
539,  passim. 

29  Foreigners  are  allowed  to  work  and  own  mines,  under  the  federal  law  of 
June  27,  1825.  The  ordenanzas  of  New  Spain  regarding  mines  were  declared 
to  he  in  force  June  17,  1825.  Itocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  209;  Gnat.,  Recop.  Leyes, 
i.  238. 

30  The  absence  of  roads  and  difficulty  of  travel  make  mining  unprofitable 
as  yet.  Prcsul.  Soto,  Mensaje,  Feb.  19,  1883;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March 
23,  1883;  Feb.  23,  1886;  II.  S.  Davys ’ Gold  Fields  along  the  Guayape,  etc.,  in 
Cincinnati  Enquirer. 

31  Combined  with  lead  and  copper,  and  also  as  a sulphide  of  silver.  Mate- 
rials convenient  for  working  them  were  at  hand.  The  Central  Am.  Mining 
Co  operating  on  the  locality  sold  between  1858  and  1865  ore  and  bar  silver 
to  the  amount  of  621,000  ounces,  worth  over  §700,000.  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H. 
Ex  Doc.,  Cong.  40,  Sess.  2,  pt  1,  212-14;  Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  526;  U.  S.  Land 
Off.  Rep.,  1867,  116-17,  131-2,  188-90;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Apr.  28,  1S66. 


MINERALS  AND  METALS. 


657 


the  Indians  wash  them  for  gold.32  Recently  several 
deposits  have  been  reported  to  the  government,  of 
lead,  silver,  gold,  cinnabar,  coal,  kaoline,  marble,  etc.33 

Nicaragua  possesses  an  immense  wealth  in  minerals, 
which  has  not  been  developed  as  yet,  except  on  a 
small  scale,  and  generally,  without  any  intelligence. 
Gold  and  silver  and  several  useful  metals  are  found 
in  great  abundance.34  There  are  also  deposits  of 
gypsum,  marble,  alabaster,  lime,  saltpetre,  etc.  Sul- 
phur is  sometimes  found  pure.  The  mining  laws  favor 
the  industry  by  either  natives  or  foreigners.  A mint 
has  existed  in  the  republic  for  several  years. 3,1 

32  Early  in  the  present  century  nuggets  of  22  carats  were  found  near  Choi. 
In  some  mines  the  ore  treated  with  quicksilver  yielded  one  ounce  of  gold  to 
the  100  lbs.,  or  §320  to  the  ton  of  2,000  lbs.  Blazquez,  Opinion,  in  Doc.  Orig. 
Chiapas,  5. 

33  Gold  placers  in  the  dept,  of  Izabal  were  being  worked  on  a large  scale. 
Several  silver  mines  promise  large  yields  when  they  become  exploited.  The 
Indians  of  Zunil  repeatedly  offer  for  sale  in  Quezaltenango  quicksilver  obtained 
from  a mine  which  they  keep  strictly  secret.  In  the  departments  of  Quiche, 
Alta,  Vera  Paz,  and  Huehuetenango  are  salt  springs  and  deposits;  in  Chimal- 
tenango  peat  and  lignite;  between  Guastoya  and  Izabal,  marble;  and  in  sev- 
eral places  on  the  Atlantic  slope,  coal.  The  government  had  a mineralogical 
survey  of  the  country  made.  Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Hac.,  1882,  28;  1S83,  34,  72-4; 
Id.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fornento,  1884,  42;  Wagner,  Costa  R.,  36;  Pan.  Star  and 
Herald,  Jan.  17,  1883. 

34  Among  them  must  be  mentioned  zinc,  iron,  copper,  lead,  tin,  antimony. 
The  mines  of  lead,  iron,  and  copper  are  believed  to  be  inexhaustible.  They 
are  situated  in  a fertile,  cool,  healthy,  and  picturesque  region,  affording 
every  other  facility  for  working  them.  The  whole  northern  frontier  abounds 
in  silver,  a little  of  it  being  obtained  by  primitive  processes.  Quicksilver 
mines,  though  not  rich,  are  common.  The  gold  veins  of  Nic.  come  from 
Hond.,  running  along  the  cordillera  to  the  San  Juan  River,  where  they  become 
somewhat  ramified  before  crossing  it,  and  reappear  in  Costa  R.  The  chief 
one  crosses  the  Machuca  River.  The  gold  is  almost  pure  when  washed  from 
river-beds,  and  more  or  less  mixed  with  silver  when  dug  out  of  the  earth. 
In  the  districts  of  Juigalpa  and  Libertad  hundreds  of  mines  have  been  en- 
tered. The  Jicaro  mines  near  Trinidad,  and  those  of  Santa  Rosa,  Achuapa, 
San  Francisco,  etc.,  have  been  famous.  The  Potosi  and  Corpus  in  colonial 
times  yielded  large  quantities  of  gold.  The  whole  upper  region  of  the  Coco 
River  is  rich.  It  may  be  asserted  that  the  mines  of  Nic.  are  excellent,  but 
the  miners  are  generally  incompetent.  They  use  the  crowbar,  avoiding  gun- 
powder as  too  expensive.  Men  are  easily  procured,  who  work  steadily  though 
slowly  and  by  primitive  methods,  earning  $8  to  $10  per  month,  and  their 
rations.  The  mills  are  mostly  poor.  Sixteen  carat  gold  is  worth  at  the  mine 
$12  an  ounce,  but  the  average  price  paid  by  factors  was  $8  or  $9.  Consider- 
able quantities  of  gold  are  taken  by  the  Indians  from  river  sands  and  bed, 
and  washed  in  pans.  Levy,  Nic.,  160-6,  4S2-6;  Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  364,  392- 
400;  Id.,  Nic.,  653-6;  Nic.,  Mem.  Min.  Fornento,  1871;  Id.,  Mem.  M in.  Pel., 
1875;  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  212-13,  vol.  x.,  Cong.  31,  Sess.  1;  Belly, 
Nic.,  i.  340-6;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Nov.  11,  1865;  May  26,  1866,  suppl. ; Sept.  7, 
1867;  Jan.  11,  July  18,  Aug.  8,  1868. 

30  Nic.,  Gaceta,  March  1,  1873;  Rocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  L 163-72;  Nic.,  Correa 
1st.,  Aug.  29,  1850. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  42 


058 


INDUSTRIAL  PROGRESS. 


In  Salvador  there  can  be  no  mines  of  precious 
metals  out  of  that  portion  of  the  state  which  is  geo- 
logically dependent  on  the  mountain  system  of  Hon- 
duras. The  silver  mines  of  Tabanco,  Encuentros, 
Sociedad,  Loma  Larga,  Divisaderos,  Capetilla,  Santa 
Rosalia,  etc.,  in  the  department  of  San  Miguel,  on 
the  north-eastern  part,  and  bordering  on  Honduras, 
have  had  a wide  celebrity.  Some  of  them  were  ex- 
tensively worked,  and  with  great  profit.  The  group 
called  Minas  de  Tabanco,  holding  the  ore  in  combi- 
nation with  galena  and  sulphuret  of  zinc,  are  easily 
worked.36 

Salvador  has  rich  mines  of  iron  near  Santa  Ana, 
and  of  brown  coal  throughout  the  valley  of  the  Lempa, 
and  in  the  valleys  of  some  of  its  tributaries,  over  a 
region  of  100  miles  long  by  20  miles  broad.37 

Costa  Rica  has  been  less  favored  than  the  other 
states  in  mining  wealth.  Rich  gold  mines  are  sup- 
posed to  exist  near  the  border  of  Panamd.38  In  the 
Aguiate  Mountains  and  at  cuesta  del  Jocote  gold 
mines  vTere  worked  by  foreigners  with  a moderate 
profit.  It  is  stated  that  the  country  also  possesses 
mines  of  silver,  copper,  nickel,  zinc,  iron,  le  d,  and 
coal.39  The  republic  keeps  a well-organized  mint,  the 
improvements  having  been  first  introduced  by  Chief 
Mora;  since  then  none  of  his  successors  has  neglected 
that  establishment. 


36  It  is  said  their  yield  was  47  to  2,537  oz.  of  silver  to  the  ton.  Dunlop 
lias  it  that  they  yielded  at  one  time  $1,000,000  annually,  though  worked 
rudely  and  without  machinery,  and  the  chief  one  of  them  once  produced 
$200,000  annually.  Trav.  in  Cent.  Am.,  277.  A French  company  undertook 
to  work  the  Tabanco  and  Encuentros,  invested  a large  capital,  and  sustained 
losses.  The  Loma  Larga  and  Divisadero,  though  represented  as  richer, 
probably  fared  not  much  better.  Dunn's  Guat.,  225-6;  Daily’s  Cent.  Am.,  92- 
3;  Squier's  Cent.  Am.,  291-4;  Salv.,  Diario  Ojic.,  Dec.  1,  2,  1875;  Jan.  23, 
1876;  Jan.  28,  1879;  Id.,  Gaeeta  Ojic.,  Oct.  24,  1875;  Jan.  30,  Aug.  15,  Nov. 
11,  1S77. 

37  Squiers  Coalmines  of  Riv.  Lempa,  3-13. 

38  It  is  believed  that  the  Tisingal,  which  gave  the  country  its  name,  lies 
near  the  Colombian  frontier  on  the  Atlantic.  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  33. 

39 Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  457;  Land.  Geog.  Soe.,  Jour.,  vi.  128;  Thompson’s 
Gnat.,  214-15;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  42;  Costa  R. , Gaeeta,  July  15,  1854;  ]<!., 
Inf.  Sec.  Hac.,  1872;  Laferriere,  De  Paris  a GuaUm.,  36;  Wheelright's  Isllu 
Pan.,  7. 


YIELD  OF  PRECIOUS  METALS. 


059 


The  yield  of  gold  and  silver  of  the  five  states  of 
Central  America  for  the  years  1804-1868  is  estimated 
at  $13,800,000  of  the  former,  and  $7,400,000  of  the 
latter,  making  a total  of  $2 1,200, 000. 40  The  yearly 
supply  since  has  been  roughly  calculated  at  $300,000 
in  gold,  and  $200,000  in  silver.41 

The  Isthmus  is  reputed  to  have  a great  mineral 
wealth.  The  mines  of  Darien  have  been  renowned 
from  the  earliest  times  after  the  conquest.  Vasco 
Nunez  de  Balboa  speaks  enthusiastially  of  them.42 
They  were  not  worked  till  the  second  half  of  the  seven- 
teenth century.  The  richest  of  them  were  those  of 
Santa  Cruz  de  Cana,  whereof  the  Espfritu  Santo  was 
the  chief.43  In  1708  the  king’s  fifths  were  equivalent 
to  $216,500.  The  mines  had  attained  a high  state  of 
prosperity,  when  an  end  was  put  thereto  by  the  In- 
dian revolt  in  1726  and  1727. 44  Since  then,  though 


40  Information  for  the  years  preceding  1S00  may  be  gleaned  from  J uarros. 
Gnat.,  16-79,  passim;  Id.,  Stat.  andCom.  Hist.  Guat.,  21-105,  passim; Montanus, 
Die.  Nieuiue  Weereld,  275-7;  Arevalo,  Compevd.,  175;  Russell's  Hist.  Am.,  191, 
391-2;  Churchill's  Coll.,  viii.  764-5;  Dunn's  Guat.,  222-5;  Squier’s  Trav.,  i.  39- 
40;  Id.,  Guat.,  586-7.  To  the  end  of  the  Spanish  rule  most  of  the  precious 
metals  from  Hond.  were  smuggled  out  through  Belize  and  Mosquito,  proba- 
bly one  third  only  reaching  the  mint  at  Guat.  The  coinage  in  1817-18,  was 
$983,225;  1820-4,  $1,319,106.  Thompson  s Gnat.,  217,  520.  The  superintend, 
of  the  old  Guat.  mint  calculated  the  coinage  in  gold  and  silver  for  the  15 
years  anterior  to  1810  at  $2,193,832,  and  for  the  15  years  posterior  at$3,810,- 
382,  adding  that  much  of  the  production  had  been  exported  in  its  native  state 
or  manufactured.  He  estimated  the  actual  products  of  the  mines  in  those  30 
years  at  ten  times  the  amount  coined;  his  estimate  could  probably  bear  some 
deduction.  De  Row's  Review,  Jan.  1855,  77-8. 

41  The  Guat.  mint  has  coined  in  the  years  1879-83  $974,957,  all  in  silver 
pieces  from  one  dollar  down  to  3J  cents.  Guat.  Mem.,  Sec.  Hac.,  18SO--4,  in 
taldes  6,  11,  14,  20,  18,  respectively.  The  coinage  of  the  Costa  Rican  mint 
from  1829  to  1880,  both  inclusive,  was  as  follows:  gold,  $2,351,808;  silver, 
$568,648;  copper,  $1,682;  total,  $2,922,138.  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Min.  Hac.,  1883, 
table  11. 

42  4 Hay  oro  en  mucha  cantidad;  estan  descubiertos  veinte  rios,  y treinta 
que  tienen  oro  salen  de  una  sierra  que  esta  fasta  dos  leguas  de  esta  villa.  ’ 
Carta,  Eno  SO,  1513,  in  Navarrete,  Col.  Viayes,  iii.  363. 

43  They  were  several  times  plundered  by  buccaneers.  Harris  in  1684  took 
away  120  lbs.  of  gold.  Dampier  speaks  glowingly  of  them  in  that  year;  ‘ the 
richest  gold  mines  ever  yet  found  in  America.’  New  Voy.  round  the  World,  i. 
158-9.  Another  exped.  in  1702  carried  off  50  lbs. 

44  An  extensive  and  able  report  by  the  governor,  many  years  after,  gives 
much  information  on  the  whole  Darien  region,  especially  on  its  mineral  wealth, 
making  particular  mention  of  the  Clique  gold  mine,  and  of  a silver  one  in 
the  country  of  the  Curias  Indians,  who  allowed  no  whites  to  visit  it.  Ariza, 
Comcutos  de  la  rica  y fcrtilisima  Prov.  del  Darien,  Apr.  5,  1774,  MS.,  2,  12,  19- 


6C0 


INDUSTRIAL  PROGRESS. 


the  mines  have  been  granted  from  time  to  time  to 
several  parties,  nothing  has  been  done  worth  mention- 
ing.45 It  is  believed  that  the  yield  of  these  mines  had 
reached  18,000  to  20,000  pounds  of  gold  yearly.46 

According  to  a report  addressed  to  the  Colombian 
secretary  of  the  treasury,  and  published  in  the  Diario 
Oficial  at  Bogotd,  the  whole  production  of  gold  and 
silver  in  New  Granada  or  Colombia,  from  1537  to 
1800  was  $414,000,000,  and  from  1801  to  1882,  it 
was  $210,000,000;  total,  $030, 000, 000, 47  of  which 
amount  $74,000,000  is  credited  to  the  Isthmus  of 
Panama,  four  millions  of  them  being  the  yield  of  the 
present  century.  Cinnabar  and  manganese  are  re- 
ported to  exist  on  the  Isthmus,  and  coal  in  Chiriqul, 
Bocas  del  Toro,  and  the  bottom  of  Colon  harbor.48 

Manufactures  are  as  yet  in  their  infancy  in  Cen- 
tral America.49  Since  the  separation  from  Spain, 
every  inducement  has  been  offered  to  develop  them, 
and  more  especially  after  the  change  of  governmental 

21,  32-7;  Id.,  in  Anales  Jnstruc.  Pul).  Colombia,  May  18S3,  369,  380,  687-9, 
397^101. 

45  Gisborne's  Isth.  Darien,  173;  Pan.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  July  4,  Aug.  1,  1867. 

46 Rest, repo,  Minas  de  Oro  y Plata  de  Colombia,  iu  Anales  Instmc.  Pub.  Co- 
lombia, Mar.  1884,  230-45.  Many  rivers  are  represented  to  contain  abundance 
of  gold,  namely,  Marea  and  Balsas  in  Darien,  Code,  Belen,  Indios,  and  their 
tributaries.  Their  are  mines  in  Las  Tablas,  etc.  Gold  has  also  been  taken 
from  Indian  graves.  Seemann's  Na/rr.,  i.  242-3;  Pan.,  Crdn.  Ofic.,  March  6, 
1853;  Id.,  Gaceta  del  Est.,  Dec.  15,  1855;  June  14,  1856;  June  22,  1857;  Sept. 
23,  Oct.  22,  1859;  May  4,  1860;  Id.,  Gar.,  Sept.  6,  1873;  Feb.  20,  1876,  to 
May  8,  1881,  passim;  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  54,  169-72,  vol.  ix.,  Cong.  40,  Sess.  3. 

47  Six  hundred  and  four  millions  in  gold  and  auriferous  silver,  and  26 
millions  in  silver.  1 test  repo,  Vicente,  Industria  Miner  a,  in  Pan.  Star  and 
Herald,  Jan.  2,  1884. 

48 Bo/jotd , Gaceta  Ofic.,  Feb.  6,  1848;  Pan.,  Gac.  Estado,  Aug.  4,  1855;  Jan. 
5,  1856;  May  10,  1862;  Id.,  Gac.,  Aug.  22,  1874;  Feb.  27,  i 875;  Jan.  12,  1876; 
Nov.  7,  1880;  Id.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  Dec.  7,  1867;  Id.,  Star  and  Herald,  Feb.  28, 
1876;  Wheelright's  Isth.  Pan.,  8;  Pan.  Rept  on  Coal  Bocas  del  Toro,  in  Costa  R. 
Bound,  3-19;  Selfridije's  Explor.,  177-80;  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  41, 
45-53,  vol.  vi.  Cong.  36,  Sess.  2;  S.  F.  Bulletin , July  26,  1873. 

49  They  were  known,  however,  from  the  earliest  times,  and  the  needs  of 
the  inhabitants  in  cotton  and  woollen  goods,  pottery,  etc.,  were  mostly  sup- 
plied at  home.  The  decline  of  cotton  manufactures  began  in  1773,  after  the 
destruction  of  old  Guat.  city,  and  was  completed  when  permission  was  given 
a little  previous  to  1799,  for  the  importation  of  foreign  manufactured  goods. 
Diario,  Mix.,  March  29,  1806;  JuarrOs,  Guat.,  i.  16-82,  passim;  Saravia, 
Bosq.  Pollt.  Est.,  12:  GiuU.,  Axmntam.,  12,  138-9. 


MANUFACTURES 


661 


regime  of  1871. 50  In  later  times  we  find  in  Quezalte- 
nango  good  factories  for  spinning  and  weaving  tex- 
tiles. In  Chiquimula  they  manufacture  palm-leaf 
hats,  mats,  and  maguey-fibre  baskets.  In  Vera  Paz 
the  natives  make  excellent  hammocks,  bags,  rope.  etc. 
But  the  fact  stands  officially  acknowledged  that  Gua- 
temala has  not  made  a sufficient  advancement  to  enable 
her  to  export  any  manufactures,  or  even  to  compete 
in  her  own  markets  with  the  better  and  cheaper  pro- 
ductions of  other  countries.51 

In  Honduras  manufactures  are  at  a low  ebb,  owing 
to  the  condition  of  affairs  before  and  after  her  in- 
dependence, not  less  than  to  the  composition  of  her 
people. 

There  are  in  Salvador  several  factories  at  which 
cotton  and  silk  rebozos  are  made,  which  meet  with  easy 
sale  in  all  the  Central  American  markets.52  Ham- 
mocks, earthen-ware,  straw  hats,  cigarettes,  sweet- 
meats, etc.,  are  manufactured.  Rum  is  made,  as  in 
Guatemala,  from  sugar-cane. 

In  N icaragua  mechanics  are  scarce.  Manufacturing 
is  yet  in  the  incipient  state.53  However,  the  Indians 
make  excellent  pottery  and  other  articles  for  home 
consumption.54 

50  Exempting  from  taxation,  establishing  schools  of  mechanic  arts,  intro- 
ducing skilful  mechanics,  granting  subsidies,  etc.  Montufar,  Resumen  Hist., 
i.  321;  Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  18S0— 4;  Batres,  Sketch,  53,  60. 

61  Guat.  has  been  creditably  represented  at  several  international  exhibi- 
tions; she  has  also  entered  into  conventions  with  several  foreign  powers  to 
secure  patents  for  inventions.  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Sec.  Rel.,  1884,  annex  8;  El 
Guatemalteco,  Sept.  24,  Oct.  12,  Nov.  1,  1884;  Voz  de  Mej.,  Sept.  14,  1878; 
Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1885,  36-8. 

'■“A.  cotton  rebozo  may  be  had  for  $4  or  $5,  and  a silk  one  for  $12,  the 
finest  selling  at  from  $16  to  $20.  La femere,  De  Paris  a Guatem.,  209-10. 

53  Some  machinery  for  relining  sugar,  ginning  cotton,  distilling  liquors, 
cleaning  coffee,  sawing  lumber,  and  extracting  libres  have  been  introduced. 
Hie.,  Mem.  Min.  Fomento,  1871,  3. 

54  Mats,  baskets,  palm-leaf  and  maguey  hats,  and  cordage.  The  hammocks 
of  Masaya  and  Sultiaba  are  much  esteemed.  Cotton  fabrics  are  coarse  but 
strong,  and  dyed  with  permanent  colors,  and  of  original  design.  They  also 
make  good  rebozos,  but  the  silk  in  some  of  them  is  imported.  Hides  enter 
into  the  manufacture  of  several  common  articles.  Rum  is  made  and  sold  by 
the  govt.  The  miller’s  art  is  in  its  infancy.  Livy,  Nic.,  486-91 ; Squiers  Cent. 
Am.,  373;  Rocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  188-90;  Nic.,  Reg.  Ofic.,  328-9;  Sandoval,  Rev. 
Polit.,  58. 


6G2 


INDUSTRIAL  PROGRESS. 


In  Costa  Rica  there  is  hardly  any  domestic  manu- 
facturing.55 Efforts  are  made  by  tlie  government  to 
develop  the  industry.58 

As  regards  Panama,  it  may  be  said  that  manufac- 
tures are  almost  unknown,  save  such  as  are  imported.57 

65 Aside  from  some  furniture,  arms,  etc.,  their  hammocks,  nets,  cotton 
goods,  and  pottery,,  are  all  made  in  a very  primitive  manner.  There  is  no  skill 
whatever.  Fernandez,  Col.  Doc.,  iii.  366-8;  Costa  R.,  Censo,  1864,  p.  xxv. 
Beer  and  rum  are  also  made,  the  latter  said  to  be  a good  imitation  of  Ja- 
maica; distilling  rum  is  a govt  monopoly.  Laferriere,  De  Paris  a Guatern.,  53; 
Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  v.  122-45;  xi.  331  46. 

50  Subsidies  granted  in  1885  for  silk  culture  and  manufacturing  paper, 
rebozos,  cotton  goods,  and  sacks.  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  2,  5,  12,  13,  1885; 
Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Sept.  9,  1885. 

57 An  official  report  for  1882  gave  the  following  as  about  the  extent  of  such 
industry  in  that  year:  1, GOO  rush  hats  and  1,600  of  jipijapa,  200  M tiles,  7 M 
jars,  525  M bricks.  Pan.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1882,  annex  L.  It  is  said  that 
a factory  for  making  carriages  was  opened  in  1885.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald, 
Jan.  5,  1886. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 


COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 

1801-1887. 

Early  State  or  Trade — Continued  Stagnation  after  Independence — 
Steam  on  the  Coasts — Its  Beneficial  Effects — Variety  of  Staples 
— Ports  of  Entry  and  Tariffs — Imports  and  Exports — Fairs — Ac- 
cessory Transit  Company — -Internal  Navigation  — Highways  — 
Money— Banking  — Postal  Service  — Panama  Railway  Traffic  — 
Local  Trade  of  the  Isthmus — Pearl  Fishery — Colonial  Revenue 
in  Finances  of  the  Federation — Sources  of  Revenue  of  Each 
State— Their  Receipts  and  Expenditures — Foreign  and  Internal 
Debts. 


During  the  first  years  of  the  present  century, 
toward  the  end  of  the  Spanish  domination,  after 
many  restrictions  to  trade  had  been  removed,  and 
Central  America  had  obtained  leave  to  traffic  direct 
with  Mexico  and  other  Spanish  American  colonies, 
there  were  only  30  or  35  mercantile  houses  through- 
out the  country.  Merchandise  to  the  value  of  one 
million  dollars  was  yearly  imported  from  Spain  through 
the  bay  of  Honduras.  The  returns  were  chiefly  in 
indigo,  coin,  and  bullion.  There  was  some  trade  also 
with  Peru  and  Cuba.1  Smuggling  was  carried  on 
quite  freely,  even  the  officers  of  the  revenue  cutters 

1 Two  or  three  vessels  at  most  came  every  year  to  Acajutla  from  Peru  with 
wines,  olive  oil,  and  other  articles  for  the  table,  and  200,000  or  300,000  pesos 
in  specie  for  the  purchase  of  indigo.  From  Cuba  came  eight  or  ten  vessels 
with  petty  cargoes  of  rum,  onions,  etc.,  the  average  worth  being  $5,000  or 
$0,000.  They  each  took  back,  besides  indigo,  30,000  or  40,000  pesos  in  coin 
and  in  gold  and  silver  bullion.  Max.,  Gaceta,  1804—5,  xii.  178-80;  Cancelacla, 
Ruinct  N.  Esp. , 48-9;  Cdrtes,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  341;  Hendersons  British  Hond., 
30-1,35;  Guat.,  Apuntam.,  130-41;  Hie.  y Hond.,  Docs.,  11-12;  Arrillaga, 
Informe,  in  Cedulario,  iv.  00-1;  Urrutia,  Modelo,  2-3;  Guat.,  Gaz.,  vii.  293-320, 
passim;  iii.  70,  404,  504. 


(663) 


664 


COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 


taking  a hand  in  it.  The  large  amount  of  goods  thus 
imported  caused  a drainage  of  specie.2 

After  the  separation  from  Spain,  there  was  little 
commerce  for  many  years,3  until  the  construction  of 
the  railway  across  the  Isthmus,  and  the  establishment 
of  a line  of  steamers  making  periodical  visits  at  the 
several  Central  American  ports  on  the  Pacific  coast, 
afforded  facilities  for  the  development  of  both  agricul- 
ture and  foreign  trade,4  which  under  liberal  legisla- 
tion has  since  assumed  large  proportions,  commerce 
being  free  with  all  friendly  powers.  In  a note5  are 

2 This  hybrid  commerce  was  effected  through  Belize  and  Curayoa;  and  also 
by  foreign  whalers  at  Realejo  and  Aeajutla,  where  they  were  wont  to  enter 
with  the  pretext  of  procuring  water  and  fresh  stores,  and  while  in  port  sold 
English  goods,  receiving  in  return  copper,  wool,  sugar,  cacao,  etc.  Humboldt, 
Essai  Pollt.,  ii.  467-73. 

3 Bustamante,  Voz  de  la  Patria,  iv.  no.  18,  4—8;  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  745- 
7;  ii.  301;  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  75,  215-16,  x.,  Cong.  3i,  Sess.  1; 
Syuier’ s Trav.,  i.  44-5. 

4 In  1853  the  several  governments  entered  into  contracts  with  the  Central 
Am.  Steam  Navigation  Co.,  an  American  concern,  to  run  a line  of  steamers 
once  a month  between  Iztapam  in  Guatemala  and  Panama,  touching  at  Aca- 
jutla,  La  Libertad,  La  Union,  Amapala,  Realejo,  San  Juan  del  Sur,  and  Pun- 
tarenas,  for  the  conveyance  of  passengers,  merchandise,  and  mails  at  fixed 
rates,  each  government  paying  a subsidy,  and  allowing  exemptions  from  port 
dues  and  other  privileges.  The  service  began  early  in  1854,  and  continued 
with  repeated  trips  in  each  month,  first  by  the  Panama  Railway  Company’s 
steamers,  aud  subsequently  by  those  of  the  U.  S.  l’ac.  Mail  Steamship  Com- 
pany. Costa  R.,  Boletin  Ojic.,  1 eb.  16,  1854;  Id.,  Col.  Ley.,  xii.  256-7;  Salv., 
Guc.,  Jan.  20,  1854;  Id.,  El  Rol,  Dec.  1,  1854;  Cent.  Am.  Miscel.  Doc.,  44; 
Hunt's  Merchants’  May.,  xxiii.  113. 

5 Guatemala:  chief  articles  of  export,  cochineal,  coffee,  cotton,  wool,  sugar, 
India-rubber,  hides,  and  indigo;  also  rice,  mules,  cacao,  pork,  horns,  timber, 
sarsaparilla,  vanilla,  tobacco,  etc.  Cochineal  at  one  time  was  a great  staple, 
the  export  being  nearly  68,000  centals  in  1860-4,  and  about  59,000  centals  in 
1S70-4;  reduced  to  about  2,S45  in  1S79-83.  The  principal  importations  were 
comestibles,  wines  aud  liquors,  cotton,  linen,  woollen,  and  silk  fabrics,  cloth- 
ing, hats,  fancy  goods,  furniture,  arms,  articles  foragric.,  arts,  and  sciences. 
Arms,  lead,  and  gunpowder  might  not  be  imported  without  special  permission 
of  the  govt.  Some  articles  were  exempt  from  duty,  such  as  material  for  ship- 
building, instruments  for  medicine,  surgery,  science,  schools,  arts,  implements 
of  agric.,  machinery,  and  tools  for  inanuf.,  steam-engiues,  money,  gold,  silver, 
guano,  mineral,  coal,  etc.  Articles  of  luxury  paid  an  import  duty;  foreign 
manufactures  entered  with  a high  duty.  Small  amounts  should  be  paid  at 
the  time  of  entry  in  cash;  and  larger  sums,  part  at  the  adjustment  of  the 
duties,  and  the  rest  in  instalments  of  from  one  to  three  months.  The  repub- 
lic has  several  ports  open  to  foreign  commerce  on  both  oceans;  namely,  Santo 
Tom&s,  Livingston,  and  Golfo  Dulce,  which  is  navigable  only  for  vessels  of 
light  draught,  on  the  Atlantic,  and  San  Jose,  San  Luis,  Champerico,  and 
Ocos  on  the  Pacific.  Iztapam  or  Independencia  was  closed  in  1853,  and  the 
custom-house  removed  to  the  roadstead  of  San  Jose,  which  is  sheltered 
by  a bold  breakwater.  Actual  value  of  foreign  trade:  imports,  1851-7, 
§7,672,682;  1860-4,  §6,268,227;  1871-5,  §12,304,289;  1876-80,  §15,054,152. 
The  average  of  importations  in  the  five  years  1880-4  was  §2,700,000.  The 


FOREIGN  TRADE  DATA. 


665 


given  copious  data  on  the  foreign  trade  of  each  of  the 
hve  republics,  showing  an  invariable  balance  in  their 

largest  importations  in  1883  were  from  G.  Britain,  including  Belize,  8884,205; 
U.  S.,  $529,458;  France,  $149,687;  Germany,  $128,296;  Switzerland,  $76,278; 
Spain,  $65,470;  China,  $54,855.  The  rest  from  Belgium,  Cent.  Am.,  Italy, 
Colombia,  and  Denmark.  The  war  between  Guat.  and  Salv.,  and  revolution 
in  Pan.,  paralyzed  trade  in  1885.  It  is  noticed  that  notwithstanding  the 
greater  proximity  and  wealth  of  the  U.  S.,  Guatemala’s  commercial  relations 
are  greater  with  England.  Exports:  1851-7,  $9,613,099;  1860-4,  $7,386,541; 
1 87 0 — 4,  $12,418,083;  1879-83,  $22,552,867.  Coffee  loomed  up  from  none  in 
1860-4,  695,671  centals  in  1870—4,  to  1,519,494  centals  in  1S79-83.  Sugar 
was  also  a prominent  staple,  followed  by  India-rubber.  The  number  of  mer- 
chant vessels  which  visited  Guat.  ports  on  the  Pac.  during  1883  were  7 
steamers  of  the  Pac.  Mail  S.  Co.,  which  made  their  periodical  trips;  3 stmrs 
of  the  Kosmos  (German)  line,  to  which  special  privileges  were  granted  by  the 
Guat.  govt,  in  1882.  Sailing  vessels,  6 Am.,  1 Eng.,  6 French,  3 German, 
and  1 Salvadoran.  To  Livingston,  on  the  Atlantic,  came  monthly  4 Am. 
and  one  Eng.  steamer.  Seven  vessels  did  coasting  trade  under  the  Eng. 
flag.  Vessels  arrived  in  18S4,  171  with  173,982  tons;  departed  168  with  173,- 
758  tons,  carrying  away  109,402  packages  of  merchandise  and  products  of  the 
country. 

Honduras:  exports  consisted  of  bullion,  mahogany,  and  other  woods,  hides, 
sarsaparilla,  tobacco,  cattle,  and  indigo;  the  imports,  of  cottons,  silk,  hard- 
ware, etc.  The  chief  ports  are  Omoa  and  Trujillo  on  the  Atlantic,  and  Ama- 
pala  on  the  Pacific.  Values  of  imports:  1856,  $750,000,  chiefly  from  Great 
Britain;  1867,  $750,000;  1873,  $1,000,000;  1877,  $640,000;  1880,  $750,000; 
1882-3,  $2,885,000;  1886,  from  $2,000,000  to  $2,500,000.  The  tariff  was  low. 
Exports:  1856,  $825,000;  1867,  $825,000;  1S72-3,  $2,370,000;  1876,  $1,234,- 
983;  1877,  $595,000;  1880,  $650,000;  1882-3,  $3,415,000;  1886,  $2,000,000  to 
$2,500,000.  British  Hond.  or  Belize:  imports:  1S73,  $1,183,074;  1S78-81, 
$1,923,000,  nearly  two  thirds  from  G.  Britain,  and  the  rest  from  the  U.  S. 
Exports:  $1,251,000,  about  two  thirds  to  G.  Britain,  and  the  rest  to  the  U.  S. 
The  principal  exports  to  the  latter  country  were  woods,  raw  sugar,  fruits, 
nuts,  coffee,  drugs  and  dyes,  rubber,  hides,  etc. 

Salvador:  articles  of  export,  indigo,  coffee,  sugar,  tobacco,  caoutchouc, 
rebozos,  balsam,  hides,  and  cotton.  Imports:  comestibles,  wines  and  liquors, 
cotton,  linen,  woollen,  and  silk  fabrics,  hardware,  etc.  The  ports  of  entry 
were  La  Union,  La  Libertad,  and  Acajutla.  Imported  goods  pay  duties  ac- 
cording to  the  tariff,  which  were  mostly  specific,  but  many  articles  paid,  be- 
sides, 20  per  cent  ad  valorem.  Products  of  the  other  Central  American 
states  on  being  imported,  reciprocity  existing,  paid  only  4 per  cent  ad  val. 
Articles  intended  for  the  development  of  industries  and  education  were 
exempt.  The  importation  of  arms,  without  special  leave  of  the  government, 
alcohol  and  common  rum,  cognac,  gin,  absinthe,  aniseseed,  coriander,  sassa- 
fras, saltpetre,  and  obscene  images  was  forbidden.  Products  of  the  country 
were  free  from  export  dues,  except  indigo,  ores,  gold  and  silver  bullion,  and 
jewelry.  Import  values:  1855-61,  $6,816,879;  1864,  $1,233,711;  1866-8, 
$5,799,912;  1871-4,  $12,869,514;  1S77,  $2,186,000;  1880-3,  $5,750,000.. 
Exports:  the  greater  part  to  Great  Britain,  the  U.  S.  occupying  the  second 
place:  1855-61,  $8,831,990;  1SG4— 8,  $13,931,675,  cotton  counting  somewhat 
among  the  exports  during  the  war  in  the  U.  S. ; but  after  its  termination  this 
staple  ceased  to  figure;  1871-8,  $29,206,953;  1880-3,  $8,708,000. 

Nicaragua:  principal  markets,  U.  S.,  Eng.,  France,  and  Cent.  Am.;  chief 
exports,  coffee,  India-rubber,  cattle,  hides,  and  gold;  also  cabinet  and  dye 
woods,  indigo,  sugar,  rum,  cacao,  dairy  products,  gums,  pearl  and  tortoise 
shells,  etc.  Ports  San  Juan  del  Norte,  San  Juan  del  Sur,  and  Realejo  or 
Corinto.  The  first  named  was  declared  a free  port  in  1860.  Import  values: 
1861  -73,  $3,355,600,  exclusive  of  coin,  and  not  including  the  years  1870-2. 
Nic.,  Gaceta,  Feb.  21,  1874.  Levy,  a good  authority,  gives  the  imports  for 


6GG 


COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 


favor,  which  steadily  increased  their  wealth.  As  to 
internal  trade,  there  is  very  little  to  say.  The  several 

1865-71  at  $6,275,324,  adding  that  in  the  first  two  years  the  balance  of  trade 
was  against  Nic.  to  the  amount  of  $453,429;  1873-6,  $4,313,876;  1877-80, 
$5,117,661;  1 8S 1 — 4-,  $7,157,525;  these  figures  include  about  half  a million 
dollars  in  coin.  Wholesale  merchants  sold  at  long  terms,  often  18  months; 
most  of  the  buyers  disposed  of  the  goods  at  once,  with  20  per  ct  loss,  but  for 
cash,  and  during  17  months'  use  of  the  capital  making  as  much  as  50  per  ct 
profit,  which  enabled  them  to  pay  for  the  merchandise  originally  bought. 
Exports:  1861-73,  $4,153,677,  without  including  for  1871-2.  Ltivy  has  for 
1865-71,  $6,789,841;  1873-6,  $5,694,009;  1877-80,  $6,303,5S9;  1881-4,  $8,- 
926,965.  In  view  of  the  fall  in  the  price  of  coffee  in  late  years  in  foreign 
markets,  and  of  the  decrease  in  the  production  of  rubber,  there  was  cause  co 
fear  that  the  day  was  not  distant  when  the  balance  of  trade  would  be  against 
Nic.,  unless  with  the  facilities  afforded  by  the  railroads  the  exportations  of 
timber  and  dye-woods  should  be  greatly  developed,  as  expected.  The  exports 
of  cattle  to  the  other  states  of  Cent.  Am.  have  become  quite  considerable. 
The  two  chief  centres  of  internal  trade  were  Granada  and  Leon,  which  sup- 
plied their  own  departments.  Chontales  was  supplied  from  the  former,  Se- 
govia from  the  latter,  Matagalpa  from  both.  Rivas  and  Chinandega  imported 
a portion  of  their  supplies,  buying  the  rest  respectively  at  Granada  and  Leon. 
Rivas  furnished  cacao;  Jinotepeque  and  Chinandega,  sugar;  Leon,  corn  and 
salt;  Masaya  and  other  towns,  edibles. 

Costa  Rica  imported  cotton,  linen,  woollen,  and  silk  fabrics,  fancy  articles, 
comestibles,  wines,  liquors,  and  other  things,  from  England,  France,  U.  S., 
etc.,  and  exported  chiefly  coffee,  tortoise-shells,  hides,  rubber,  vanilla,  sarsa- 
parilla, timber,  etc.  Her  ports  for  foreign  trade  are  at  present  Limon  on 
the  Atlantic,  and  Puntarenas  on  the  Pacific;  the  latter  being,  down  to  1883, 
almost  the  only  port  of  Costa  Rica;  but  of  late  the  former,  owing  to  railroad 
facilities,  has  obtained  the  first  rank;  shipments  through  Puntarenas  being 
mainly  of  produce  from  Esparta,  and  other  places  near  it.  It  was  a free  port 
at  one  time,  but  ceased  to  be  such  in  Jan.  1861.  In  earlier  years  Matina 
and  Caldera  had  been  open  ports,  and  eveu  Guanacaste  was  made  a free  port 
in  1848.  Port  Limon  was  created  in  Oct.  1852;  it  has  a free  zone  under  de- 
crees passed  in  1883.  Costa  Rica’s  import  values:  1845,  $463,000,  through 
Matina  and  Puntarenas;  1852-9,  $7,330,398;  1864,  $1,718,000;  1871,  $2,225, - 
OOO;  1873-4,  $6,980,000;  1877,  about  $2,000,000;  1880-3,  $7,220,000.  Ex- 
ports: 1845,  $631,700;  1852-9,  $7,458,913;  iSG4,  $1,812,682;  1868,  $2,189,118; 
1871,  $2,288,450;  1873-4,  $8,192,517;  1877,  $5,308,000;  May  1,  1879,  to  Apr. 
30,  1881,  $7,724,810;  1882-3,  $6,470,000.  The  exports  of  coffee  from  Punta- 
renas and  Limon  in  1884  were  191,719  centals.  Large  quantities  of  bananas 
were  also  exported  from  Limon.  Vessels  arrived  in  1882-3,  at  Limon  86,  at 
Puntarenas  75;  in  18S3-4,  at  Limon  77,  at  Puntarenas  110.  Marure,  Bosq. 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  147;  Baily's  Cent.  Am.,  158;  Squier's  Cent.  Am.,  269-70, 
310,  458-9,  471-2,  526;  Squier’s  Travels,  i.  83;  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  It.,  31-3, 
64-6;  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  93;  Laferriere,  De  Paris  a GuaUrn.,  34-7,  51-4,  168-9, 
261-3,  436;  Am.  Cyclop.,  v.  290,  395;  viiL  790;  xiv.  610;  Montiifar,  Jiesumen 
Hist.,  v.  519;  Encyclop.  Brit.  (Am.  ed.),  vi.  398;  xii.  135-6;  El  Gualemalteco, 
March  19,  May  19,  1884;  Wappdus,  Mex.  vncl  Cent.  Am.,  322,  359;  Jiilfs,  Die 
Seehafen,  36;  Levy,  Nic.,  512,  516-17;  Baird  Sketch  Guat.,  862-6,  73;  Camp's 
Year-Bool',  1861,  527;  Balv.,  Conslitucional,  no.  6;  Id.,  Diario  Ojic.,  June  3,  7, 
Oct.  21,  1875;  March  4,  1876;  Sept.  17,  1878,  suppl. ; Jan.  11,  May  3,  1879; 
Id.,  Gac.,  Aug.  12,  1853;  Oct.  27,  1876;  Feb.  27,  1877;  Nic. , Gaceta,  Dec.  23, 
1865;  Dec.  15,  1866;  Aug.  22,  1868;  March  12,  1S70;  Id.,  Decretos,  1869-70, 
141-4;  Id.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  MarchS,  1862;  Id.,  Mem.  Min.  Fomento,  for  years 
1867-71;  Id.,  Mem.  Min.  Hoc.,  1871-83;  Presid.  Cardenas,  Mensaje,  Jan.  15, 
1885;  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  771,  785-92;  Id.,  Id.,  Gob.  Democ.,  i.  2-3;  Gnat., 
Mem.  Sec.  Hac.,  for  years  1880-4;  Id. , Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  for  years  1883-5; 
U.  S.  Gov.  Docs.,  Comm.  Eel.,  for  years  1856-77;  Id.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  43, 


FAIRS  AND  IMMIGRATION. 


667 


republics  have  regularly  established  fairs,  which  are 
attended  by  those  wishing  to  purchase  national  or 
foreign  products  or  manufactures.0 

The  republics,  having  special  facilities  for  internal 
navigation,  endeavored  to  make  them  available.  Guate- 
mala  granted  privileges  with  the  view  of  having  a 
steam  line  established  between  the  fluvial  port  of 
Panzbs  and  Livingston,  and  also  on  Lake  Amatitlan. 
In  Nicaragua,  under  a contract  entered  into  on  the 
22d  of  September,  1849,  and  amended  April  11,  1850, 
between  the  government  and  an  American  company, 
transit  was  formally  established  between  the  two 
oceans,  by  way  of  Lake  Nicaragua.7  The  American 

Sess.  1,  vol.  i.  years  1 873-4,  440-7;  Sess.  2,  xvi.  188-95,  200;  Cong.  46, 
Sess.  2,  xxv.  pt  1,  27;  Cong.  47,  Sess.  1,  xiv.  38;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  iv.  112- 
14;  v.  232M:;  vi.  301-3;  x.  78-9,  142M,  148-57;  xvi.  199-200;  xvii.  135-6; 
Id.,  Col.  Dispos.  Legist. , 1878,  113-14;  Id.,  Mem.  Sec.  Hoc.,  1853,  11-12; 
1875,  34;  1880,  annexes  15-23;  1S83,  annexes  11-12;  1884,  24,  246-66,  304, 
308;  Id. , Informe  Sec.  Obras  Pub.,  1878,  15-17;  Id.,  Informs  Sec.  Agric., 
1879,  22,  and  tal >le  4;  1S80,  23-4;  Id.,  Gaceta  Gob.,  Jan.  26,  Feb.  10,  1850; 
Id.,  Mem.  Sec.  Marina,  1883,  7,  and  two  tables,  annex  5;  Id.,  Regl.  Franqiticias , 
1883,  1-15;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March  23,  1SS1;  Sept.  13,  1882;  Jan.  17, 
Feb.  1,  17,  Marcli  23,  1883;  March  8,  15,  Dec.  16,  1884;  March  9,  Oct.  24, 
1885;  June  2,  1886;  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  Nov.  6,  1884;  Samayoa,  J.  M. , 
Apuntam.,  1885,  5. 

6 The  principal  fairs  were  held  at  Chalatenango,  San  Vicente,  and  San 
Miguel,  in  Salvador.  That  of  San  Miguel  took  place  in  November,  and  lasted 
two  weeks.  There  was  another  fair  at  the  same  town  about  the  beginning  of 
Feb.,  to  which,  as  well  as  to  the  former  one,  large  numbers  of  cattle  were  taken 
from  Hond.  and  Nic.  In  Guat.  annual  fairs  were  held  in  several  places; 
namely,  Esquipulas,  where  large  quantities  of  merchandise  were  sold;  it  was 
also  a cattle  fair;  Rabinal  in  Vera  Paz,  for  dry  goods;  Mazatenango,  for  cattle, 
cacao,  drygoods,  etc.;  San  Pedro  Ayampuk;  Solola,  for  dry  goods,  fruit,  and 
stock;  Quezaltenango  and  Chimaltenango,  for  woollen  manufactures.  In 
Jocotenango  a fair  was  held  every  Aug.  In  later  times  fairs  have  been  author- 
ized at  several  other  places,  to  wit,  at  the  hippodrome,  near  the  capital,  Sal- 
caja,  Santa  Cruz  del  Quiche,  Jalapa,  Santa  Rosa,  and  San  Pedro  Pinula. 
Squiers  Cent.  Am.,  3.19-530;  Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1882,  38;  1885,  39-40; 
Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Sept.  14,  1885. 

7 The  Am.  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Ship  Canal  Co.  of  New  York,  of  which 
Vanderbilt  and  White  were  the  chief  owners,  undertook  to  construct  an 
iateroceanic  canal.  Their  contract  with  the'Nic.  govt  involved  the  privilege 
to  the  company  of  exclusive  steam  navigation  in  the  interior  waters,  meaning 
Lake  Nicaragua.  The  company  concluded  to  separate  this  privilege  from  the 
rest  of  the  contract,  and  succeeded,  Aug.  1851,  in  obtaining  from  the  Nic. 
govt  the  monopoly  of  transit  from  San  Juan  del  Norte  to  San  Juan  del  Sur. 
It  is  unnecessary  to  go  into  details  as  to  how  this  was  consummated;  suffice 
it  to  say,  it  was  by  fostering  the  intestine  war  then  raging.  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc., 
H.  Ex.  Doc.,  75,  141-5,  x.,  Cong.  31,  Sess.  1;  Id.,  Sen.  Doc.,  08,  84-103,  xiii., 
Con”.  34,  Sess.  1;  Cent.  Am.  Miscel.  Doc.,  45;  Stout's  Nic.,  272-91;  Wells 
Walkers  Exped.,  203-5;  Reichardt,  Cent.  Am.,  210-11;  Scherzer,  Cent.  Am.. 
245-0. 


GG8 


COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 


Accessory  Transit  Company,  as  it  was  called,  went  into 
active  operation  and  carried  thousands  of  passengers 
to  and  from  California.8  The  first  interoceanic  trip 
was  made  in  August  1852,  and  the  service  continued 
successfully  until  February  18,  1856,  when  it  was 
suddenly  closed,  and  the  company’s  charter  was  re- 
voked by  the  government  of  Rivas,  at  the  dictation 
of  William  Walker.9  The  transit  continued  for  a 
time  under  Walker’s  control,  mainly  to  furnish  his 
army  with  recruits,  until  the  steamers  fell  into  the 
hands  of  his  enemies.10  Navigation  on  San  Juan 
River  and  Granada  Lake  was  regulated  in  June  1861. 
In  1868  a convention  was  concluded  between  Nica- 
ragua and  Costa  Rica  for  the  navigation  of  the  rivers 
San  Juan  and  Colorado.  In  1870  a contract  was  made 
with  Hollenbeck  and  his  associates  for  steam  naviga- 
tion  on  Lake  Granada,  and  it  was  inaugurated  in 
1872.11 

6 The  first  steamboat  used  in  Nic.  waters  was  the  Orus,  wrecked  on  the 
Machuca  rapids;  the  next,  the  Director , was  worked  over  the  rapids,  and  plied 
on  the  lake  for  several  years,  being  the  sole  transport  for  passengers  from 
San  Carlos  to  La  Virgen.  The  increase  of  the  Transit  company’s  business 
brought  the  Central  America  and  other  steamers.  Nic. , Corr.  1st.,  Sept.  5, 
1850;  Stout's  Nic.,  65-6. 

9 The  particulars  of  this  transaction  appear  elsewhere.  Previous  to  this, 
in  1854,  there  had  been  serious  differences  between  the  gov.  of  Nic.  and  the 
company,  about  the  settlement  of  accounts,  and  even  then  the  govt  threatened 
to  cancel  the  charter.  Gnat.,  Gaceta,  May  13,  July  8,  1853;  Perez,  Mem.  Hist. 
Rev.  Nic.,  55-6;  Id.,  Mem.  Camp.  Nac.,  27-30;  El  Nicarcujiiense,  Feb.  23,  1856. 

10  In  1858  the  Nic.  govt  confiscated  the  company’s  property,  and  the  next 
year  made  the  transit  free  to  all  nations.  However,  under  a subsequent 
arrangement  between  it  and  the  original  Transit  co.,  under  the  name  of  Cent. 
American  Transit  Co.,  ratified  in  March  1801,  the  latter  agreed  to  reopen  the 
route;  but  failing  to  do  it  within  the  required  time,  the  govt  seized  all  the 
property,  as  agreed  in  the  contract.  The  matter  was  settled  in  diplomatic  cor- 
respond. with  the  U.  S.  govt  in  1863.  Rocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  ii.  133-4,  141-2;  Nic., 
Dec.  y Acuerdos,  1857-8,44-5;  1859,  ii.  78-9;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Jan.  16,  1864.  The 
company  renewed  its  operations,  and  continued  them  until  annihilated  by 
the  overland  railway  to  S.  F.,  in  1869.  Livy,  Nic.,  434. 

11  Costa  R.  in  1872  forbade  the  navigation  of  the  Colorado  River  by  Hol- 
lenbeck & Co.  Nic.,  La  Union,  June  29,  1861;  Id.,  Dec.  y Ac.,  1861,  iv. 
57-68;  1869-70,  100— G;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  8,  1868;  March  12,  July  23,  Aug. 
20,  1870;  Dec.  7,  1872;  Id.,  Mem.  Min.  Guerra,  1872,  12;  Semanal  Nic.,  Dec. 
5,  1872;  El  Porrenir  de  Nic.,  May  26,  June  2,  1872.  Trade  between  Granada 
and  San  Juan  del  Norte  was  continued  in  piraguas  and  steamers,  the  former 
measuring  from  15  to  25  tons.  There  were  river  and  lake  steamers.  Mer- 
chandise was  first  transferred  at  San  Carlos,  and  often  in  the  summer  a second 
time  at  the  Castillo.  For  some  time  the  steamboat  plying  in  the  lower  part 
of  the  river  passed  by  the  Colorado  branch  because  of  scanty  water  in  the 
San  Juan. 


ROADS  AND  CURRENCY. 


6G9 


The  national  highways  of  Costa  Rica  are  not  all  in 
the  best  condition,  which  is  due  to  the  destructive 
force  of  the  winter  rains.  The  government,  however, 
endeavors  to  render  them  serviceable.  In  Nicaragua, 
the  public  roads,  prior  to  the  construction  of  railways, 
were  only  fit  for  mule  travel,  except  at  short  distances 
from  towns,  which  wagons  could  traverse.  In  the 
rainy  season  they  were  impassable,  owing  either  to 
mud  or  swollen  streams.  The  same  is  to  be  said  re- 
specting those  of  Honduras.  Much  has  been  success- 
fully accomplished  in  late  years  in  the  improvement 
of  roads  and  construction  of  bridges.  Salvador  appro- 
priated in  1876  funds  for  macadamizing  the  public 
highways.  Guatemala  is  well  provided  with  roads 
and  bridges,  and  derives  a considerable  revenue  from 
tolls  to  keep  them  in  repair,  and  to  construct  new 
ones.12  Railways  and  telegraphs  are  treated  of  else- 
where. 

The  monetary  unit  of  Costa  Rica  is  the  peso  of  one 
hundred  centavos,  with  25  grammes  of  silver  of  the 
standard  of  0.900.  The  government  mint  coins  gold, 
silver,  and  copper.13 

Gold  coin  became  very  scarce  in  Nicaragua.  There 
was  no  copper,  and  the  smallest  of  silver  was  the  half- 
real.  Gold  coins  of  the  United  States,  Great  Britain, 
and  France,  and  the  silver  money  of  those  countries, 
Switzerland,  Belgium,  Mexico,  Peru,  and  Spain,  were 
current  for  their  full  value.11  In  Salvador  nearly  all 

12  Costa  R.,  Informe  Obratt  Pub.,  for  years  1876-80;  Id.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomente, 
years  1883-4;  Belly,  Mir,.,  i.  321;  Livy,  Nic.,  412;  Nic.,  Mem.  Min.  Guerra, 
1875,  pp.  x.-xv. ; Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Apr.  2,  1881;  Feb.  1,  2,  1883;  Id., 
Cronista,  Jan.  20,  1883;  Salv.,  Gac.  Ojic.,  Sept.  5,  7,  1870;  Presid.  Barrios, 
Mensaje,  1876,  39-60;  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  Gob.  Dernoc.,  10-12;  Id.,  Mem.  Sec. 
Fomento,  for  years  1 880-5. 

13  Gold,  pieces  of  10,  5,  2,  and  one  dollar,  the  first  named  having  the 
weight  of  16,120  grammes.  In  former  years  it  coined  gold  ounces  with  the 
weight  of  25,836  grammes,  worth  $16,  and  halves,  quarters,  eighths,  anti  six- 
teenths; silver  peso,  and  its  subdivisions  worth  50,  25,  10,  and  5 cts.  Copper 
one-cent  pieces  containing  95  parts  of  copper  and  5 of  nickel.  Silver  in  coins 
of  10  and  5 cts  in  legal  tender  only  to  the  sum  of  $100;  and  cents  not  exceed- 
ing 100.  The  money  coined  in  Costa  Rica  in  the  years  1829-82  has  been  as 
follows:  gold,  $2,351,808;  silver,  $56,648;  total,  $2,922,138.  Astaburuaga, 
Cent.  An.,  41;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  Nov.  21,  1885;  Id.,  Mem.  Sec.  Hoc.,  1883, 
annex  no.  10. 

11  There  is  a nominal  money  used  in  retail  trade  called  peso  sencillo,  worth 


CTO 


COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 


foreign  coins  were  received  for  their  face  value.  In 
Honduras  the  currency  was  much  vitiated  by  the  in- 
troduction of  the  moneda  provisional— copper  slightly 
alloyed  with  silver — of  the  denominations  of  quarter 
and  half  dollars,  of  which  probably  $1,500,000,  nominal 
value,  went  into  circulation  since  1839. 15  Besides  this 
coin  there  has  been  in  circulation  the  cut  money  of  the 
old  kingdom,  a portion  of  the  Honduras  government's 
own  coinage,  and  that  of  the  federal  republic;  all  of 
which,  together  with  English  and  American  coins, 
make  up  the  bulk  of  money  in  circulation.16  In  a de- 
cree of  September  21,  1870,  the  government  of  Guate- 
mala endeavored  to  introduce  in  its  coinage  the  decimal 
system,  recognizing  the  peso  as  the  unit.1.  Another 
law  of  November  15,  1878,  provided  for  the  coinage 
of  gold  pieces  of  1,  2,  5,  10,  and  20  pesos,  and  silver 
pieces  of  8,  4,  and  2 reales,  and  half  and  quarter 
reales.18  Foreign  coins  circulated  at  the  rates  fixed  by 
the  government.19  There  have  been  banks  in  most  of 
the  states  of  Central  America  for  a number  of  years, 
several  being  now  in  successful  operation.10 

80  cents.  The  old  Costa  R.  doubloon  passes  for  $14.40  only,  and  the  sub- 
divisions in  proportion.  The  new  Costa  R.  piece  of  $5  is  worth  only  $4.50. 
Chilian  and  Colombian  condors  pass  for  $9.  Livy,  Nic.,  370-1,  521. 

lJ  It  paralyzed  foreign  trade,  became  depreciated,  and  caused  other  evils. 
Montufar,  Res.  Hist.,  iii.  277.  The  govt  endeavored  to  retire  this  coin  by  a 
gradual  redemption  every  year. 

16  Foreign  coins  pass  at  their  true  valuation.  Very  little  money  leaves 
Honduras.  Hond.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  May  20,  1853;  Squier's  Cent.  Am.,  272;  Wells' 
Jfond.,  567-72. 

17  In  former  times  there  was  the  ounce  of  $16  and  its  subdivisions,  and  the 
silver  peso  with  its  subdivisions  down  to  medio  real,  or  (t\  cents.  Most  of 
the  silver  coin  in  circulation  was  the  macuquina  or  cut,  which  was  a nuisance. 
The  government  in  1873  ordered  it  retired,  which  was  in  the  course  of  time 
done.  The  system  established  in  the  law  of  1870  found  favor  with  the  people 
as  regarded  gold  coin.  Not  so  with  silver;  the  public  clinging  to  the  old  de- 
nominations, and  refusing  to  accept  base  metals  which  this  law  had  also  pro- 
vided for. 

18  Standard  of  the  coin  0.900.  Weight  of  the  peso  25  grammes. 

19  Mex.  eagle  $20;  its  subdivisions  in  proportion.  Peruvian  pieces  of  $20 
and  $10,  and  Colombian  condors  of  .$20  and  $10,  at  their  face  value.  Chilian 
condors  of  $10,  $9.50.  German  gold  piece  of  20  marks,  $4.93j.  American, 
French,  and  English  gold  coins  have  their  full  value;  though  they  generally 
command  a high  premium.  Further  details  may  be  found  in  Gnat.,  Recop. 
Ley.,  ii.  578-82;  Id.,  Gob.  Dem.,  i.  83,  197;  Salv.,  Diario,  Dec.  14,  1878. 

w There  were  in  1883  two  banks,  the  Internacional  and  Colombiano,  in  the 
city  of  Guatemala;  both  having  ample  capital  for  a time  stood  high.  The 
former,  founded  in  1878,  suspended  in  1885.  The  latter,  founded  in  1879 


BANKS  AND  MAILS. 


671 


The  states  of  Central  America,  including  the  Isth- 
mus of  Panama,  maintain  communications  by  mail,  not 
only  with  one  another,  but  likewise  with  other  nations 
of  Europe  and  America,  and  through  them  with  the 
rest  of  the  world.21  The  several  republics  use  their 

by  capitalists  who  were  mostly  Colombians,  has  no  agencies,  and  limits  its 
operations  within  the  capital  of  the  republic,  and  to  the  sale  of  bills  of 
exchange  on  foreign  markets.  There  was  also  the  Banco  de  Occidente  at 
Quezaltenango  with  a capital  of  .fl00,000;  its  main  object  being  to  assist 
agriculture  and  manufactures  in  the  wealthy  departments  of  Los  Altos.  Its 
standing  was  somewhat  shaken  by  its  bills  having  been  largely  counterfeited 
in  Sept.  1882;  but  it  managed  to  weather  the  storm.  The  Banco  de  Nica- 
ragua, a bank  of  issue,  loans,  and  discounts,  with  a capital  of  $600,000,  has 
been  quite  successful  It  was  chartered  in  May  1871.  The  Banco  Anglo- 
Costaricense  went  into  operation  at  Managua  in  1873,  with  a capital  of  $100,- 
000,  under  the  management  of  Allan  Wallis.  The  Banco  Internacional  of 
Salvador  began  business  on  the  20th  of  Aug.,  1880,  and  has  since  been  pros- 
perous, excepting  in  1885,  owing  to  the  war  with  Guatemala,  and  a subse- 
quent revolution.  However,  the  results  of  the  first  six  months  were  satisfac- 
tory In  1867  the  Banco  Nacional  de  Costa  Rica  went  into  operation  at  San 
Jos6,  with  a capital  of  $500,000,  and  power  to  increase  it  to  one  million  dollars, 
under  a contract  for  ten  years  between  John  Thompson  and  the  government. 
Dec.  1,  1876,  the  government  decreed  the  statutes  of  the  Banco  de  Emision, 
with  a capital  of  $500,000  secured  with  mortgages  on  real  estate  to  the  amount 
of  $1,000,000.  But  the  stockholders  failing  to  pay  in  the  capital,  the  govern- 
ment suspended  the  bank,  which  had  been  operating,  and  ordered  the  books 
transferred  to  the  Banco  Nacional  of  San  Jose,  which  was  to  redeem  all  notes 
of  that  bank  in  circulation.  The  Banco  Nacional  had  been  created  by  a de- 
cree of  Dec.  25,  1877,  with  a capital  of  $250,000.  Its  operations  were  not  to 
include  the  issue  of  notes.  A charter  was  granted  in  Jan.  1881,  to  establish 
a Banco  Hipotecario  Franco-Costaricense  with  a capital  of  $500,000.  The  by 
laws  were  approved  by  govt  in  July  1881.  The  bank  was  to  have  a branch 
in  Paris.  Batres'  Sketch  Guat.,  24;  S.  F Cronista,  Feb.  3,  1883;  Jan.  31,  Apr. 
25,  18S5;  Nic.,  Caceta,  Aug.  3,  1867;  July  8,  1871;  Id.,  Semenal  Hie.,  Apr. 
10,  1873;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Aug.  3,  1867;  Sept.  2,  1885;  Costa  It.,  Col. 
Ley.,  xvii.  45-50,  51-5;  xx.  4-19,  110-16,  295-7,304-6,  311-12;  xxiv.  197— 
205;  xxv  245-60;  Id.,  1878,  104-6;  1881,  17-26,  64-6,  143-68;  Gnat.,  Mem. 
Sec.  Fomento,  1882,  37 

21  In  1809  there  was  a postal  service  between  Guatemala  and  David  in 
Panama,  via  Cartago  in  Costa  Rica,  by  which  route  correspondence  was  kept 
up  with  South  America.  In  1811  a tri-monthly  mail  was  established  between 
Guat.  and  Mex.,  Merida,  the  Windward  Islands,  and  Spain.  In  1S29  there 
was  a monthly  packet  between  New  York  and  the  Isthmus.  After  that, 
some  sort  of  mail  service  was  kept  up  till  it  became  regular  with  the  estab- 
lishment of  steamship  lines.  In  1844  the  first  mail  steamer  touched  at  Cha- 
gres,  and  in  1845  a line  was  established  between  Panama  and  Valparaiso.  In 
1846  a post-route  between  the  two  oceans  was  established  under  a grant  of  the 
Brit.  govt.  At  this  time  the  U.  S.  contemplated  establishing  a line  of 
steamers  from  Pan.  to  Or.  via  Cal.  The  present  Pacific  Mail  Steam- 
ship Company  was  organized  in  1847  for  that  purpose,  and  on  the  5th  of 
Oct.  their  pioneer  steamship,  the  California,  went  to  sea,  followed  at  short 
intervals  by  the  Panama  and  Oregon.  At  the  inception  of  the  enterprise, 
success  was  looked  for  only  from  the  agricultural  resources  of  the  Pacific 
coast.  The  discovery  of  gold  in  Cal.  secured  that  success.  The  company 
kept  up  the  service  between  N.  Y.  and  Colon,  and  between  Panama  and 
S.  F via  Acapulco  and  Manzanilla,  and  later  sent  ships  to  China.  Niles' 
Reg.,  xxxvii.  242;  Pan.  Constitucional  del  Istnio,  Oct.  30,  1834;  Mayer’s  Mex. 


672 


COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 


best  endeavors  to  perfect  the  internal  mail  service.’2 
They  pay  subsidies  to  steamship  companies  for  bring- 
ing and  carrying  their  mails,  and  are  members  of  the 
Universal  Postal  Union. 

The  discovery  of  gold  in  California,  as  is  well  known, 
restored  life  to  the  Isthmus  of  Panama.  In  Decem- 
ber 1849,  the  first  emigrants  went  across,  bound  for 
the  new  El  Dorado.  In  1850  there  was  a laro-e 

o 

travel,23  notwithstanding  innumerable  difficulties  and 
discomforts.  After  the  construction  of  the  railway 
the  traffic  over  it  still  increased;  most  of  it  was  in 
transitu,  but  the  local  trade  was  not  insignificant.24 
The  note  at  foot  contains  data  mainly  procured  from 
official  sources  on  the  amount  of  transportation  from 
the  earliest  days  of  the  opening  of  the  road  to  a re- 

as  it  Was,  etc.,  369-74;  Pan.,  El  Movimiento,  Dec.  22,  1844;  Seemann’s  Hist.  1st. 
Pan.,  in  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Apr.  17,  1847;  Crosby's  Statem.,  MS.,  3-10. 

22  Costa  R.  has  been  quite  successful.  The  number  of  pieces  received  at 
and  forwarded  by  the  main  office  at  San  Jose  in  1SS3  were  1,377,243,  against 
549,096,  in  1880,  and  1,172,259,  in  18S2.  In  Nic.  the  service  is  a source  of 
considerable  expense  to  the  govt.  In  1861-2,  the  expenses  were  only  $5,349. 
In  1881-2,  $39,327;  the  receipts  $19,476,  leaving  a deficit  of  $19,851.  This  is 
owing  to  long  distances  and  sparse  population.  In  Hond.  the  exchange  of 
mail  matter  amounted  in  1880  to  937,331  pieces;  the  expenses  of  the  depart- 
ment, $17,102.  In  Guat.  the  aggregate  amount  of  mail  matter  was  as  follows: 
1880,  835,906;  1SS1,  1,039,652;  18S2,  1,400,043;  1S83,  2,111,366;  18S4,  2,912,- 
411.  The  receipts  in  1884,  $48,342;  expend.  $46,017.  The  appropriation  for 
the  fiscal  year  1886-7  was  computed  at  $58,812.  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Sec.  Gobcrn., 
years  1883 — 4;  Id.,  Guerra,  1880,  1883;  Id.,  Hac.,  1S84;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Feb.  3, 
1885;  Pan.  Canal,  Jan.  13,  18S3;  Id.,  Star  and  Herald,  July  2,  1 SSI ; Feb.  8, 
1883;  Sept.  9,  1885;  Nic.,  Informe.  Sec.  Hoc.,  1875;  Id.,  Id.,  1883;  Id. , Mem. 
Sec.  Gobern.,  1883;  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  18,  Nov.  30,  1875;  July  12,  Nov.  2, 
1878;  March  5,  1879;  Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1880-5;  Id.,  Prcsupuerto  Gen., 
1886,  18-19;  Encyc.  Brit.,  xvi.  492;  El  Guatemalteco,  Feb.  2,  Sept.  24,  1884; 
Bat.res'  Sketch  Guat.,  69-76. 

23  Crosby’s  Statem.,  MS.,  3-10.  At  the  sailing  of  the  Panama  there  were 
2,000  persons  to  embark  for  S.  F. ; four  steamships  to  sail  for  the  same  desti- 
nation; namely,  Sarah  Sands,  Carolina,  Isthmus,  and  Gold  Hunter.  Early  in 
the  summer  of  the  same  year  there  were  4,000  passengers  waiting  for  vessels 
to  take  them  to  Cal.,  in  a place  which  could  hardly  afford  accommodations  for 
100.  Hundreds  of  deaths  occurred.  Pan.  Star,  March  29,  1850;  Sac.  Placer 
Times,  i.,  Apr.  26,  1850;  Advent,  of  a Capt.’s  Wife,  18;  Cal.  Courier,  Sept.  14, 
1850.  The  steamer  If  . H.  Aspinwall  then  began  to  ply  on  the  River  Chagres, 
between  Chagres  and  Gorgona,  which  did  away  with  the  bongos  nuisance. 
Sac.  Transcript,  March  14,  1851. 

21 1850-5  were  years  of  brisk  business  for  the  Isthmus.  Gold  circulated 
so  abundantly  that  few  did  not  handle  gold  coin.  Provisions  ruled  high. 
Silver  was  so  scarce  that  in  1850  a five-dollar  gold  piece  could  buy  only  40 
dimes.  Americans  said  that  Panama  was  a better  place  for  business  than 
S.  F.  Maldonado,  A tulles  Fold.  Pan.,  MS.,  7. 


ISTHMUS  TRAFFIC. 


673 


cent  date."5  It  will  be  noticed  that  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  sixth  decade  of  this  century  the  transit  traffic 
through  the  Isthmus  became  greatly  diminished. 
This  was  mainly  due  to  the  construction  of  the  over- 
land railway  to  the  Pacific  in  the  United  States,  and 
to  the  establishment  of  a British  line  of  large  and  fleet 
steamers  running  from  Europe  to  ports  in  the  south 
Pacific  through  the  straits  of  Magellan,  affording  ad- 
vantages  over  the  Panama  railroad  transportation. 

The  transportation  of  passengers  and  merchandise 
to  and  from  the  Isthmus  has  been  mainly  effected  by 
steamship  lines — American  and  British  during  the 
first  fourteen  or  fifteen  years,  to  which  were  subse- 
quently added  those  of  a French  company;  and  still 
later  those  of  a German  one.' 

25 1852-66:  passengers,  517,852;  gold  and  silver,  $849, 157,076;  paper  money, 
$19,062,567;  jewelry,  $513,001;  1855-66:  merchandise,  mail  matter,  baggage 
and  coal,  614,535  tons.  Mail  matter  averaged  380  tons  yearly.  Merchandise 
steadily  increased  from  10,658  tons  in  1856,  the  lowest,  to  93,414  tons  in  1866, 
the  highest;  and  coal  from  8,934  in  1856  to  13,418  in  1866.  In  1860  and  1861, 
the  coal  transportation  exceeded  16,000  tons  a year.  The  total  tonnage  trans- 
ported across  the  road  in  1856  was  20,053,  which  increased  every  year  till  it 
reached  107,590  tons  in  1866.  The  largest  number  of  passengers  crossed  was 
in  1859,  46,976,  nearly  5,000  in  excess  of  1858;  the  smallest  number  was  in 
1852,  26,420,  being  5,280  less  than  in  1866.  The  large  travel  of  1859  was  due 
to  great  reduction  of  passage  money  by  steam  lines  running  in  opposition. 
The  gold  transported  in  1856  was  $48,047,692;  in  1866,  $48,234,403;  at  no 
other  period  did  it  equal  these  amounts.  Silver  showed  a gradual  increase 
from  $9,439,648  in  1856  to  $18,653,239,  declining  in  1866  to  $14,331,751. 
Paper  money  was  transported  by  the  U.  S.  govt  during  the  war.  Jewelry 
varied  from  $102,718  to  $844,490,  hut  gradually  declined.  The  tariff  rates 
established  by  the  company  Jan.  1,  1865,  were  as  follows:  passengers,  foreign, 
$25  each,  children  of  6 to  12  years  one  half,  under  6,  one  quarter;  Colombians, 
$10  each.  Baggage  exceeding  50  lb.,  5 cts  per  lb.  Merchandise,  special  rates: 
1st  class  paying  50  cts  per  cubic  foot;  2d  to  6th  1-J  cts  to  £ cent  respectively 
per  lh.  All  payments  in  Am.  gold,  or  its  equivalent.  Otis’  Hid.  Pan.  R.  R., 
139-45;  Bidwell’s  Isth.  Pan.,  277-86,  389-93.  In  1867,  the  value  of  the  transit 
trade  in  merchandise  and  treasure  over  the  route  was  $92,191,980,  and  35,076 
passengers.  In  1872  the  road  conveyed  194  millions  pounds  of  weight,  2-i 
millions  of  feet,  besides  215,000  gallons  of  oil,  13,952  of  wine,  and  13,952  pas- 
sengers. Ji'dfs,  Die  Seehxifon,  11.  1878-9,  merchandise,  314,220  tons;  1880-4, 
1,033,596  tons;  the  quantity  in  18S4  was  2S7,243,  not  including  10,000  tons 
of  bananas,  an  increase  of  71,518  over  1883.  1880-4,  passengers,  1,024,128; 

the  number  in  1884  was  515,520,  an  excess  of  75  per  cent  over  1883;  the 
large  increase  being  mainly  due  to  the  operations  of  the  interoceanic  canal 
company,  and  the  transportation  of  their  vast  material.  Pan.  Star  and  Her- 
ald, May  2,  14,  1867;  May  17,  Sept.  5,  1877;  June  23,  1881;  Apr.  22,  1885; 
S.  F.  Eng  Bulletin,  Apr.  12,  1878;  Apr.  2,  1884;  S.  F.  Chronirle,  Apr.  3,  1884; 
Superint.  Burt’s  Report,  March  7,  1885;  U.  S.  Govt  Hoc.,  Comm.  Rel.,  years 
1 857-7 1 . 

26 The  steamship  lines  doing  such  service  in  1867  were  the  following:  1st. 
The  Pacific  Mail  Co.  of  N Y , whose  capital  in  1847  was  $400,000;  raised  in  1850 
Hist  Cent.  Am.,  Vol  III  43 


674 


COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 


The  Isthmus  traffic,  from  the  earliest  (lays  of  Span- 
ish occupation  of  South  America,  was  carried  on  by 
pack-mules  at  excessive  rates.'2'  In  the  early  part  of 
this  century,  the  condition  of  trade  being  unsatisfac- 
tory, reforms  were  loudly  called  for  by  both  Spaniards 
and  Americans.28  A brisk  contraband  trade  was  con- 
stantly going  on.20  After  the  war  of  independence, 
the  traffic  between  Spain  and  South  America  ceased. 
In  1825-30  trade  was  at  a low  ebb.30  With  the  view 


to  $2, 000, 000;  in  1860  to  $4,000,000;  and  in  1866  to  $20,000,000;  the  lowest 
estimate  of  its  property  being  set  down  in  1867  at  $30,000,000.  This  com- 
pany has  passed  through  many  vicissitudes,  as  indicated  by  the  stock  market. 
The  highest  rates  attained  by  its  shares  were  24S  in  1863,  325  in  1864,  329 
in  1865,  234  in  1866.  Every  other  year  they  have  been  under  200,  the  highest 
being  173J  in  1867.  From  that  time  they  sank  very  low,  even  to  16}  cents 
in  1876,  the  highest  that  year  being  39}.  2d.  Brit,  and  W.  India  and  Pac. 

running  between  Liverpool,  W.  Ind.,  W.  coast  of  S.  and  Cent.  Am.,  and 
Colon.  3d.  Brit.  Royal  Mail,  between  Southampton,  W.  Ind.,  eastern  coast 
of  Mexico,  S.  and  Cent.  Am.,  and  Colon.  4th.  Brit.  Pan.,  New  Zealand,  and 
Australia.  5th.  Brit.  Pac.  Steam  Navigation  Co.,  between  Pan.  and  ports 
of  Colombia,  Ecuador,  Peru,  Bolivia,  and  Chile.  6th.  Pan.  R.  Road  Co.’s 
steamers  between  Pan.  and  Acapulco,  touching  at  all  Cent.  Am.  ports.  This 
line  finally  was  merged  in  the  Pacific  Mail  Co.  7th.  Am.  'Cal.  Or.  and  Mex. 
Co.’s  line  running  between  S.  F.  and  Mex.,  and  between  S.  F.  and  Portland, 
Or.,  and  Island  of  Vancouver.  It  was  afterward  discontinued.  8th.  French 
Transatlantic  Co.  running  between  St  Nazaire  in  France,  W.  Ind.,  Mex.,  and 
Colon.  9th.  German  line.  In  1871  the  following  arrivals  of  vessels  occurred: 
steamers,  Brit.,  84,  with  158,579  tons;  Am.,  25,  with  66,813  tons;  German, 
36,  with  42,740  tons;  French,  24,  with  15,782.  Sailing  vessels,  56  Brit.,  43 
Am.,  12  German,  4 French,  8 Italian,  112  Colombian,  mostly  small.  Grand 
total  of  tonnage,  316,271  tons.  Otis’  Hist.  Pan.  R.  R.,  50-6,  148-60,  169-232; 
Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  May  2,  1867;  Apr.  14,  1877;  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  Comm. 
Rel.,  1871-2,  252,  263;  BidwelCs  Isth.  Pan.,  353-7.  The  author  of  the  last- 
quoted  work  was  British  vice-consul  at  Panamd,  and  enjoyed  leisure  and 
opportunity  for  gathering  facts  from  many  sources,  concerning  tiie  past  and 
present  history  of  Panama,  as  well  as  on  her  resources,  trade,  etc.  The 
arrangement  of  the  book,  as  he  acknowledges,  is  defective,  there  being 
no  order — chronological  or  other — in  the  information  he  gives.  The  descrip- 
tion of  the  social  and  political  condition  of  the  city  and  country,  to  the  time 
of  his  writing,  is  quite  accurate. 

27  Between  1825  and  1830  the  expense  of  conveying  a bale  of  goods  over- 
land, including  duties  and  taxes,  was  $10  or  $12. 

“In  1820  it  was  deplorable.  Cdrtes,  Diario,  1820,  iv.  180-2;  Gordon's  Hist, 
and  Geog.  Mem.,  48-9. 

“It  was  said  that  $45,000,000  of  English' manufactures  unlawfully  crossed 
the  Isthmus  for  Sp.  Am.  between  1810  and  1817.  Arrillaga,  Inf.,  in  Cedulario, 
iv.  no.  I,  72;  Alanian,  Hist.  Mij. , iv.  473-4. 

30  Communication  was  kept  up  on  the  Atlantic  side  with  Jamaica  by  a Brit, 
man-of-war  which  twice  a month  carried  letters  and  specie;  with  Cartagena 
by  government  vessels  bimonthly;  and  with  the  same  and  other  points  by 
independent  traders.  On  the  Pacific  traffic  was  better  along  the  whole  coast. 
In  1825  the  spirit  of  enterprise  was  rash.  Exclusive  of  small  coasters,  there 
came  to  Chagres  1 ship,  7 brigs  from  France,  21  schooners  from  the  W.  Indies, 
6 schooners  from  the  U.  S.,  and  3 from  Cartagena.  In  1828,  these  numbers 


GOLD  AND  THE  ISTHMUS  CANAL. 


C75 


of  fostering  it,  the  New  Granadan  government,  in 
1847,  decreed  the  suppression  of  custom-houses  at 
Panamd,,  Portobello,  and  Chagres.31  I refer  elsewhere 
to  the  great  improvement  wrought  by  the  influx  of 
travellers  consequent  upon  the  discovery  of  gold  in 
California.  The  amount  of  business  done  in  providing 
conveyances,  accommodations,  and  supplies  of  all  kinds 
for  passengers  was  very  large,  and  money  became  quite 
abundant.  The  opening  of  the  railway  in  1855  par- 
alyzed the  local  trade.32 

The  local  trade  of  the  Isthmus  in  1865  is  set  down 
to  have  been  $350,000  to  $400,000  of  imports,  and 
between  $500,000  and  $600,000  of  exports.33  With  a 
few  exceptions,  the  chief  trade  in  foreign  goods  is  car- 
ried on  by  foreigners,  most  of  whom  deal  in  almost 
every  kind  of  merchandise;  the  United  States  fur- 
nishing the  greater  part  of  the  provisions,  and  other 
commodities.  With  the  works  on  the  canal,  and  the 
large  increase  of  population,  the  local  trade  became 
greatly  augmented.  Weights  and  measures  and  money 
were  based  on  the  French  decimal  system.34  All  kinds 
of  money  were  current.  American  coin  generally 
commanded  a high  premium.  Bank  notes  or  paper 
currency  of  any  kind  could  be  easily  passed.35  Small 

were  reduced  to  about  20  all  together.  In  the  same  years  the  entries  at 
Panama  were  respectively  17  and  24  vessels.  In  1830  trade  was  in  a state 
of  stagnation.  Lloyd’s  Notes  Istli.  Pan.,  in  Roy.  Oeog.  Soc.,  i.  96-7;  Niles’  Reg., 
xxxviii.  141. 

31Bocas  del  Toro  was  also  made  a free  port.  El  Arco  Iris,  July  25,  1847; 
Molina,  der  Freistaadt,  Costa  R.,  58-9;  S.  F.  Californian,  ii. , Sept.  29,  1847. 

32 The  passengers  from  Cal.  no  longer  remained  in  Pan.,  but  were  hurried 
off  to  Colon;  thus  the  expenditure  formerly  made  by  the  thousands  of  passen- 
gers ceased.  Many  business  houses  had  to  close  in  1855  and  1856.  Later 
the  influx  of  passengers  from  Europe,  who  stop  longer  at  Panama,  helped  to 
support  the  hotels,  etc.  Bidwell’s  Istli.  Pan.,  263. 

33  A portion  of  the  imports  was  paid  for  in  remittances  of  specie,  or  in  bills 
on  Europe,  sold  from  time  to  time  by  foreign  men-of-war  and  steamship  com- 
panies. The  amount  of  exports  may  be  augmented  some  $100,000  by  produce 
sold  to  steamship  companies.  Besides  pearls  and  pearl  shells,  ivory,  nuts,  and 
India-rubber  figured  considerably  among  the  exports.  The  recklessness  with 
which  the  rubber-trees  have  been  cut  down  has  reduced  the  production  in 
1886  to  an  insignificant  quantity.  The  imports  from  1856  to  1863  inclusive 
reached  $6,386,135;  the  exports  from  1857  to  1863  probably  $5,000,000  or 
$6,000,000.  Data  on  this  point  are  unreliable.  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  Comm.  Rel., 
1859-61;  Bidwell’s  Istli.  Pan.,  265-7,  277-8;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  May  2,  1867. 

34  Adopted  in  1853.  Pan.,  Crdnica  Ofic.,  Aug.  20,  1853. 

33  The  national  government  of  Colombia,  on  the  3d  of  May,  1861,  decreed 


(576 


COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 


silver  coin  was  generally  scarce,  and  there  was  no 
copper  currency.  There  were  no  banks  of  issue,  though 
some  merchants  did  a banking  business.  Bills  of  ex- 
change on  England  usually  commanded  a premium. 
Those  on  France  were  about  par.  The  canal  company 
sells  exchange,  receiving  the  existing  currency  in  pay- 
ment. 

The  Pearl  Islands,  comprising  sixteen  islands  and 
numerous  rocks,  had  a population  of  about  2,000  souls, 
about  700  of  whom  were  engaged  six  months  of  the 
year  in  pearl  fishing,  which  yielded  about  1,000  tons 
of  pearl  shells  valued  at  $70  per  ton,  and  pearls  enough 
to  raise  the  value  of  both  to  $300,000  yearly.  This 
industry  had  almost  ceased  to  exist  in  1873,  owing  to 
recklessness.  Fishing  for  pearl  oysters  was  forbidden 
by  law  on  the  7th  of  May,  1872,  for  the  term  of  five 
years,  in  order  to  allow  the  mollusk  time  to  renew  its 
vitality,  which  was  in  danger  of  destruction;  but  so 
far  the  measure  has  had  no  visibly  good  effects,  and 
the  fishery  has  not  been  revived.  Pearl  fishing  was 
carried  on  with  success  by  the  Indians  of  Costa  Pica 
on  the  coast  of  Nicoya,  the  shell  being  an  established 
article  of  export.30  Pearl  oysters  are  also  found  near 
the  south  of  Caroon  Island,  but  yield  so  few  pearls 
as  to  make  it  unprofitable  to  search  for  them.37 

that  the  notes  of  the  National  Bank,  silver  coin  of  the  fineness  of  0.500,  and 
nickel  coin,  should  be  the  only  legal  tender  receivable  at  public  offices  of  the 
nation,  states,  and  department  of  PanamcL  The  enforcement  of  the  decree  in 
Panama,  where  the  money  in  circulation  is  sufficient  for  all  purposes,  is 
deemed  ruinous,  as  the  paper  thus  forced  into  circulation  is  irredeemable. 
There  are  no  manufactures  nor  products  that  merchants  can  send  abroad  in 
payment  of  the  articles  of  daily  necessity  which  are  imported.  Pan.  Star  and 
Herald,  May  31,  1886. 

36  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  39-40;  Wagner,  Costa  R.,  458-65;  Squier’s  Cent. 
Am.,  457.  The  exportation  of  shells  on  a large  scale  upon  the  coasts  of  the 
mainland,  gulfs,  and  islands  was  farmed  out  in  Oct.  1885,  to  a private  party 
for  16  years,  the  lessee  paying  for  the  privilege  as  follows:  1st.  §1,000  a year 
during  the  first  six  years,  and  $2,000  a year  for  each  of  the  other  ten.  2d. 
$6  for  every  1,000  kilog.  of  pearl  shells  taken  out  in  the  first  six  years,  and 
$8  per  1,000  kilog.  the  next  ten  years.  Costa  R.,  Caceta,  Nov.  7,  1885. 

31  Findlay,  Directory,  i.  236.  J Lafcrrih-c,  De  Paris  a Quat4ma la;  Notes 
de  Voyages  an  Centre  A meripte,  Paris,  1877,  fol.  448  pp.,  4 sheets,  and  wood- 
cuts,  is  a narrative  of  a commercial  traveller  of  three  journeys  to  and  through 
the  five  republics  of  Cent.  Am.,  in  1866,  1870,  and  1874—5,  containing  gen- 
eral information  on  their  history  and  resources,  agriculture,  and  other 
industries,  and  the  character,  manner,  and  customs  of  their  inhabitants. 


REVENUE  AND  DEBT 


677 


As  to  finances  prior  to  the  separation  from  the 
mother  country,  and  the  disruption  of  the  Central 
American  confederacy,  it  can  scarcely  be  said  that  the 
country  had  any. 

A sketch  of  the  revenue  of  the  so-called  reino  de 
Guatemala,  made  in  1818  for  the  five  years  1817— 
1821, 88  shows  the  various  sources.  Tli°  ordinary  im- 
posts yielded  402,944  pesos,  and  the  special  256,975 
pesos,  making  an  aggregate  of  719,919  pesos.39  The 
scale  of  expenditure  to  the  day  of  independence  had 
been  kept  down ; financial  wants  being  few,  the  needed 
resources  were  easily  collected,  and  did  not  weigh 
heavily  on  the  people.  The  ruin  of  the  treasury 
began  in  1821,  but  was  not  felt  till  later,  during  the 
period  Central  America  was  harnessed  to  the  Mexican 
empire.40 

On  the  2d  of  July,  1822,  the  congress  of  the  Pro- 
vincias  Unidas  de  Centro  America  decreed  the  reco^- 
nition  of  the  public  debt.  In  December  1824,  the 
government,  duly  authorized  by  congress,  contracted 
a loan  with  Barclay,  Herring,  Richardson,  and  Com- 
pany, of  London,41  recognizing  an  indebtedness  of 
$7,142,857,  and  the  receipt  of  a net  sum  of  about 


Statistical  tables,  and  numerous  cuts  of  important  towns  and  of  natives  are 
accompanied.  The  style  is  plain,  clear,  and  concise,  and  the  mode  of  treat- 
ment shows  an  intelligent  observer.  In  an  unpretentious  manner  the  author 
gives  much  that  is  valuable  on  those  countries. 

38  The  information  which  has  reached  us  for  the  years  previous  to  1817  is 
both  meagre  and  contradictory.  One  authority  has  it  that  Spain  undoubt- 
edly received  every  year  till  1809  a net  revenue  of  a little  over  50,000 
pesos;  another  claims  that  a yearly  allowance  of  150,000  pesos  came  from 
the  treasury  of  New  Spain.  Torrente,  Revol.  Bisp.  Am.,  i.  23-5;  Mex.,  Mem. 
Sec.  Hoc.,  1875,  65.  In  1812  the  Sp.  cortes  abolished  the  tribute  till  then 
exacted  from  the  Indians.  COrtes,  Diario,  1811-12,  xi.  376. 

39  Including  157,681  pesos  from  excise,  3,872  pesos  from  gunpowder,  and 
256,975  from  tobacco.  During  those  five  years  the  tobacco  monopoly  had 
sales  amounting  to  2,920,316  pesos,  the  expenses  being  1,325,869  pesos,  leav- 
ing a clear  profit  to  the  treasury  of  1,594,447  pesos,  or  an  average  of  318,890 
pesos  a year.  Dunn's  Gnat.,  214. 

40  * Habia  desaparecido  durante  la  esclavitud  del  imperio.  ’ Manure,  Bosq. 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  140. 

41  The  public  debt  amounted  to  $3,726,144,  and  the  yearly  expenses  were 
nearly  $900,000,  to  meet  which  the  revenue  was  totally  inadequate.  The  sev- 
eral states  were  in  no  better  condition,  inasmuch  as  the  revenue  from  stamped 
paper,  rum,  excise,  and  other  small  sources,  which  had  been  assigned  them, 
was  not  enough  for  their  needs. 


67S 


COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 


$5, 000, 000. 42  The  banking  house  agreed  to  advance 
$200,000  at  the  end  of  two  months,  and  $150,000  at 
the  end  of  seven  and  nine  respectively.  To  make  the 
story  short,  the  federal  government  received  only 
$328,310,  notwithstanding  which  its  debt  had  r isen  in 
the  early  part  of  1830  to  one  million  dollars.43  After 
the  dissolution  of  the  Central  American  union,  the 
several  states  assumed  a share  of  the  foreign  debt, 
and  adopted  measures  to  provide  their  governments 
with  means  to  cover  their  expenses.  Most  of  them 
depended  chiefly  on  receipts  from  customs,  and  the 
monopoly  of  spirituous  liquors  and  tobacco,  stamped 
paper,  excise,  and  a few  other  sources.44 

The  gross  receipts  for  the  fiscal  year  1883,  includ- 
ing a balance  of  $104,327  on  hand  from  the  preceding 
year,  were  $6, 728,007. 45  The  expenditures  amounted 


42  A security  for  the  payment  of  the  interest  and  of  the  sinking  fund  to 
extinguish  the  principal,  the  revenue  from  tobacco  and  customs  was  hypothe- 
cated. Under  the  contract  the  interest  was  payable  quarterly  together  with 
§50,000  for  the  sinking  fund.  It  was  calculated  that  the  debt  would  be  ex- 
tinguished in  twenty  years,  and  that  the  interest  would  come  to  §482,571. 
El  Indicador  de  Gnat.,  Apr.  21,  May  18,  1828;  Guat.,  Mem.  Min.  Hac.,  1830-1. 

43  A natural  result  of  selling  §100  bonds  at  §30,  and  paying  §100  the  next 
year.  The  govt  was  shamefully  swindled  by  the  few  men  who  had  a share  in 
the  transactions.  Id.,  1S46,  51-6.  On  the  other  hand,  the  funds  received 
from  the  loan  were  misapplied.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  142-7. 

44  Direct  imposts:  Guatemala’s  sources  of  revenue  were  3 per  thousand  on 
the  assessed  value  of  real  estate,  military,  ami  road  taxes.  Several  others 
existing  as  late  as  18S2,  such  as  a tax  on  sugar-cane,  were  suppressed.  Indi- 
rect duties  on  imports  and  exports,  and  port  charges  paid  by  ships.  Stamped 
paper,  slaughtering  cattle,  imposts  on  native  flour,  salt,  inheritances,  and  en- 
dowments, and  5 per  ct  on  sales  and  transfers  of  real  estate.  Monopoly  of 
spirituous  liquors,  tobacco  since  1S79,  gunpowder,  and  saltpetre.  To  these 
are  to  be  added  a number  of  other  means  of  lesser  import,  but  which  in  the 
aggregate  yield  considerably  over  §100,000. 

‘"From  the  following  sources,  namely:  direct  taxation,  §176, 90S;  indirect 
ditto,  §1,916,987;  govt  monopolies,  §1,549,173;  special  revenue,  §323,212; 
divers  and  extraordinary  receipts,  §S8,577;  contracts  and  divers  negotiations, 
§2,569,418,  being  for  temporary  loans,  etc.  The  total  amount  of  revenue 
from  customs  included  in  the  item  of  indirect  taxation  was  §1,485,280, 
mostly  collected  at  the  general  custom-house  in  Guatemala  city;  to  which 
must  be  added  §52,793  collected  on  the  frontiers,  §3,734  for  export  duties, 
and  §1,530  for  port  charges.  The  revenue  from  imports  in  the  four  preced- 
ing years  were:  1879,  §1,501,729;  18S0,  §2,008,237;  1881,  §211,765;  and 
1S82,  §1,679,047.  The  total  revenue  from  all  sources  from  1852  to  1862 
footed  up  §8,442,835;  from  1863  to  1871,  §8,547,529;  1871  yielded  only 
§750,848;  1872-9,  §19,571,233;  1880,  §4,158,199;  1881,  §4,423,964;  1SS2, 
§4,131,945.  The  net  proceeds  or  actual  revenue  from  the  sale  of  spirituous 
liquors  for  1878-83  was  §6,178,095;  from  tobacco,  1879,  for  licenses,  §8,656; 
1880,  two  monthc,  §32,232;  1881-3,  §484,263.  The  total  amount  of  munici- 


GUATEMALA  INDEBTEDNESS. 


679 


to  $6,613,607,  of  which  $3,027,511  was  the  actual  ex- 
penses of  administration,  and  $3,586,096  went  toward 
extinguishing  the  internal  debt.40 

The  indebtedness  of  Guatemala  at  the  end  of  1883 
was  as  follows : Internal,  including  interest,  $4,257,631. 
It  is  understood  that  on  the  30th  of  September,  1885, 
it  was  estimated  at  $6, 138, 000. 47  The  foreign  debt 
resulted  from  the  loan  made  in  March  1869,  in  Lon- 
don, for  the  nominal  sum  of  £500,000  at  6 per  cent 
annually,  and  3 per  cent  for  a sinking  fund.48  The 
government  remitted  to  London  from  1870  to  1876, 
on  account  of  that  debt,  for  interest  and  sinking  fund, 
$1,377,000,  which  was  somewhat  more  than  it  had 
received.  No  further  payments  were  made  after  Oc- 
tober 1876.  Consequently,  at  the  end  of  1885  the 
nation  was  owing,  on  account  of  that  loan,  £468,600 
of  principal,  and  £276,474  for  interest,  aggregating 
£745,074,  which  with  exchange  at  20  per  cent  make 
$4,470,444.  Moreover,  there  is  due  by  Guatemala, 
on  account  of  her  share  of  the  federal  indebtedness — 
she  having  assumed  £100,000  of  it — a very  large  sum. 
The  debt  had  been  reduced  in  1873  to  £70,600  to 

pal  revenue  throughout  the  republic  was  $485,622  in  1883,  and  $535,304  in 
1884.  Guat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Hac.,  1873,  1880-4;  Id.,  Fomento,  1885. 

46  The  outlay  in  1855  appears  to  have  been  $993,522,  including  $317,094 
applied  to  payment  of  the  public  debt;  1864,  $1,130,708;  1879,  $4,526,263, 
a3  follows:  Ordinary  expenses,  $2,728,457;  public  works,  $27,837;  advance  to 
the  railway  company,  $200,000;  payment  of  warrants,  reimbursement  of  tem- 
porary loans,  etc.,  $1,569,969;  18S1,  $7,313,889,  of  which  only  $3,333,470  was 
for  expenses;  $163,241  was  for  purchase  of  tobacco,  powder,  and  saltpetre; 
the  balance  to  payment  of  debts;  1882,  $6,503,422,  of  which  $3,414,747  was 
for  the  actual  expenses.  Astaburuar/a,  Cent.  Am.,  84-5;  Camp’s  Year-Book, 
1869,  1527;  Guat.,  Mem.  See.  Hac.,' 1880-4. 

47  In  order  to  be  enabled  to  meet  expenses,  and  payments  of  the  internal 
debt,  the  rate  of  duties  on  imports  was  raised  in  1873  and  again  in  1879.  It 
also  established  an  export  duty  of  121  cents  per  quintal  on  coffee.  In  1879, 
after  consolidating  the  whole  debt,  40  per  cent  of  the  customs  revenue  was 
reserved  for  its  gradual  payment. 

48  The  interest  and  portion  of  the  sinking  fund  were  made  payable  twice 
a year;  viz.,  April  1st  and  Oct.  1st.  After  several  deductions,  the  amount 
actually  received  in  Guat.  was  $1,351,069.  One  of  the  deductions  was  of 
£15,000  for  retiring  from  the  London  market  £20,000  five  per  cent  bonds  of 
the  federal  loan,  purchased  at  75  per  cent.  Samayoa,  Apuntam.,  1885,  29-37; 
U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  4S,  Sess.  1,  pt  1,  72;  Mex. , Informe  Sec. 
Hac.,  1873,  24—5;  Pan.  Canal,  Jan.  13,  1883;  Id.,  Cronista,  Feb.  21,  1883; 
Gnat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Hac.,  1880-4. 


680 


COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 


which  must  be  added  the  dividends  accrued  to  the 
present  time.49 

The  national  assembly  voted  on  the  5tli  of  July, 
1886,  for  the  fiscal  year  from  July  1,  1886,  to  June 
30,  1887,  appropriations  for  expenditures  of  adminis- 
tration, aggregating  $2,252,471,  and  afterward  granted 
the  extra  sum  of  $326,800  for  contingent  expenses.50 
No  provision  was  made  as  regards  the  foreign  debt. 

The  revenue  of  Honduras  in  1886  has  been  esti- 
mated at  about  two  and  a half  million  dollars,  beinac 
considerably  in  excess  of  the  expenditures.51 

Honduras  has  a foreign  and  a home  debt.  The  lat- 
ter is  partly  consolidated  and  the  rest  floating.  The 
consolidated,  which  was  one  million  dollars,  had  been 
in  1883  reduced  to  $885,000.  All  treasury  notes  had 
been  cancelled.  The  floating  debt,  amounting  in  1880 
to  $578,609,  had  been  reduced  in  1883  to  $244, 694. 52 
The  indebtedness  to  British  subjects,  including  the 
portion  of  the  old  federal  debt  which  Honduras  as- 
sumed, was  finally  extinguished  by  the  payment  of 
$50,000  in  1882,  and  the  country  was  freed  from  the 
burden  long  weighing  on  the  custom-house  at  Trujillo 
The  rest  of  the  foreign  debt,  amounting  in  1876  to 
$29,950,540,  is  held  in  London  and  Paris,  having  been 
issued  at  high  rates  of  interest  and  at  a low  valuation. 

49  According  to  the  calculation  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  it  had  be- 
come increased  on  Apr.  1,  1880,  to  §3,404,967. 

Gnat.  Presupaerto  Gen.,  1886,  ill-14. 

51  The  chief  sources  are  import  duties  and  port  charges,  export  duty  on 
woods,  tax  on  spirituous  liquors,  stamped  paper,  tobacco,  and  gunpowder 
monopoly,  etc.  Squier,  Cent.  Am.,  271,  estimated  the  revenue  in  1856  at 
about  §250,000;  but  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  71-3,  sets  it  down  at  §154,248, 
and  deducting  $37,713  for  loans  and  other  receipts  not  belonging  to  ordinary 
revenue,  and  $24,000  for  two  years’  interest  on  the  English  debt,  there  re- 
mained $92,535  to  meet  an  expenditure  calculated  at  $1 16,898.  The  assembly 
voted  for  1857,  $134,253;  1858,  $119,852;  1859,  $132,912.  In  1857  and  1858 
$40,000  more  had  to  be  added,  owing  to  political  disturbances.  fVappaus, 
Mex.  und  Cent.  Am.,  306.  In  1867  the  receipts  seem  to  have  been  about 
$200,000,  exceeding  the  expense  some  $17,000.  Camp's  Year-Book,  1869,  527. 
Those  of  1869  are  set  down  at  about  $560,000.  Mex.,  Informe  Sec.  Hac.,  1873, 
88.  For  1872  they  were  estimated  at  $400,000.  Am.  Cyclop.,  x iii.  791.  Ac- 
cording to  President  Soto's  message  in  1883,  the  revenue  in  1881  was  $1,120,- 
175,  and  in  1882,  $1,298,878.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March  23,  1883;  June  2, 
1886. 

62  It  is  understood  that  President  Bogran,  in  his  efforts  to  diminish  the  ex- 
penditures, reduced  in  1886  Ins  own  and  other  salaries.  Id.,  June  2,  1886. 


RECEIPTS  AND  EXPENDITURES. 


6S1 


Since  that  time  the  accumulated  interest  has  never 
been  paid.53  It  is  unknown  what  portion  of  the  bonds 
issued  has  been  negotiated.  The  actual  indebtedness 
may  fall  short  of  the  above  amount  after  a thorough 
investigation  of  the  financial  affairs  connected  with 
the  railroad. 

The  revenue  receipts  of  Salvador  from  all  sources, 
according  to  President  Zaldfvar’s  messages  of  1883 
and  1884,  were,  for  1882,  $4,549,209,  and  for  1883, 
$4,061,020.  The  expenditures  as  stated  by  the  same 
authority  were  $4,416,454  in  1882,  and  $4,001,654  in 
1883. 54  In  1866  the  budget  presented  by  the  execu- 
tive to  congress  estimated  the  receipts  at  $2,211,613, 
and  the  expenditures  at  $2,716,505,  leaving  a deficit 
of  $501,869. 

Salvador  had  in  1853  a foreign  debt  not  far  from 
$325,000. 55  Between  1861  and  1863  the  government 
made  an  arrangement  for  the  foreign  debt,  giving 
bonds  to  the  amount  of  $405,260  to  cover  principal 
and  interest.  They  were  paid  in  due  time,  and  since 
then  the  republic  has  kept  itself  free  from  foreign  in- 

53  Pres.  Soto,  in  his  message  of  1883,  says  that  the  opinion  prevailed  in 
Europe  that  Honduras  had  been  victimized;  he  believed  that  in  truth  and 
justice  the  republic  cannot  be  held  responsible  for  the  enormous  debt.  In- 
deed, it  is  of  a very  questionable  origin.  It  was  contracted  for  the  alleged 
purpose  of  constructing  an  interoceanic  railway.  There  were  four  loans 
negotiated;  namely,  two  in  London,  in  1867,  for  the  nominal  amount  of 
£1,000,000,  issued  at  SO  with  10  per  cent  interest;  another  in  1868  at  Paris 
for  the  nominal  sum  of  62,252,700  francs,  issued  at  75  and  6 per  cent  interest, 
and  the  last  in  London  in  1870,  for  £2,500,000,  issued  at  80  and  10  per  cent 
interest.  Am.  Cyclop.,  viii.  791;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March  23,  1883;  La 
Estrella  de  Pan.,  Jan.  10,  1884.  . 

64  The  chief  sources  were  customs,  monopoly  of  spirituous  liquors,  tobacco, 
and  gunpowder,  stamped  paper,  etc.  The  receipts  of  1848-56,  including 
$175,419  for  loans  in  1856,  were  $3,408,068,  averaging  $359,183  a year;  for 
1866-9,  $3,224,348,  or  $806,087  per  year;  for  1870-4,  $4,930,238,  or  $1,232,- 
560  yearly;  for  1875-8,  $7,880,316,  or  an  average  of  $1,970,079.  Expendi- 
tures: 1848-56,  $3,251,802;  1867-8,  $1,468,850;  1S73-8,  $9,269,113.  S</mers 
Cent.  Am.,  307;  Sabi.,  Oaceta,  Oct.  31,  1851;  March  20,  1877;  Id.,  Diario 
Ojic.,  March  24,  25,  1875;  March  13,  14,  1878;  Costa  R.,  Boletin  Ojic.,  March 
14,  1855;  Hie.,  Oaceta,  March  23,  1867;  Feb.  22,  1868;  A staburuaga,  Cent.  Am., 
76;  Camp’s  Year-Book,  1869,  527;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Apr.  1,  1869;  Aug. 
29,  1874;  May  10,  1875;  Feb.  26,  1884;  Sept.  29,  1886;  Id.,  Cronista,  Jan. 
20,  1883;  J Die  Seehcijen,  36;  Hex.,  InJ’omie  Sec.  Hoc.,  1873,  88;  Salv., 
Mem.  Min.  Hac.,  1875-9;  Laferribre,  De  Paris  a Ouat&m. , 190-1. 

5>The  greater  portion  was  Salvador’s  share  of  the  federal  debt;  which  was 
augmented  by  several  foreign  claims  aggregating  about  $100,000.  No  interest 
on  the  federal  debt  had  been  paid  since  1S48.  Syuier’s  Cent.  Am.,  308. 


682 


COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 


debtedness.  Her  internal  debt,  consolidated  at  the 
end  of  1882,  was  $1,589,861,  and  became  slightly  in- 
creased in  1883. 56  In  June  1885  it  was  $7,147,359. 

The  financial  condition  of  Nicaragua  at  the  present 
time  is  quite  easy.  Her  revenue  has  been  steadily  on 
the  increase  for  several  years  past,  except  when  inter- 
rupted by  political  disturbances,  such  as  that  of  1875, 
which  caused  a considerable  diminution.  The  receipts 
from  all  sources  in  the  biennial  term  of  1883-4  were 
$3,238,363,  an  excess  of  $359,426  over  the  two  pre- 
ceding years.57  The  expenditures  in  the  biennial  term 
of  1881-2  were  $3,240,940,  as  itemized  below.58 

66 1 find  that  the  republic  paid  up  in  24  years,  prior  to  1875,  $4,833,775  to 
cover  both  the  federal  debt  and  its  own — an  equivalent  of  about  a million  and 
a quarter  every  five  years  by  a population  of  only  600,000  souls.  Salv.,  Piano 
Ofic.,  Apr.  6,  Aug.  4,  Oct.  28,  1S75;  Oct.  17,  1878;  Id. , Gaceta  Ofic.,  Feb.  15, 
1*878;  Am.  Cyclop.,  xiv.  CIO;  Mex. , Informe  Sec.  Hac.,  1873,  25;  Lafcrnhre, 
De  Par  Li  a Guatim.,  191;  Salv.,  Mem.  Min.  Hac.,  1875;  Nic.,  Semanal  Hie., 
Apr.  16,  1874;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Feb.  26,  1884. 

51  The  chief  sources  of  revenue  are  those  of  customs,  slaughtering  cattle, 
and  sales  of  spirituous  liquors,  tobacco,  gunpowder,  and  stamped  paper. 
The  total  revenue  of  1S45  amounted  to  $74,911,  a sum  entirely  inadequate  to 
meet  the  most  necessary  expenses  of  the  government.  The  import  duty  was 
20  per  cent  ad  valorem,  to  which  was  added  8 per  cent.  The  oidy  export 
duty  was  1 to  3 per  cent  on  gold,  silver,  and  precious  stones.  A transit  duty 
of  5 per  cent  was  levied  on  goods  passing  through  Nic.  to  the  other  states. 
Merchant  vessels  paid  50  cts  per  ton.  The  total  revenue  from  customs  in 
iS46  was  $51,818;  from  internal  taxation,  $3,626;  from  rum,  etc  , $24,260. 
The  revenue  from  tobacco  was  pledged  to  the  Brit,  govt,  in  order  to  ransom 
the  port  of  San  Juan  del  Norte.  Other  sources  were  insignificant.  Receipts 
of  1851,  $122,686;  1857-60,  $1,327,637;  1861-70,  $5,665,877.  The  tarifl_of 
imports  was  modified  in  Dec.  1868,  and  increased  10  per  cent  in  Feb.  1870. 
Agricultural  implements,  materials  for  mining,  and  other  articles,  were  ex- 
empted from  import  duty  by  a law  of  Nov.  2,  1869.  The  revenue  from  cus- 
toms became  flourishing,  and  yielded  in  1883  $1,275,506,  due  to  the  law  of 
Sept.  25,  1879,  which  raised  the  duties  on  several  articles,  and  changed  the 
mode  of  collecting  from  ad  valorem  to  weight.  It  seems  that  most  goods 
paid  no  more  under  the  new  system  than  formerly;  but  much  fraud  was 
averted.  Imports  generally  paid  50  per  cent  ad  val.  The  port  of  San  J uan 
del  Norte  and  the  Mosquito  reservation  have  a free  zone,  the  merchants  of 
San  Juan  paying  a tax  in  lieu  of  import  duties.  Receipts  of  1S71,  $958,922; 
1873-80,  $8,410,879;  1881-2,  $3,351,767,  an  increase  of  $951,674  over  the 
preceding  two  years.  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  311;  Livy,  Nic.,  353-8;  Nic.,  Gaceta, 
March  6,  1863;  March  18,'  Apr.  29,  1865;  Jan.  20,  1866;  March  21,  1868; 
Jan.  2,  23  30,  Nov.  6,  1869;  May  27,  1871;  Jan.  20,  1872;  Id.,  Decretos, 
1869-70,  123;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Feb.  1,  1883. 

58  Expenses  of  the  supreme  powers,  $112,548;  departments  of  the  interior, 
$513,069;  war,  $389,466;  treasury,  $1,353,612;  foreign  relations,  $762,457; 
sundries,  $109,787.  During  this  term  was  paid  $57,586  outstanding  from 
the  preceding,  the  ordinary  expenses  of  administration;  for  improvements, 
$563,918;  and  extraordinary  expenses  caused  by  disturbances.  The  expendi- 
tures in  1846  and  1851  were  $106,145  and  $173,646,  respectively,  in  both 
cases  creating  deficits;  in  1859-60,  $652,515;  1861-70,  $5,316,951;  1871-2, 
$1,721,355;  1873-4,  $1,995,040.  Those  of  the  following  years  kept  pace  with 


NICARAGUA  AND  COSTA  RICA. 


68S 


At  the  end  of  1880  Nicaragua's  share  of  the  old 
federal  indebtedness  to  British  creditors — £31, 5 10, 59 
as  per  adjustment  made  in  London  on  the  27th  of 
March,  1874 — had  been  reduced  to  £4,170  15s.  6d., 
which  remained  unpaid  because  the  holders  had  failed 
to  produce  their  claims.  Since  then  the  balance  was 
further  reduced  to  £4,011  15s.  6d,and  the  funds  were 
on  hand  to  pay  it  off  on  demand.  This  was  the  sum 
total  of  the  republic’s  foreign  liability.  At  the  end 
of  1882  the  internal  debt  was  $920,258,  of  which 
$644,218  were  subsequently  paid,  leaving  a balance 
due  of  $328,667;  adding  thereto  balances  of  special 
accounts,  the  whole  debt  of  the  republic  at  the  end 
of  1884  was  $908,707;  but  as  the  amount  of  consol- 
idated bonds  was  being  met,  the  whole  indebtedness 
would  really  be  $802,3 10. 60 

Costa  Rica’s  financial  condition  is  anything  but 
an  easy  one.  The  receipts  of  the  treasury  for  the  fis- 
cal year  1883-4  amounted  to  $1,5 8 6, 5 61. 61  The  re- 

ceipts for  the  fiscal  years  1884-5,  and  1885-6,  were 
estimated  at  about  $2,559,866  and  $2,936,756,  respect- 
ively.62 The  expenditures  for  the  fiscal  years  1882-3, 

the  increased  revenues;  but  large  sums  were  appropriated  to  internal  improve- 
ments, education,  and  other  purposes  conducive  to  the  intellectual  and 
material  advancement  of  the  republic.  Nic.,  Mem.  Sec.  Hue.,  for  years  1846 
to  1883;  and  the  Gacetas  quoted  in  the  preceding  note. 

59  She  had  on  the  15th  of  Sept.,  18(57,  recognized  £45,000  as  her  propor- 
tion. Nic.,  Gaceta,  March  28,  18(58. 

60  Presicl.  Cardenas,  Mensaje,  Jan.  15,  1885,  in  Costa  R.,  Gaceta  OJic.,  Feb. 
4,  1885.  For  further  information,  see  the  biennial  reports  of  the  minister  of 
the  treasury;  Livy,  Nic.,  358-150;  Am.  Cyclop.,  xii.  424;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald , 
Feb.  1,  1883. 

61  From  customs,  §427,395,  which  was  less  than  had  been  expected;  liquor 
monopoly,  $200,168;  stamped  paper  and  stamps,  $63,033;  paper  money  issued, 
$310,7(54;  the  balance  from  sundry  sources.  The  receipts  in  specie  were 
$1,046,967  The  law  of  Dec.  10,  1839,  first  established  the  sources  of  revenue 
for  tiie  state  govt  as  follows:  Maritime  and  internal  duties  on  merchandise; 
purchase  and  coinage  of  bullion;  sales  of  public  lands;  monopoly  in  cultivation 
and  sale  of  tobacco;  sale  of  gunpowder,  stamped  paper,  domestic  and  foreign 
liquors;  postage,  excise,  confiscation  of  contraband  goods,  and  fines.  Montu~ 
far,  Resena  Hist.,  iii.  272,  570. 

62  A new  tariff,  to  go  into  effect  Jan.  1,  1886,  was  decreed,  subjecting  im- 
ported merchandise  to  specific  duties,  anil  considerably  modifying  the  tariff 
of  1877.  Gold  and  silver  in  bullion,  bars,  dust,  or  coin,  as  also  fence  wire, 
lightning  rods,  machinery  for  agriculture,  material  and  tools  for  ship-build- 
ing, ships,  and  animals  were  exempted  from  duty.  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  Sept. 
12,  13,  1885;  Id.,  Col  Ley.,  xxv.  15-47.  The  following  figures  show  approxi- 
mately the  receipts  of  the  government  for  about  forty  years  past,  to  wit:  1845, 


684 


COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 


and  1883-4  were  respectively  $2,796, 4G8  and  $1,985,- 
426;  the  former  leaving  a deficit  of  $1,246,448,  and 
the  latter  of  $398,865.  Congress  voted  for  expenses 
of  the  fiscal  year  1885-6,  $2,936,756,  and  for  1886-7, 
$2, 607, 613. 63 

The  following  statement  exhibits  the  financial  con- 
dition of  the  republic  at  the  end  of  1882,  as  represented 
by  the  secretary  of  the  treasury.  It  will  be  well  to 
state  here  that  until  1871  Costa  Rica  was  free  from 
foreign  debt,  her  proportion  of  the  old  federal  indebt- 
edness in  London  having  been  paid  off  at  an  early  day 
of  her  independent  life.04  The  government  owed,  on 
the  30th  of  April,  1871,  $92,878;  adding  thereto  the 
disbursements  of  eleven  years — 1871-82 — $30,251,- 
284,  and  $2,110,905  paid  the  railway,  in  bills  of  ex- 
change on  the  national  agent  in  London,  and  not 
included  in  the  aforesaid  outlay,  we  have  an  aggregate 
of  $32,455,067 ; and  deducting  therefrom  the  revenue 
of  the  same  eleven  years,  a deficit  results  of  $6,524,- 
516,  which  is  made  up  of  $1,454,086,  excess  of  expen- 
diture over  receipts  at  the  end  of  1882,  and  $5,070,430, 
the  equivalent  in  Costa  Rican  money  of  £895,221  3s. 
lid.,  net  proceeds  of  loans  negotiated  in  London  at 
6 and  7 per  cent.65  However,  the  council  of  bond- 


$132,000 — there  is  no  published  history  of  the  finances  of  Costa  R.  prior  to 
1845;  1847-50,  81,000,207;  1851-00,  §5,950,873;  1S01-70,  §8,518,030;  1S71- 
82,  §30,475,828,  less  amounts  included,  which  were  merely  casual  receipts, 
§4,545,277,  leaving  for  actual  revenue,  §25,930,551.  Molina,  Borq.  Costa  /?., 
45;  Squier’s  Cent.  Am.,  470-1;  Aslal/uruaija,  Cent.  Am.,  43;  Enajclop.  Brit. 
(Am.  ed.),  vi.  398;  Costa  II.,  Informe  Sec.  Hac.,  1852-85. 

“As  near  as  I have  been  able  to  ascertain,  the  outlay  of  the  Costa  Rican 
treasury  has  been,  for  1847-50,  §986,245;  1851-00,  §0,637,124;  1861-70, 
§9,682,265;  IS71-82,  §32,362, 1S9.  Id. ; Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Aug.  14,  1886. 

M‘Se  logro  la  total  chancelacion  de  la  deuda  inglesa.  ’ Costa  B.,  Informe 
Min.  Hac.,  etc.,  1848,  16. 

66  The  history  of  these  loans,  as  furnished  in  the  reports  of  the  Costa  Rican 
treasury  department,  is  the  following:  In  1871,  Costa  Rica  contracted  with 

Bischoffsheim  and  Goldmidt  for  a loan  of  the  nominal  amount  of  £1,000,- 
000,  at  72  with  6 per  cent  interest,  and  2 per  cent  for  a sinking  fund;  how- 
ever, per  agreement  of  May  5,  1871,  the  rate  was  reduced  to  56,  and  only 
yielded  £560,000.  Bischoffsheim  and  Goldsmidt  retained  £105,000,  which 
reduced  the  proceeds  to  £455,000,  and  this  sum  was  further  diminished 
£42,000,  leaving  only  £413,000,  or  somewhat  less  than  42  per  cent.  A new 
loan  was  negotiated  in  1872,  with  Knowles  and  Foster  of  London,  which  ap- 
peared as  for  £2,400,000,  but  did  not  exceed  £2,226,500,  the  difference  not 
having  been  taken  up.  The  negotiation  was  at  82,  with  interest  at  7 per 


FOREIGN  INDEBTEDNESS. 


685 


holders  formed  in  1883  the  following  statement  of 
Costa  Rica’s  foreign  debt,  namely : outstanding  of 
six  per  cent  loan  of  1871,  £941,200;  overdue  interest, 
£564,720,  making  £1,505,920.  Outstanding  of  seven 
per  cent  loan  of  1872,  £1,460,200;  overdue  interest, 
£1,073,175  10s.,  making  £2,553,273  10s.  Grand 
total,  £4,039,193  10s.  The  home  debt  was  set  down 
in  1885  at  $519, 000.68 

cent,  and  1 per  cent  for  a sinking  fund.  This  loan  actually  yielded  to  Costa 
Rica  £598,611  18s.  5d. , which  is  explained  thus:  Knowles  and  Foster  paid 
over  to  E.  Erlanger  and  Co.  of  London  in  money  £1,576,240  9s.  1'/. , the  dif- 
ference between  this  sum  and  that  taken  up  being  £650,259.  Erlanger  and 
Co.  were  the  syndics  of  the  loan  under  the  8th  clause  of  the  contract  with 
Knowles  and  Foster,  and  had  bound  themselves  to  take  up  £800,000  of  it. 
Under  the  3d  and  4th  clauses,  they  were  empowered  to  repurchase  bonds  for 
account  of  Costa  Rica,  though  subject  to  the  following  conditions:  1st.  That 
the  repurchasing  should  be  indispensable  to  secure  the  success  of  the  loan; 
2d.  It  was  not  to  be  done  with  the  £800,000  Erlanger  and  Co.  were  bound 
for;  and  3d.  The  operations  were  not  to  be  effected  but  within  30  days  of  the 
issue.  This  condition  was  violated.  Erlanger  and  Co.  claimed  to  have  re- 
purchased with  the  money  received  by  them  bonds  of  both  the  6 per  cent  and 
7 per  cent  loans  to  the  value  of  £1,426,500.  The  result  of  this  transaction 
was  that  the  loan,  save  the  £800,000  taken  up  by  Erlanger  and  Co.,  was  ex- 
hausted; and  yet  it  was  said,  in  and  out  of  Costa  Rica,  that  her  government 
had  received  $17,000,000.  BncycUyp.  Brit.  (Am.  ed.),  vi.  398.  The  whole 
yield  of  both  loans  was  but  £1,011,611  18s.  5 cl.,  or  $5,058,060.  Besides  the 
£105,000  retained  by  Bischoffsheim  and  Goldsmidt,  under  the  pretext  of  se- 
curing the  interest  of  the  6 per  cent  loan,  the  government  remitted  for  inter- 
est and  sinking  fund  £135,000,  which  were  taken  from  the  very  funds 
received,  and  reduced  them  to  £876,611  18s.  5 d.  Moreover,  under  an  agree- 
ment with  Erlanger  and  C'o.,  the  government  of  Costa  Rica  was  authorized  to 
draw  on  them  for  £150,000.  Its  drafts  were  allowed  to  go  to  protest,  and  the 
amounts  drawn  for  had  to  be  replaced.  The  government  felt  that  it  had  been 
victimized,  and  in  order  to  protect  the  country’s  good  name,  after  consulta- 
tion with  legal  lights  of  London,  established  suits  at  law  against  the  parties. 
The  suit  has  cost  a great  deal  of  money;  early  in  1877  $373,380  had  been  paid 
for  expense.  Costa  R. , Mem.  Sec.  Hac.,  1 874-7.  Should  the  decisions  of  the 
British  courts  be  against  Costa  Rica,  her  financial  situation  should  not  be 
deemed  very  alarming,  as  is  made  apparent.  The  7 per  cent  loan,  reduced 
to  Costa  Rican  money  at  9 per  cent,  £2,226,500,  nominal  $12,134,425. 


Bonds  repurchased,  £1,026,500 $5,594,425 

Received  from  Erlanger  and  Co.,  and  appearing  among  the  liabili- 
ties, £598, 611  18s.  5d 3, 262, 435 

Amount  not  appearing  among  the  liabilities,  £601,388  Is.  Id. ....  3,277,565 


$12,134,425 

Accepting  the  responsibility  for  the  whole  7 per  cent  lean,  it  would  amount  to 
$12,134,425,  deducting  $3,262,435,  and  $5,594,425  for  repurchased  bonds,  the 
total  sum  not  included  in  the  liability  in  1876  would  be  reduced  to  $3,277,565, 
to  which  must  be  added  $13,517,  balance  of  the  6 per  cent  loan,  making 
$3,291,082.  Advantageous  offers  were  received  from  Europe  to  extinguish 
the  debt,  which,  if  accepted,  would  reduce  the  nominal  indebtedness  of 
$11,990,000  to  $2,398,000.  This  loan  was  negotiated  for  funds  to  build  a 
railway.  The  road  has  cost  $12,239,296,  and  its  three  sections  are  valued  in 
1883  at  $6,600,000.  Id.,  1872-5,  1883,  annexes  7 and  8. 

66  Ran.  Star  and  Herald,  March  29,  1884;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  Sept.  4,  1885. 


68G 


COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 


In  Panamd  the  receipts  of  the  treasury  from  all 
sources  in  1812,  a few  years  previous  to  the  separa- 
tion from  Spain,  this  nation  being  then  at  war  with 
her  American  colonies,  were  $74G,241.67  In  1827, 
six  years  after  the  independence,  the  receipts  were 
$241,G83,6S  and  the  expenditures  $238,929.  Under 
the  law  suppressing  custom-houses  in  the  ports  of  the 
Isthmus,  the  revenue  of  the  province  in  1847  became 
reduced  $77,880.  The  amount  appropriated  by  the 
provincial  legislature  in  October  1849,  for  expenses  of 
the  fiscal  year  1840-59,  was  $5 1,220. 69 

After  the  organization  of  the  Isthmus  as  a state  of 
the  Colombian  confederation,  there  being  no  receipts 
from  customs,  the  chief  portion  of  the  expenses  has 
been  met  with  a tax  assessed  on  merchants  and  shop- 
keepers, estimated  on  the  amount  of  business  done  by 
each,  the  legislative  assembly  fixing  annually  the  sum 
required  for  the  next  year’s  expenditures,  and  the 
proportion  of  it  to  be  covered  by  the  commercial  tax. 
The  state  received  $50,000  out  of  the  annual  subven- 
tion of  $250,000  paid  by  the  railway  company  to  the 
Colombian  government.  Other  sources  of  revenue 
have  been  the  taxes  levied  on  steamship  agencies, 
consumption,  slaughter  of  cattle,  ice,  distilleries,  and 
several  others  which  in  the  aggregate  are  not  insig- 
nificant. 

The  republic  of  Colombia  being  on  the  point  of 
changing  her  organization,  Pananul,  consequent  upon 
recent  political  events,  was  at  the  end  of  1885  under 
a military  government,  the  chief  of  which,  exercising 

Half  a million  dollars  was  voted  by  congress  in  July  1SS6  to  the  extinction  of 
tlie  internal  debt.  Id.,  Aug.  14,  1886. 

07  From  customs,  §145,000;  rum,  §24,000;  loans,  §42,500;  received  from 
Spain,  $10,000;  voluntary  and  forced  contributions,  §150,000;  judicial  de- 
posits, §101,000;  papal  dispensation  bulls,  §27,000 — were  among  the  items. 
Lloyd's  Notes  Isth.  Pan.,  in  Roy.  Geoy.  Soc.,  Jour.,  i.  99. 

“Including  §4,527,  balance  from  the  preceding  year;  §86,820  of  loans; 
§70,000  from  customs;  §15,820,  duties  on  tobacco.  Id.,  98. 

69  The  general  government  decreed  in  1849  the  suppression  of  tithes;  re- 
quiring of  the  several  provinces  of  the  Isthmus  to  make  up  the  amount  which 
the  suppressed  tax  yielded  the  previous  year.  The  aggregate  was  to  be 
applied  to  cover  national  expenses.  Pinart,  Pan.  Col.  Doc.,  MS.,  no.  86,  p. 
14;  Pan.,  CrOmca  Ojic.,  Oct.  23,  1849. 


DEBT  OF  PANAMA 


G87 


his  extraordinary  powers,  ordered  the  continuance 
after  January  1,  1886,  of  the  appropriations  that 
had  been  decreed  for  1885,  with  a few  modifications.70 
The  financial  condition  of  the  state  on  the  30th  of 
June,  1878,  was  an  indebtedness  of  $214, 317. 11 

715  The  commercial  tax  was  not  to  be  more  than  double  that  assessed  in 
1885.  The  general  govt  on  the  1st  of  April,  1885,  established  a salt  monop- 
oly, and  in  the  same  year  decreed  the  reestablishment  of  custom-houses  at 
the  Isthmus  ports.  This  decree  was  subsequently  suspended.  La  Estrella  de 
Pan.,  May  10,  1885;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Nov.  2,  4,  Dec.  30,  1885.  The 
budgets  for  the  ten  years  from  1807  to  1870  amounted  together  to  $3,018,393, 
and  the  appropriations  voted  for  the  same  year  were  $3,335,084.  The  ab- 
sence of  regular  accounts  for  the  period  1807-75  renders  it  impossible  to  find 
out  what  were  the  actual  receipts  and  expenditures.  The  revenue  from  Jan. 
1,  1870,  to  June  30,  1877,  was  $339,520,  and  the  expenses  reached  $350,483, 
though  only  $274,298  were  paid.  The  revenue  collected  from  July  1,  1877, 
to  June  30,  1878,  $218,095;  the  assembly  voted  for  expenses  of  that  fiscal 
year  $382,841,  but  the  government  seems  to  have  paid  out  only  $220,278. 
For  1880-1  the  legislature  computed  the  revenue  at  $300,028.  It  had  the 
preceding  year  authorized  the  executive  to  increase  the  commercial  tax  25  per 
cent.  The  expenditures  for  the  year  were  estimated  at  $310,077.  Pan.,  Mem. 
Sec.  Jen.,  1878,  43-0,  48;  1879,  3,  32-3;  Id.,  Leyes,  1879-80,  8,  9,  04-78. 

n $81,375  of  it  bore  interest  at  6 percent.  Pan.,  Mem.  Sec.  JIac.,  1879, 
37.  Dec.  19,  1879,  the  legislature  authorized  the  executive  to  borrow  $50,- 
000  at  12  per  cent.  For  further  information,  see  Pan.,  Gaceta,  Nov.  17,  1870, 
to  Sept  1,  1881,  passim. 


CHAPTER  XXXIY. 


nTEROCEANIC  communication 
1801-1S87. 

Ancient  Ideas  on  the  North-west  Passage — From  Peru  to  La  Plata — 
Cape  Horn  Discovered  — Arctic  Regions  — McClure’s  Successful 
Voyage — Crozier’s  Discovery — Franklin’s  Attempts — Finding  by 
Nordenskiold  of  the  North-east  Passage — Projects  to  Unite  the 
Atlantic  and  Pacific  Oceans  across  the  Isthmuses — Plans  about 
Tehuantepec — Explorations  for  a Ship-canal  Route  in  Nicaragua, 
Panama,  and  Darien — The  Nicaragua  Accessory  Transit  Company 
— Construction  of  the  Panama  Railway,  and  its  Great  Benefits — 
Further  Efforts  for  a Canal— Organization  of  a French  Company 
— A Ship-canal  under  Construction  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama 
— Difficulties  and  Expectations — Central  American  Railroads 
and  Telegraphs — Submarine  Cables. 


No  sooner  had  lands  been  discovered  to  the  west- 
ward of  Europe  than  the  minds  of  cosmographers  be- 
came fixed  in  the  idea  of  short  routes  to  India  in  that 
direction;1  nor  would  they  abandon  it  until  long  after 
both  shores  of  the  western  continent  had  been  explored 
from  the  Arctic  sea  to  Cape  Horn.2 

1 See  summary  of  geographical  knowledge  and  discovery  from  the  earliest 
records  to  the  year  1540.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  68-154,  this  series. 

-They  thus  argued  from  the  first:  Quintus  Metellus  Celer,  proconsul  of 
Rome  in  Gaul,  was  presented  by  the  king  of  Suevia  witli  a number  of  red 
men,  who  had  been  thrown  upon  his  coast.  So  said  Cornelius  Nepos,  and 
Pliny  repeated  it.  Now  these  savages,  having  no  knowledge  of  ships  or  navi- 
gation, could  not  have  come  from  America;  they  were  not  black,  and  conse- 
quently  were  not  from  Africa.  There  were  no  people  in  Europe  like  them; 
so  they  must  have  come  from  Asia.  But  how?  Either  from  the  east  or  from 
the  west;  they  could  not  have  rounded  the  eastern  hemisphere  either  by  its 
northern  or  southern  side,  for  obvious  reasons;  therefore  they  must  have 
come  from  the  north-west,  and  hence  there  must  be  a way  from  Asia  north- 
eastward to  Europe,  running  round  the  north  pole.  Upon  this  logic  were 
staked  thousands  of  lives  and  millions  of  money.  Dominicus  Marius  Niger, 
the  geographer,  speaks  of  men  who  were  driven  from  India  through  the  north 
sea  to  Germany,  while  on  a trading  expedition.  As  late  as  1 1 60,  some  strange 

(088) 


EARLY  EXPLORATIONS. 


C89 


I have  elsewhere  presented  a full  account  of  explo- 
rations by  land  and  sea  to  establish  com m unications 
between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans  prior  to  the 
opening  of  the  present  century.3  The  most  important 
of  the  earlier  discoveries,  since  Magalhaes’  time,  was 
that  of  the  open  polar  sea  south  of  Cape  Horn,  which 
was  named  by  the  Dutch  navigators  Le  Mai  re  and 
Van  Schoutcn.4  The  north-west  passage,  so  long  the 
object  of  search,  was  at  last  found  in  1851  by  an 
English  expedition.  The  discovery  was  effected  by 
Robert  Le  Mesurier  McClure,  who,  in  command  of 
the  Investigator,  sailed,  together  with  the  Enterprise 
under  Richard  Collinson,  from  England  in  1850.  Be- 
fore the  close  of  the  year,  McClure  passed  Point  Bar- 
row,  pushed  along  the  continent,  doubled  the  south 
end  of  Banks  Island,  and  sailed  through  Prince  of 
Wales’  Strait,  where  he  wintered  near  Melville  Sound. 
In  1851,  the  west  side  of  the  peninsular  part  of  Wol 
laston  Island  to  Prince  Albert’s  Sound  was  surveyed 
By  finding  the  strait  connecting  the  continental  chan 
nel  with  Melville  Sound,  McClure  became  the  dis- 
coverer of  the  north-west  passage,  and  was  the  first 
navigator  to  pass  from  Bering  Strait  to  Baffin  Bay.5 

persons  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Germany.  Humboldt  thought  they  might 
have  been  Eskimos.  Othon,  in  his  Storie  of  the  Gotlies,  speaks  of  such  arrivals, 
arguing  that  they  must  have  drifted  in  through  a north-west  passage.  Gilbert’s 
Discourse,  in  Hakluyt,  iii.  16-17.  Again,  Hakluyt  finds  it  recorded  that 
some  200  years  before  the  coming  of  Christ,  the  Romans  sent  a fleet  against 
the  Grand  Khan,  which,  crossing  the  strait  of  Gibraltar,  and  steering  toward 
the  N.  W. , in  lat  50°  found  a channel,  in  which  it  sailed  to  the  westward  until 
it  reached  Asia,  and  after  fighting  the  king  of  Cathay,  returned  by  the  way 
it  went. 

3 Hist.  Cal.,  i.  1-109;  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i.  1-342;  Hist.  North  Mexican 
States  and  Texas,  i.  1-201;  Hist.  Oregon,  i.  I will  add,  in  this  connection, 
that  Juan  de  Ayola,  with  200  Spaniards,  in  1535  crossed  from  the  Paraguay 
River  to  Peru.  Irola,  twelve  years  later,  ascended  the  Paraguay  River  to 
17°  S.,  crossed  the  mountains  to  the  Guapay  River,  and  succeeded  in  estab- 
lishing communications  between  Peru  and  her  dependency,  La  Plata.  Lard- 
ner's  Cabinet  Cyclop.,  ii.  90. 

4 They  fitted  out  two  vessels,  Le  Maire  advancing  most  of  the  money,  and 
going  on  the  voyage  as  supercargo,  Van  Schouten  as  commander.  They 
doubled  the  cape  with  one  remaining  ship  in  Jan.  161G.  The  Spaniards  after- 
ward completed  the  exploration,  and  their  forts  in  Magellan  Sound  became 
useless.  The  straits  of  Magellan  have  been,  however,  used  in  late  years  as 
the  transit  of  an  English  steamship  line. 

5 Previously  several  attempts  had  been  made.  Kotzebue,  of  the  Russian 
navy,  went  in  1815  to  Bering  Strait,  and  the  next  year  discovered  the  sound 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  44 


690 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


Yet  he  gave  to  Captain  Crozier,  second  in  command 
of  Franklin’s  expedition,  the  credit  of  prior  discovery. 

bearing  his  name.  Golovnin  made  a voyage  also,  but  accomplished  nothing. 
The  English  made  a number  of  efforts,  which,  if  unsuccessful  in  not  attaining 
the  main  object,  added  much  to  geographic  knowledge.  Herewith  I give  the 
expeditions  fitted  out  in  England,  or  under  English  auspices.  In  ISIS  two 
ships,  the  Dorothea  and  Trent,  under  Buchan  and  Franklin,  went  to  the 
Spitzbergen  waters,  but  could  not  advance  far.  Two  other  ships,  the  Isabella 
and  Alexander,  under  John  Ross  and  W.  E.  Parry,  were  ordered  to  Davis 
Strait  and  verified  Baffin’s  exploration  of  Baffin  Bay.  Ross  entered  Lancaster 
Sound,  and  reached  81°  30'  W.  by  74°  3'  N.  Parry  made  three  other  voyages, 
in  1819,  1821,  and  1824,  in  the  last  of  which  one  of  his  ships,  the  Fury,  was 
wrecked  in  seeking  a passage  through  Regent  Inlet.  In  1827  he  at- 
tempted the  polar  voyage  in  sled-boats  from  Spitzbergen,  reaching  82°  40'  30", 
the  farthest  point  hitherto  attained.  Capt.  John  Franklin  tried  to  find  the 
passage  overland  from  York  Factory  on  the  west  coast  of  Hudson  Bay.  He 
wintered  at  Fort  Chepeweyan  in  1819,  and  in  the  Enterprise  in  1820.  In  July 
1821  he  navigated  the  Arctic  sea,  east  of  Coppermine  River,  a considerable 
distance,  hoping  from  the  trend  of  the  coast  to  reach  Hudson  Bay.  Want 
of  provisions  compelled  the  abandonment  of  the  expedition,  and  after  severe 
hardships,  and  journeying  5,500  miles,  reached  Great  Slave  Lake  in  Dec. 
1821.  Lyon  in  1824  attained  Sir  Thomas  Rowe’s  Welcome.  Franklin  re- 
newed his  land  survey  of  the  Arctic  coasts,  1825-7.  He  wintered  in  1825  on 
Great  Bear  Lake,  descended  the  Mackenzie,  and  surveyed  the  coast  line 
westward  to  Return  Reef  in  70°  26'  N.,  and  148°  52'  W.  Meanwhile  Rich- 
ardson and  Kendall  of  his  party  made  a voyage  from  Mackenzie  to  Copper- 
mine  River,  doubling  several  capes,  and  completing  the  survey  of  the  coast 
through  60  degrees  of  longitude.  Beechey  in  1S26  in  the  Blossom  explored 
the  coast  from  Kotzebue  Sound  to  Icy  Bay.  One  of  his  parties  reached  Cape 
Barrow.  He  waited  for  Franklin  till  Oct.  1827,  and  returned  home  via  Cape 
Horn.  Ross  in  1829  tried  to  find  a passage  through  Regent  Inlet,  but  had 
to  abandon  his  ship  in  Victoria  Harbor,  near  70°.  P.  W.  Dease  and  T. 
Simpson  in  1837-9  made  important  explorations  between  Point  Barrow  and 
Mackenzie  River;  the  portion  on  the  east  side  between  Point  Turnagain  and 
the  estuary  of  the  Back  s Great  Fish  River;  and  also  the  south  sides  of  Victoria 
Land  and  King  William  Land.  John  Rae  of  the  Hudson’s  Bay  Company  sur- 
veyed a part  of  the  Arctic  coast  east.  In  1845  he  surveyed  Regent  Inlet  east 
and  west,  found  an  isthmus  between  Regent  Inlet  and  the  sea  explored  by 
Dease  and  Simpson.  Franklin  and  Crozier  were  despatched  in  May  1845  with 
two  stout  ships,  the  Erebus  and  Terror,  well  supplied  for  three  years.  The 
expedition  sent  letters  from  Whalefish  Island,  near  Disco,  and  was  last  seen 
on  July  26th  waiting  to  cross  the  ‘ middle  ice’  on  to  Lancaster  Sound,  220  miles 
distant.  The  orders  were  to  proceed  to  about  74|°  N.  lat.  and  98°  W.  long.; 
thence  take  a S.  and  W.  course  for  Bering’s  Strait,  the  passage  west  from 
Melville  Island  being  precluded.  A number  of  expeditions  were  despatched 
in  search  of  Franklin;  namely,  one  under  John  Richardson  and  Rae,  1847-9; 
ships  Enterprise  and  Investigator  under  Ross  and  Bird,  1848-9;  Herald  and 
Plover  under  Kellet  and  Moore,  1848-52;  North  Star,  commanded  by  Saun- 
ders, 1849-50;  the  Investigator  and  Enterprise,  in  1850,  under  McClure  and 
Collinson;  whaler  Advice,  under  Goodsir;  a squadron  commanded  by  Austin, 
consisting  of  the  Resolute  and  the  Assistance.  Capt.  Ommaney  with  two  steam 
tenders  under  lieuts  Osborn  and  McClintock;  several  ships  sent  by  Franklin’s 
wife;  Rae  in  1851;  expedition  under  Edward  Belcher,  1852-4;  ships  Amplii- 
trite  and  Plover,  1852-5;  McCormick  in  1852;  Rae  in  1853-4;  Anderson  in 
1855;  and  several  others,  among  which  deserve  mention  the  American  ex- 
peditions under  lieut  De  Haven  and  S.  P.  Griffin,  E.  K.  Kane,  Hayes,  Hall, 
and  Schwatka;  most  of  whom  made  important  geographical  discoveries  and 
found  relics  of  Franklin’s  party.  It  was  ascertained  beyond  a doubt  that 


NORTH-EAST  PASSAGE. 


691 


McClure  with  the  Investigator  was  shut  in  during  the 
winters  of  1851-2,  and  1852-3.  In  the  spring  of  1853 
he  resolved  to  abandon  the  ship  and  seek  Mackenzie 
River  and  Lancaster  Sound  in  two  parties,  a journey 
which  would  have  been  disastrous.  At  this  moment, 
April  6th,  Lieutenant  Pym  of  the  Resolute  appeared.6 
The  McClure  party  were  taken  to  the  Resolute , and 
reached  England  in  1854. 

The  north-east  passage  was  discovered  by  Adolf 
Erick  Nordenskiold  in  1879,  after  326  years  from  the 
first  attempt  by  Hugh  Willoughby  in  1553.7 

The  necessity  of  shorter  communication  between 
the  two  oceans  becoming  more  evident  from  day  to 
day,  with  the  increase  of  traffic  with  the  western 
coast  of  America,  with  China,  and  with  the  numerous 
islands  of  the  Pacific,  various  projects  were  enter- 
tained to  establish  such  communication  either  by 
canal  or  railway.  At  Tehuantepec,  Honduras,  Nica- 
ragua, and  the  isthmus  of  Panama  were  formed  the 


Franklin  sailed  up  Wellington  Channel  to  77°,  descended  by  the  west  side  of 
Cornwallis  Island,  and  wintered  1845-6  at  Beechey  Island.  The  wintering 
positions  of  the  ships  were  in  1846-7-8  off  the  north  end  of  King  William’s 
Island.  Franklin  died  June  11,  1847,  and  the  ships  were  abandoned  near  the 
above  spot  Apr.  22,  1848,  Capt.  Crozier  intending  to  lead  the  105  survivors  to 
Great  Fish  River.  Only  40  men  reached  the  vicinity  of  this  river,  and  all  died, 
according  to  Eskimo  accounts.  On  this  journey  Lancaster  Strait  was  connected 
with  the  navigable  channel  along  the  continent,  and  the  existence  of  the 
north-west  passage  proved.  Richardson  s Polar  Regions,  136-7,  146-9,  151-202; 
Lanlner’s  Cabinet  Cyclop.,  iii.  176-7,  198-247;  Tytler’s  Hist.  Vieiv,  133-4, 
283-92;  Franklins  Narr.,  i.  ii. ; Quarterly  Rev.,  xviii.  219;  Am.  Jour.,  xvi. 
130-2;  Encyclop.  Brit.,  xi.  347;  xviii.  329-30;  xix.  331-2,  335-8;  Dictionnaire 
de  la  Conversation,  xii.  2;  xiii.  608-10. 

6 Sent  by  Capt.  Pellet  on  Barrow  Strait,  and  was  guided  by  a message  left 
by  McClure  at  Winter  Harbor  on  Melville  Island. 

7 Nordenskiold,  a Swedish  professor  and  experienced  navigator,  with  the 
steamer  Vega,  commanded  by  Lieut  Palander,  on  the  19th  of  August,  1878, 
reached  Cape  Severo  or  Tchelyusken,  the  most  northern  point  of  Siberia  and 
of  the  Old  World  in  77°  4T  N.,  and  steered  a south-easterly  course,  the  sea 
free  from  ice  and  quite  shallow.  Aug.  27th  the  mouth  of  the  Lena  River  was 
passed,  the  Vega  parting  company  with  her  tender,  the  Lena,  and  continuing 
her  course  eastward;  she  almost  accomplished  the  passage  that  first  season; 
but  toward  the  end  of  Sept,  the  Vega  was  frozen  in  off  the  shore  of  a low  plain 
in  67°  7'  N.  and  173°  20'  W.  near  the  settlement  of  the  Chugaches.  After  an 
imprisonment  of  294  days,  the  Vega  on  the  18th  of  July,  1879,  continued  her 
voyage,  and  on  the  20th  passed  Bering  Strait.  Nordenskiold,  without  loss  of 
life  or  damage  to  his  ship,  arrived  at  Yokohama  Sept.  2,  1879.  Encyclop.  Brit. 
(Am.  ed.),  xix.  337. 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


692 


Interoceanic  Communication. 


TEHUANTEPEC  ISTHMUS. 


693 


most  favorable  conditions  for  a forced  or  artificial 
transit.8 

The  breadth  of  the  isthmus  of  Tehuantepec  between 
the  bays  of  Campeche  and  Tehuantepec  at  the  narrow- 
est point  is  130  miles.  It  is  drained  by  the  rivers 
Coatzacoalcos  and  Tehuantepec,  the  former  running 
northward,  discharging  its  waters  into  the  first-named 
bay,  and  extending  over  three  fourths  of  the  width  of 
this  isthmus;  the  latter  flowing  into  the  bay  of 
Tehuantepec.  There  are  several  lakes  and  lagoons. 
At  one  time  k,  was  proposed  to  cut  a canal  across  this 
isthmus,  and  to  improve  the  navigation  of  the  Coatza- 
coalcos, to  which  end  surveys  were  made.9  But  no 

8 For  canal:  I.  Tehuantepec,  connecting  the  rivers  Coatzacoalcos  and 
Chimilapa.  II.  Honduras.  III.  River  San  Juan  de  Nicaragua:  3.  River 
San  Carlos,  Gulf  of  Nicoya.  Nicaragua  Lake:  4.  Rivers  Nino  and  Tempisque, 
Gulf  of  Nicoya;  5.  River  Sapoa,  Bay  of  Salinas;  6.  San  Juan  del  Sur;  7.  Port 
Brito.  Managua  Lake:  8.  River  Tamarindo;  9.  Port  Realejo;  10.  Bay  of 
Fonseca.  IV.  Panama:  River  Chagres:  11.  Gorgona,  Panama;  12.  Trinidad, 
Caimito;  13.  Navy  Bay,  Rivers  Chagres,  Bonito  and  Bernardo;  14.  Gulf  of 
San  Bias,  and  River  Chepo.  V.  Darien:  15.  Bay  of  Caledonia,  Port  Escoces, 
Gulf  of  San  Miguel;  16.  Rivers  Arguia,  Paya,  and  Tuyra,  Gulf  of  San 
Miguel.  River  Atrato:  17.  River  Napipi,  Bay  of  Cupica;  18.  River  Uruando, 
Kelley’s  Inlet.  Overland.  1st.  Coatzacoalcos,  Tehuantepec;  2d.  Bay  of 
Honduras  to  Bay  of  Fonseca;  3d.  River  San  Juan,  Nicaragua,  Managua,  Bay 
of  Fonseca;  4th.  Port  Limon  to  Caldera,  Costa  Rica;  5th.  Laguna  de 
Chiriqui  on  Golfo  Dulce;  6th.  Colon,  Gorgona,  and  Panama;  7th.  Gorgon 
Bay,  Realejo;  8th.  Gorgon  Bay  and  San  Juan  del  Sur.  Nouv.  Annales  des 
Voy.,  cliii.  9-10;  Davis'  Bept,  20. 

9 A survey  made  in  1715  was  sent  to  the  secret  archives  of  Madrid,  where 
other  like  documents  lie  hidden.  In  1774  the  Spanish  officers  Corral  and 
Cramer,  after  inspecting  the  route  reported  that  a canal  of  about  eight  leagues 
might  join  the  Chimalapa  and  Malpaso  rivers,  and  establish  a communication 
between  the  two  streams.  The  Spanish  general  Orbegoso  in  1821  explored  this 
isthmus,  and  formed  a map,  which  was  not  published  till  1839.  In  1825  he 
showed  that  it  was  not  easy  to  carry  a through-canal  across  Tehuantepec.  In 
1842-3  a survey  was  made  under  the  auspices  of  Jose  de  Garay  by  C.  Moro 
and  others,  to  determine  the  practicability  of  a ship  canal  by  way  of  the 
Coatzacoalcos  to  the  gulf  of  Tehuantepec.  The  objections  to  the  route  were 
shown  to  be  the  expense  of  cutting,  the  uncertainty  of  water  upon  the  sum- 
mit level,  and  inadequate  ports  at  the  termini.  Garay,  however,  announced 
as  practicable  a canal  of  the  same  size  as  the  Caledonia,  in  Scotland,  and  was 
put  in  possession  of  lands,  etc. ; but  nothing  came  of  the  transaction  but  diplo- 
matic complications  resulting  from  Garay’s  transfer  of  his  grant  to  a foreign 
company.  Finally,  the  Mexican  congress  in  1851  declared  the  grant  forfeited. 
Nouv.  Annales  des  Voy.,  ci.,  iii. , 8-9;  Duflot  de  Mofras,  Ejplor.  de  t Oregon, 
119;  Reichardt,  Cent.  Am.,  183-4,  1SS-9;  Cortes,  Diario,  1S13,  xix.  392;  Rallies, 
Prov.  Chiapa,  70;  Chevalier,  Pan.,  61-2;  Mex.  Col.  Dec.  y Orel.,  115;  Id.,  Col. 
Ley.,  Ord.  y Dec.,  iii.  113-14;  Bustamante,  Med.  Pacific,  MS.,  ii. , suplem.  15; 
Mex.  Mem.  Sec.  Rel.,  47-8;  Rivera,  Gohern.  Mex.,  ii.  116;  Id.,  Hist.  Jalapa, 
ii.  362;  iv.  211,  225,  236;  Duhlan  and  Lozano,  Leijisl.  Mej.,  i.  738-9;  Institute 
Nac.  de  Gcoy.,  Bol.  No.  1,  30-43,  with  map  and  profile;  Ward's  Mex.,  i.  311; 


694 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


action  having  been  taken  toward  constructing  a canal 
by  the  parties  to  whom  franchises  had  been  given,  the 
scheme  of  a railroad  across  this  section  has  been  also 
contemplated,10  and  finally  a grant  was  made  to  James 
B.  Eads,  to  construct  a ship  railway  between  the  two 
gulfs,  capable  of  having  transported  over  it  the  largest 
ships  with  their  cargoes.11  The  scheme  has  been  de- 
clared by  Eads,  and  by  other  engineers  of  high  repute 
in  Europe  and  America,  to  be  practicable.  His  oppo- 
nents deride  it.  He  applied,  without  success,  to  the 
United  States  government  for  assistance.12 

The  idea  of  uniting  the  two  oceans,  by  means  of  a 
canal  across  the  isthmus  of  Nicaragua,  occupied  the 
attention  of  the  Spanish  court  from  a very  early  day 
after  the  conquest  to  the  last  years  of  its  occupation 
of  the  country.13  Since  the  separation  of  Central 

Liot's  Pan.,  Nic.  and  Tehuan.,  6-12;  Ramirez,  Mem.,  1-10S;  Garay,  Pri vilegio, 
1-28;  Id.,  Survey  Isth.  Tehuan.,  3-188;  Manero,  Mode.  Hint.,  51-6;  Id.,  Apunt. 
Hist.,  12-13;  Mex.  Mem.  Sec.  Guerra,  1852,  19-22;  Id.,  Mem.  Instruc.  de  los 
derechos,  etc.,  in  Mexican  Financier,  no.  1,  1-39.  In  1850-1  an  American 
commission  headed  by  Maj.  Barnard,  U.  S.  Engineers,  surveyed  the  route, 
who  reported  it  to  possess  hut  little  ‘ merits  as  a practicable  line  for  the  con- 
struction of  a ship  canal.’  Davis'  Report,  5-6.  In  1869  officers  of  the  U.  S. 
surveyed  the  route,  and  made  a favorable  report.  In  1870  Capt.  R.  W. 
Shuffeldt,  of  the  U.  S.  navy,  made  another  survey,  which  confirmed  the  con- 
clusions of  the  former,  to  the  effect  that  no  extraordinary  engineering  diffi- 
culties existed,  as  sufficient  water  could  be  had  from  rivers  in  the  Sierra 
Madre  to  supply  the  canal.  The  route  begins  about  30  miles  above  the  mouth 
of  the  Coatzacoalcos,  and  after  traversing  a long  distance,  rises  to  a level  of 
about  680  ft,  then  descends  to  the  lagoon  on  the  Pacific,  a total  distance  of 
120  miles.  The  distance  from  New  Orleans  to  Hongkong  would  be  8,245 
miles  less  than  by  Cape  Horn,  and  1,588  less  than  by  way  of  Panama.  Am. 
Cyclop.,  iii.  690;  Manero,  Apunt.  Hist.,  13-15. 

10  By  resolution  of  the  Mexican  congress,  the  contract  of  the  American 
company  was  declared  void  in  Oct.  1S82,  and  soon  after  the  govt  made  an 
arrangement  to  have  the  road  built  on  its  own  account.  Id.,  Articulos,  Soc. 
Arquit.,  7-10;  S.  F.  Call,  Oct.  5,  1882;  Mex. , Diario  OJic.,  Oct.  10,  17,  18,  20, 
1882. 

11  Mex.,  Diario  Debates,  10th  Cong.,  i.  273-1930,  passim.;  Id.,  El  Nolicioso, 
Nov.  29,  1880;  Id.,  Col.  Ley.,  xxxvi.  320-4;  Id.,  Diario  OJic.,  June  2,  1881; 
Aug.  10,  23,  1882;  Mex’n  Financier,  Dec.  13,  20,  27,  18S4;  Jan.  10,  24,  1885. 

The  Mexican  govt  guaranteed  in  1885  one  and  a quarter  million  dollars 
per  annum  for  15  years.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Jan.  16,  1886. 

13  Gov.  Pedrarias  D&vila  had  the  outlet  of  lakes  Nicaragua  and  Managua 
discovered.  His  officers  Este  and  Rojas  favored  the  plan  of  a canal  round  the 
falls  of  the  San  Juan,  and  another  on  the  Pacific  slope.  The  project  occu- 
pied the  court  and  colony  for  many  years.  Herrera,  iv.,  iii.,  ii.;  Cent.  Am., 
Extractos  Sueltos,  in  Squier's  MS.,  xxii.  108;  Frobel,  Aus.  Am.,  i.  144,  241. 
The  plan  not  only  engaged  the  Spaniards  but  the  French  and  English,  the 
latter  contemplating  the  conquest  of  the  country.  The  royal  engineer  Man- 
uel Galisteo  in  1781,  the  system  of  locks  being  little  known  then,  declared  the 


NICARAGUA  ISTHMUS. 


695 


America  from  the  crown,  the  canal  scheme  has  ever 
been  uppermost  in  the  minds  of  her  rulers  and  thinking 
men,  and  many  scientific  engineers  and  capitalists  of 
Europe  and  America  have  taken  a deep  interest 
therein.  But  for  divers  reasons  nothing  was  accom- 
plished toward  establishing  an  adequate  interoceanic 
communication,  in  any  form,  down  to  1849. 14  This 
year  a new  arrangement  was  made  with  Cornelius 
Vanderbilt  and  Joseph  L.  White  of  New  York,  in 
which  the  government  of  the  United  States,  through 
its  representative,  E.  George  Squier,  became  concerned. 

connection  of  the  lake  with  the  Pacific  to  he  impracticable.  In  1791  La  Bas- 
ticle  proposed  widening  the  river  Sapoa  between  the  lake  and  Papagayo  Gulf, 
and  cutting  a canal  between  that  river  and  the  gulf  of  Nicoya;  but  the  French 
revolution  caused  the  matter  to  be  forgotten.  In  1814  the  Spanish  cortes 
decreed  the  survey  and  construction,  but  subsequent  political  events  made 
that  decree  inoperative.  Saravia,  Bosq.  Polit.  Est.,  13-17;  Viajero,  Univ., 
xxvii.  180-4;  Bastide,  M&m.  Bur.  Nouv.  Passage,  1-70;  Humboldt,  Essai  Polit., 
i.  1-17;  Bourgoane's  Trav.,  in  Pinkertons  Coll.,  ii.  498-9;  Reichardt,  Cent.  Am., 
169-70;  Dujlot  de  Mofras,  Explor.  de  I’Oregon,  i.  137;  Squier  s Nic. , 658. 

14  Herewith  I give  a synopsis  of  what  occurred.  In  1823  a franchise  was 
given  to  John  Baily  for  a house  in  London,  who  did  nothing,  and  the  privi- 
lege was  granted  to  parties  in  New  York,  who  also  failed  to  carry  out  the 
stipulations.  Numerous  proposals  came  between  1825  and  1829,  which  were 
successively  accepted,  but  neither  of  them  had  effect.  In  1829  a franchise 
was  decreed  to  the  king  of  Holland,  and  there  was  some  prospect  of  a canal 
being  constructed;  but  the  war  which  detached  Belgium  from  Holland  broke 
out,  and  the  king  abandoned  the  project.  President  Morazan  then  contem- 
plated doing  the  work  on  Central  American  account,  and  the  survey  was 
begun  in  1837,  interrupted  by  Morazan ’s  fall,  but  continued  in  1838  for  ac- 
count of  Nicaragua.  This  same  year  Edward  Belcher,  of  the  Brit,  navy, 
suggested  the  possibility  of  an  artificial  communication  between  Lake  Mana- 
gua and  the  bay  of  Fonseca.  Baily ’s  explorations  along  the  line  from  Rio 
Lajas  to  San  Juan  del  Sur  were  terminated  in  1843,  and  their  publication 
furnished  exact  data  on  the  canal.  Meanwhile,  P.  Rouhand  (1839),  Veteri 
(1840),  Castellon  and  Jerez  (1842),  had  unsuccessfully  tried  to  raise  funds  for 
the  work  in  Europe.  The  king  of  France  in  1844  refused  his  cooperation. 
In  1846  Louis  Napoleon  became  warmly  interested  for  a time.  Great  Britian  in 
1847  seized  San  Juan  del  Norte  on  the  north,  and  Tiger  Island  on  the  south. 
Louis  Napoleon  turned  his  thoughts  to  other  subjects.  Orsted  studied,  in 
1847-8,  for  the  Costa  Rican  govt,  a canal  project  which  differed  from  Baily ’s 
in  choosing  a low  line  south  of  San  Juan  del  Sur  along  the  Sapoa  River  into 
Salinas  Bay.  Nicaragua  in  1848  entered  into  a contract  to  build  the  canal 
with  a house  in  New  York,  which,  however,  surrendered  it.  Baily's  Cent.  Am., 
127-50;  Annalcs  des  Voy.,  cliii.  14-17;  clvii.  16-17;  Nouv.  Annales  dcs 
Voy.,  xxviii.  (1825),  370-82;  xxxii.  (1826),  369-74;  Squier’s  Trav.,  ii.  251-80, 
405-20;  Id.,  Nic.,  65S;  Liot’s  Pan.  Nic.  and  Telman.,  13-16;  Niles'  Reg.,  xxx. 
447;  xxxi.  2,  72-3;  lxiv.  130-1;  lxv.  57-61;  lxvii.  148;  Salv.,  Diario  Ojic., 
Dec.  16,  1S79;  Reichardt,  Cent.  Am.,  171-3;  Loud.  Geog.  Soc.,  Jour.,  xiv.  i27- 
9;  xx.  172;  Scherzer,  Cent.  Am.,  241;  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  84-7,  137;  Id.,  Carted' 
etudes,  3545,  Strains  hit.  Comm.,  7-8;  Garella,  Projet,  182-8;  Sampsons  Cent. 
Am.,  7-18;  Marure,  Mem.  Hist.,  1—47;  Bulow,  Nic.,  44—57;  U.  S.  Comm. 
Rept,  145,  p.  230-65;  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  Sen.  Miscel. , Cong.  30,  Sess  1,  no.  80, 
69-75;  Id.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  31,  Sess.  1,  no.  75,  50-326,  passim. 


696 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


This  arrangement  gave  rise  to  complications  with 
Great  Britain,  which  were  finally  settled  by  the  Clay- 
ton-Bulwer  treaty  to  perpetually  guarantee  the  neu- 
trality of  the  canal  to  be  constructed.  The  contractors 
failed  to  carry  out  their  agreement  as  regarded  the 
construction  of  a canal,  but  established  the  Accessory 
Transit  Company,  and  by  means  of  steamers  on  the 
two  oceans,  and  on  the  river  San  Juan  and  Lake 
Nicaragua,  rendered  valuable  service  in  the  transpor- 
tation of  passengers.  The  matter  was  given  in  detail, 
in  connection  with  the  relations  of  that  company  with 
the  Nicaraguan  government,  including  its  history 
from  the  date  of  the  foundation  till  1869,  when  it 
ceased  to  exist.  However,  their  engineer,  0.  Childs, 
made  a survey  of  the  route  for  a canal  in  1851,  and 
recommended  one  from  the  mouth  of  Lajas  River 
to  Port  Brito,  traversing  the  Rio  Grande  Valley.15 
Since  that  time  many  schemes  have  been  contem- 
plated, and  contracts  entered  into,  but  none  of  them 
have  given  the  desired  result.16 

I have  yet  to  mention  Pirn’s  scheme,  advanced  in 
1853,  of  building  a railway  from  Punta  Mico  on  the 


13  This  survey  was  considered  reliable.  English  engineers  pronounced 
Brito  ‘ unworthy  of  this  great  ship  navigation.  ’ Davis’  Deport,  6-7. 

ISS.  Bayley  in  1S52  proposed  a route  from  La  Virgen  to  San  Juan  del  Sur, 
nearly  following  that  of  the  Transit  Co.  without  passing  through  the  valley  of 
the  Lajas,  which  Baily  recommended  in  1843.  In  1853  E.  G.  Squier  tried  to 
revive  Belcher’s  plan  of  utilizing  both  lakes,  and  reaching  Fonseca  Bay 
through  the  Conejo  Valley  and  the  Estero  Real.  Squier ’s  proposed  Honduras 
railway  also  was  to  reach  that  bay;  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  lie  contem- 
plated connecting  the  two  works.  Felix  Belly,  for  Belly,  Millaud,  and  Com- 
pany, in  a contract  of  May  1858  with  the  Nicaraguan  government,  purposed 
carrying  into  execution  Orsted’s  proposition;  but  after  several  years’  waiting 
without  Belly  or  his  assigns,  the  International  Canal  Co.,  accomplishing  any- 
thing, or  offering  better  prospects  for  the  future,  the  government,  in  1868, 
declared  his  contract  forfeited,  and  entered  into  another  with  Michel  Cheva- 
lier, from  which  better  expectations  were  entertained;  but  they  were  destined 
not  to  be  realized.  Chevalier  required,  as  a condition  sine  qua  non,  that  the 
contract  should  be  ratified  by  the  Costa  Rican  congress.  This  took  place  a 
year  later,  and  then  came  the  war  between  France  and  Prussia,  and  Nicara- 
gua’s last  effort,  like  all  former  ones,  was  frustrated.  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  31-50, 
170-4,  401-6;  ii.  1-13,  27-36,  59-164;  Id.,  Carte  d’Hudes,  19-27,  49-91;  Mr. 
Canal  de,  1-21;  Col.  Dec.  y Acuerdos,  1863,  39-40,  118;  1869-70,  8-23;  Pirn's 
Gate  of  the  Pac.,  1-14,  58,  116-34,  221-30,  322-70,  394;  Me.,  Gaceta,  Jan.  7, 
Apr.  8,  1865;  March  20,  Apr.  17,  1869;  Id.,  Informe  Sec.  Pel.,  1869,  8—9;  Id., 
Id.,  Hacienda,  1869,  3-5;  Marcoleta,  Min.  Nic.,  1-32;  Hunt's  Merck.  May.,  lv. 
31-48;  lvi.  32-1. 


ACROSS  MOSQUITIA. 


C97 


Atlantic  to  San  Mkmelito,  on  the  eastern  shore  ot* 

© - 

the  lake,  traversing  Mosquitia.  A company  was 
formed,  but  the  project  was  soon  found  to  be  imprac- 
ticable.1. 

No  efforts  have  been  spared  ever  since  by  Nica- 
ragua and  American  citizens  to  brino-  about  the  ac- 
complishment  of  the  long-expected  canal,  under  the 
impression  that  it  is  the  most  desirable,  feasible,  and 
least  expensive  route.  The  assistance  of  the  United 
States  government  has  been  solicited,  and  treaties 
made  to  afford  facilities,  but  the  American  congress 
has  thus  far  refused  to  do  anything,  except  send  com- 
missions to  explore  the  several  lines,  and  their  re- 
ports seem  to  be  favorable.18  The  last  treaty  concluded 


11  Nic.,  Gciceta,  Dec.  12,  24,  1S63;  Nov.  9,  18G7. 

18  The  exploration  by  Com.  Lull,  of  the  U.  S.  navy,  established  the  ex- 
istence of  a practicable  route  for  a canal  with  Lake  Nicaragua  as  its  summit 
level,  107  ft  above  mean  tide.  It  was  proposed  to  connect  the  lake  with  the 
Pacific  by  a canal  16.3  miles  in  length,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Medio  River 
to  Port  Brito.  The  first  7.5  miles  would  require  an  excavation  averaging  54 
ft  in  depth,  which  would  be  the  most  costly  part  of  the  work.  The  plan  calls 
for  ten  locks,  and  one  tide-lock  between  the  lake  and  the  sea.  The  lake  navi- 
gation is  of  56  miles.  The  river  San  Juan  would  be  improved  by  means  of 
four  dams;  namely,  at  the  rapids  of  Castillo,  Balas,  and  Machuca,  and  at  the 
mouth  of  the  San  Carlos  River,  all  of  which  places  are  suitable  for  dams.  A 
short  section  of  canal  with  one  lock  would  be  needed  to  get  around  each  of 
the  upper  three  dams.  From  the  fourth  dam  to  San  Juan  del  Norte,  an  in- 
dependent canal  41.4  miles  long  with  7 locks  must  be  constructed,  which  pre- 
sents no  apparent  engineering  difficulty.  The  total  length  of  the  canal  would 
be  61.7  miles.  No  tunnelling  needed.  The  harbor  of  San  Juan  del  Norte 
must  be  dredged,  and  otherwise  improved,  to  insure  that  no  water  but  that  of 
the  canal  shall  run  into  the  harbor.  Short  breakwaters  must  be  built  to  pro- 
tect the  entrances  from  the  surf.  Lake  Nicaragua  with  a surface  of  2,700  sq. 
miles,  and  a drainage  area  of  8,000  sq.  miles,  will  supply  38  times  the  maxi- 
mum possible  demand  of  water.  The  depth  of  water  would  be  26  ft;  the 
width  at  bottom  72  ft,  and  at  surface  150  ft.  The  locks,  21  in  number,  with 
a lift  of  from  8 to  10  ft,  would  be  400  ft  long,  72  ft  wide.  The  cost  was  esti- 
mated at  about  eighty  million  dollars.  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  Sen.  Jour.,  916,  Cong. 
41,  Sess.  2;  Id.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  42,  Sess.  2,  i.  no.  1,  pt.  1,  670-8;  Id.,  Id., 
3d  Sess.,  i.  p.  160,  462-5;  Id.,  Sec.  Navy  Ilept,  Cong.  43,  Sess.  1,  p.  10-12; 
Id.,  Nic.  Ship  Canal  Route,  Cong.  43,  Sess.  1;  Livy,  Nic.,  428-40;  Nic. , Gaceta, 
Aug.  20,  27,  Oct.  22,  Dec.  24,  1870;  Oct.  21,  1871;  Jan.  11,  Fell.  22,  July  12, 
1873;  March  21,  June  6,  Nov.  28,  1874;  Id.,  Mem.  Sec.  Pel.,  1871,  10-16,  29- 
39;  1875,  xiii.-xiv. ; 1879,  xxvii.-viii. ; Costal’.,  Col.  Ley.,  xix.  17-34,  180-1; 
Id.,  Informe  Sec.  Del.,  1872,  2-5;  1877,  2;  1885,  4-6,  47-54;  Gnat.,  Mem.  Sec. 
Del.,  1884,  6,  8,  9;  Pan.  Canal,  March  5,  1883;  Id. , Star  and  Herald,  Feb.  12, 
14,  1883;  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  Jan.  15,  1885;  El  Guatemalteco,  March  4,  1884. 
It  has  been  asserted  that  formidable  obstacles  exist  to  a permanent  deep-water 
entrance  at  San  Juan  del  Norte,  owing  to  sand  and  other  detritus  carried  into 
it  by  the  San  Juan  River,  rendering  it  shallow  and  dangerous.  Qisbonis  lsth. 
Darien,  8-11. 


698 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION 


between  the  two  governments  with  reference  to  a canal 
was  rejected  by  the  United  States  senate.  The  last 
survey  made  under  the  auspices  of  the  American  gov- 
ernment was  that  of  Engineer  Menocal,  of  the  United 
States  navy,  who,  with  other  officers,  visited  Nicara- 
gua in  January  1885.  His  report  was  presented  in 
November  of  that  year.  The  plan  of  this  commission 
had  been  at  first  to  convert  the  river  San  Juan  above 
its  junction  with  the  Sarapiqui  into  an  extension  of  the 
lake  by  constructing  a dam  74  feet  high,  but  it  was 
found  impracticable.  The  proposed  route  extends 
from  San  Juan  del  Norte  to  Brito.  The  total  length 
is  169.8  miles,  of  which  38.98  miles  will  be  excavated 
canal,  and  130.82  navigation  by  Lake  Nicaragua,  the 
river  San  Juan,  the  basin  of  the  river  San  Francisco, 
and  seven  locks.  Lake  Nicaragua  will  be  connected 
with  the  Pacific  by  a canal,  and  with  the  Atlantic  by 
slackwater  navigation  in  the  river  San  Juan,  by  a short 
section  of  canal  from  the  San  Juan  to  the  basin  of  the 
San  Francisco,  by  navigation  through  this  basin,  and 
by  a canal  thence  to  the  Caribbean  Sea.  The  route 
has  been  divided  into  three  divisions,  the  western, 
eastern,  and  middle.19  The  cost  was  carefully  esti- 
mated, including  a contingent  of  25  per  cent,  at  $64,- 
043,697.  De  Lesseps  is  of  opinion,  however,  that  a 
canal  with  locks  would  be  inadequate  to  pass  the  traffic 
that  will  frequent  it,  and  would  suffer  from  uncertainty 
of  sufficient  water  to  supply  the  lockage  and  evapo- 
ration.20 

One  of  the  four  routes  suggested  by  Antonio  Galvao 


19  The  report  of  course  gives  in  minute  detail  the  engineering  features  of 
the  three  divisions.  The  proposed  locks  have  a uniform  length  of  650  ft  be- 
tween gates,  and  at  least  65  ft  of  width.  The  canal  is  to  have  a depth  of  28 
or  30  ft.  It  is  anticipated  that  a ship  can  pass  from  San  Juan  to  Brito  in  30 
hours.  Thirty-two  vessels  can  pass  the  canal  in  a day.  Excellent  materials 
for  construction  are  at  hand.  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Dec.  5,  1885,  and  San 
Francisco  newspapers. 

29  This  latter  objection  seems  to  be  disproved  by  the  researches  of  the 
American  engineers.  But  the  great  difficulty  still  remains  about  the  estab- 
lishment and  future  maintenance  of  a deep-water  entrance  to  the  canal  at  San 
Juan  del  Norte.  Encyclop.  Brit.  (Am.  ed.),  iv.  701. 


PANAMA  ISTHMUS. 


699 


to  the  king  of  Spain,  for  cutting  a canal  to  join  the 
two  oceans,  was  the  Isthmus  of  Panamd.21  Soon  after 
New  Granada  threw  off  the  Spanish  yoke,  several 
surveys  of  Panamd  and  Darien  were  made,  and  canal 
projects  recommended;22  two  of  them,  deemed  the 
most  important,  were  that  of  Lloyd’s  to  build  a railroad 
from  Panama  or  La  Chorrera  to  the  Trinidad  River,  a 
tributary  of  the  Chagres;  and  that  of  a sluiced  canal 
recommended  in  1843  by  Garella  and  Courtines,  who 

21  This  Isthmus  was  surveyed  in  1520  by  two  Flemish  engineers,  who  re- 
ported adversely.  The  king  for  politic  reasons  would  not  have  the  subject 
mentioned  again.  So  it  has  been  said.  Dufiot  de  Mofras , Explor.  de  V Oregon, 
i.  119.  The  section  was  repeatedly  explored.  In  1534  preliminary  work  for 
a ship  canal  was  done,  under  royal  order,  by  Gov.  Gama.  The  Chagres  River 
was  made  navigable  to  where  the  wagon  road  began.  Pan.  CM.,  in  Siguier's 
MSS.,  xi.  1-6;  Andagoya , Carta  al  Rey.,  in  Id.,  8;  Garella,  Isth.  de  Pan.,  3-5; 
Datos  Biog.,  in  Cartas  de  Ind.,  761.  Various  schemes  were  broached  in  the 
17th  century,  meeting  with  no  encouragement.  In  1687  Lionel  Wafer  was 
guided  by  Mandinga  Indians  from  the  gulf  of  San  Miguel  to  Concepcion  on 
the  Atlantic  side.  W.  Paterson,  from  his  settlement  at  Caledonia  Harbor, 
made  several  journeys  into  the  interior,  recommending  it  to  his  company  for 
interoceanic  traffic.  Ulloa  and  Jorge  Juan  explored  Panama  for  a route  in 
1736.  Juan  and  Ulloa  Voy.,  i.  94;  Fitz-Roy,  in  Bond.  Geog.  Soc.,  Jour.,  xx. 
170,  178;  Reichardt,  Cent.  Am.,  164-5.  A road  was  opened  on  the  isth.  of 
Darien  by  Gov.  Ariza  from  Puerto  Escoces  to  Puerto  del  Principe  on  the 
Sabaua  River,  which  enters  the  Pacific.  Ariza,  Darien,  MS.,  11-12;  De  Puydt, 
in  Bond.  Geog.  Soc.,  Jour.,  xxxviii.  69;  Cullens  Darien,  192-204;  Pirns  Gate  oj 
the  Pac.,  183-4;  Scherzer,  Cent.  Am.,  i.  248-9.  In  1S20  Capt.  Illingsworth  of 
the  Chilian  corvette  Ba  Rosa  (a)  Andes  had  his  shallop  drawn  across  the  cor- 
dillera, and  launched  in  the  Napipi,  whence  it  proceeded  to  Quibdo  or  Citera, 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Atrato,  where  it  was  found  in  1824  by  Cochrane,  who 
in  examining  Darien  for  a canal  route  found  the  obstacles  almost  insurmount- 
able. Annales  des  Voy.,  cliii.  8,  22,  36.  Domingo  Lopez,  a Colombian,  traced 
a line  for  a canal  between  Panama  and  Portobello.  Arosemena,  Apuntes  Hist,, 
4.  In  1827,  C.  Friend  of  the  British  navy  made  an  excursion  from  the  banks 
of  the  Atrato  to  the  bay  of  Cupica.  But  the  first  formal  exploration  was 
made,  shortly  after  Friend’s  tour,  by  Lloyd  of  Pres.  Bolivar’s  staff,  and  Capt. 
Falmarc,  a Swede  in  the  Colombian  service,  under  Bolivar’s  auspices.  After 
completing  their  labors  in  1829,  they  declared  that  a railway,  if  not  a canal, 
was  feasible  between  Chagres  and  Panama.  The  notes  of  the  expedition  were 
published  in  Philosophical  Trans.,  for  1830,  and  in  Bondon  Geog.  Soc.,  Jour.,  i. 
69-101 ; chevalier,  Pan.,  112-13;  Bull.  Society  Geog.,  xiv.  88,  53-66;  Demoo.  Rev., 
vi.  297-8;  JVouv.  Annales  des  Voy.,  xlviii.  380-1;  Garella,  Isth.  de  Pan.,  8-9. 

“Thierry’s  canal  project,  1835;  Biddle’s  survey  for  a canal,  1836;  Morel, 
soon  after  Lloyd’s  survey,  in  1837-8,  sought  a canal  route  somewhat  south  of 
the  line  from  Chagres  to  Pan.  in  the  angle  between  the  rivers  Chagres  and 
Trinidad,  through  Vino  Tinto  Lake.  In  a later  survey  he  kept  more  to  the 
left;  Watts’  explorations  in  1838;  Barnet’s  survey  of  Chiriqux  in  1839.  Niles' 
Reg.,  xlviii.;  Arosemena,  Exdrnen,  8-34;  Pinart,  Hisc.  Papers,  no.  1,  Decrees 
113-17;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Oct.  4,  1882;  Interoc.  Canal  and  Monroe  Doct., 
23-4;  Chevalier,  Pan.,  117-22;  Barnet's  Surv.,  in  Chiriqui  Imp.  Co.  Coll.;  Pan., 
Gaceta  1st.,  Sept.  20,  1841;  G.  B.  Watts,  in  Am.  Geog.  and  Slat.,  Soc.  Bull.,  L 
pt.  iii.  64-80. 


700 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


studied  the  Isthmus  under  a commission  of  the  French 
government.  And  there  were  other  projects.23 

The  attention  of  the  United  States  government  was 
directed  to  the  subject  of  interoceanic  routes  as  early 
as  1825.  In  1835  the  executive  "was  requested  by  the 
senate  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  the  Central 
American  states  and  New  Granada,  conducive  to 
treaties  for  the  protection  of  Americans  who  might 
attempt  opening  the  communication  between  the  two 
oceans.  A treaty  was  made  by  the  United  States 
with  New  Granada  on  the  12th  of  December,  184G, 
under  which  the  latter  guaranteed  to  the  former  “the 
l ight  of  way  or  transit  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama, 
upon  any  inodes  of  communication  that  now  exist,  or 
that  may  be  hereafter  constructed.”  The  United 
States  government  on  its  part  guaranteed  to  New 
Granada  the  neutrality  of  the  Isthmus,  and  the  rights 


23  Garella’s  canal,  beginning  at  Limon  Bay,  was  to  pass  under  the  Aliog- 
ayegua  ridge  by  means  of  a tunnel  120  ft  high  and  17,390  ft  long,  to  the  bay 
of  Vaca  del  Monte,  12  miles  west  of  Panama.  The  route  follows  the  Bernar- 
dino and  Caimito  valleys  on  the  southern  slope,  and  those  of  Quebrado  and 
Chagres  on  the  northern.  The  highest  elevation  4.79  feet  above  the  sea  level, 
the  mountain  being  tunnelled  324  feet  9 in.  below  its  highest  point;  so  that 
the  canal  would  at  the  summit  be  135  feet  above  the  sea,  and  require  35  locks. 
Lloyd,  acting  for  the  British  government,  arrived  at  the  same  conclusions. 
Garella,  Projet  d'un  canal,  11-194,  230;  Nouv.  Ann.  des  Voy.,  cvi.  36-40;  (J.  S. 
Gov.  Doc.,  II.  Com.  Rcpt,  145,  p.  70-7,  506-71,  Cong.  30,  Sess.  2;  Arosemena, 
Exdmen,  5-6,  11.  Hellcrt,  in  1S44— 5,  explored  the  Darien  from  Rio  Paya  to 
the  Atrato.  W.  B.  Liot,  of  the  Brit,  navy,  proposed  in  1S45  a macadamized 
road,  or  a railroad  from  Portobello  to  Panama.  Capt.  Kellet,  being  informed 
by  Indians  that  tire  Napipi  River,  a tributary  of  the  Atrato,  approached  very 
closely  to  the  bay  of  Cupica,  crossed  on  foot  in  1S47  till  he  reached  a river 
which  was  supposed  to  flow  into  the  Atlantic.  Cullen  claimed  to  have  crossed 
the  Darien.  In  1S49  he  found  the  Sabana  River,  ascended  it,  crossed  from 
Canasas  to  the  sea-shore  at  Port  Escoces  and  returned.  In  1850  and  1S51  he 
crossed  several  times  alone  by  different  routes  from  the  Sabana  to  Escoces, 
convinced  that  this  must  be  the  future  route  for  ships.  Here  are  the  requi- 
site secure  harbors;  the  highest  elevation  of  the  valleys  through  the  ridges  is 
not  over  150  feet,  which  is  lower  than  any  level  as  yet  found;  locks  and  tun- 
nel might  be  avoided;  the  canal  need  be  only  26  or  27  miles  long,  two  miles 
through  hard  rock.  Unfortunately,  Cullen  gave  no  notes  or  measurements  to 
prove  this.  Capt.  Fitz-Roy,  of  the  British  navy,  published  a memoir  on  a 
communication  between  the  Atrato,  by  way  of  its  tributary  the  Napipi  or 
Naipi,  and  Cupica  Bay.  Greiff,  a Swedish  engineer,  confirmed  his  observa- 
tions. In  1S50-1  Chevalier  explored  the  Isthmus  for  information  on  inter- 
oceanic routes.  (J.  S.  Coast  Survey,  18GS,  260-7;  Liot' s Pan.,  etc.,  p.  iii. ; See- 
rnann’s  Voy.,  i.  220;  Davis'  Rept,  9-14,  and  several  maps;  Cullen's  Isth.  Darien 
Ship  Canal,  2ded.,  19;  Annales  des  Voy.,  cliii.  23;  Chevalier,  in  Soc.  Gcoy.  Bull., 
Ber.  iv.,  tom.  iv.,  no.  19,  pp.  30-70. 


PANAMA  RATLWAY. 


701 


of  sovereignty  and  property  over  its  territory.24  At 
last  an  American  company,  being  stimulated  by  the 
great  traffic  across  the  Isthmus,  took  up  the  matter  of 
a railway.25 

The  termini  resolved  on  were  Colon  on  the  Atlan- 
tic, and  on  the  Pacific,  a little  to  the  eastward  of  the 
city  of  Panama,  quite  clear  of  the  suburbs.  The  work 
was  begun  in  January  1850,  and  finished  on  the  28th 
of  January,  1855.  Its  total  length  is  47  miles,  3,020 
feet.  The  line  is  a single  one,  but  has  four  very  com- 
modious sidings;  namely,  Gatun,  7^  miles  from  Colon; 
one  near  Barbacoas,  22  miles;  one  at  Matacliin,  30 
miles;  and  one  at  the  summit,  37  miles.  There 
are  stations  at  every  four  miles.  The  undertak- 
ing was  a bold  one,  and  was  successfully  carried 
out  under  the  able  and  energetic  superintendence  of 
George  M.  Totten.26  The  actual  cost,  as  per  con- 

24  The  U.  S.  had  the  country  surveyed  in  1833-4  between  the  Chagres  and 
Panama.  Fairbairn,  in  United  Serv.  Jour.,  1832,  pt  ii.  207-9;  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc., 
4 Ex.  Doc.  228,  vol.  iv.,  Cong.  25,  Sess.  2;  Id.,  Id.  77,  vol.  iv.,  Cong.  28,  Sess. 
1;  Id.,  U.  S.  Comm.  Rep.  145,  p.  3,  265-332,  Cong.  30,  Sess.  2;  Pub.  I’r ca- 
des, 1S75,  p.  55S;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Nov.  18,  1848;  Niles'  Reg.,  i.  440;  Tucker's 
Monroe  Doc.,  43-4. 

25  The  parties  forming  the  company  were  William  H.  Aspinwall,  Henry 
Chauneey,  and  John  L.  Stephens,  all  of  New  York,  who  on  the  15th  of  April, 
1850,  made  a contract  with  the  New  Granadan  government,  binding  them- 
selves to  construct  within  a given  time  a railway  between  a point  on  the 
Atlantic  and  Panama,  for  the  transportation  of  travellers,  cattle,  merchan- 
dise, etc.,  under  a fixed  tariff  of  rates.  Certain  advantages  were  allowed  New 
Grenadan  citizens.  It  is  not  necessary  to  state  here  all  the  terms  of  the  con- 
tract. It  was  to  be  in  force  49  years,  and  the  New  Granadan  government 
was  to  receive  three  per  centum  of  the  net  profits.  It  subsequently  received 
$10,000  a year  additional  on  the  mails.  Passengers,  merchandise,  and  every- 
thing else  passing  in  transitu  over  the  railroad,  were  to  be  free  of  duties  and  im- 
posts. The  contract  was  amended  July  5,  1867.  Under  the  new  arrangement 
the  company  was  to  own  the  railway  for  99  years;  and  pay  the  Colombian  gov- 
ernment one  million  dollars  in  gold,  and  thereafter  $250,000  a year  in  quar- 
terly instalments,  Colombian  mails  passing  over  the  road  free  of  expense. 
Large  grants  of  land  were  made  to  the  company,  who  further  bound  them- 
selves to  carry  the  railroad  to  the  islands  of  Naos,  Culebra,  Perico,  and  Fla- 
menco, or  to  some  other  suitable  place  on  the  bay.  The  prolongation  has  never 
been  carried  out.  Bidwell’s  Isth.  Pan.,  299-308,  397 — 41 7 ; Pan.,  Boledn  OJic., 
Nov.  15,  1867;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  31,  1880;  Arosemcna,  Pan.  Prolong.  Ferro - 
carril,  1-18;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Sept.  3,  Oct.  5,  1867;  Sept.  12,  13,  28, 
1877;  Rouliaud,  Regions  Nouv. , 1878-9,  p.  343-51;  Pan.  Mem.  Sec.  Jen.,  1877, 
21-2. 

20  The  difficulties  of  the  ground  and  climate,  together  with  scanty  resources 
of  the  country  and  scarcity  of  labor,  were  overcome.  The  road  runs  on  the 
easterly  bank  of  the  Chagres  River  as  far  as  Barbacoas,  where  it  crosses  the 
river  over  a bridge  625  ft  long,  18  ft  broad,  and  40  ft  above  the  mean  level. 


'02 


I XT  ER  OCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


struction  account,  was  eight  million  dollars.  The  road 
has  been  improved  from  year  to  year.  Articles  of 
the  coarsest  and  heaviest  description,  as  well  as  ordi- 
nary merchandise,  have  been  constantly  conveyed  over 
it.  The  road  began  to  yield  some  income  since  1852, 
when  it  had  reached  Barbaeoas.  I give  in  a note 
some  statistics  on  receipts  and  expenditures.27  The 
company  from  the  beginning  of  its  operations  had  a 
line  of  telegraph  between  Panama  and  Colon.  In 
1881  the  railway  was  sold  to  the  company  organized 
to  construct  a canal  for  $17,500,000,  being  at  the  rate 
of  $250  per  share.  Adding  other  items,  and  interest 
on  annual  instalments,  the  share-holders  received 
about  twenty  million  dollars.23 

A survey  made  by  United  States  officers  in  18GG, 
through  Chiriquf,  showed  that  it  was  practicable  to 
build  a railway  through  the  cordillera.  The  harbors 
of  Chiriqui  and  Sheperd  on  the  Atlantic,  and  of  Golfito 
in  Golfo  Dulce,  were  favorably  reported  upon  by 
Commodore  F.  Engle.29 


A full  account  of  the  construction  may  be  found  in  Otis’  Ilist.  Pan.  R.  R.,  1- 
46;  Thornton's  Oregon  and  Cal.,  ii.  349-52;  Pint’s  Gateway,  192-209,  415-28; 
Hie.,  Carr.  1st.,  May  30,  June,  12,  1850;  De  Bow's Encyc.,  pt  ii.  493-4;  Fremont's 
Am.  Trav.,  171-2,  and  other  authorities  too  numerous  to  name  here.  The 
construction  cost  many  lives  of  all  nationalities,  owing  to  the  climate;  and 
was  finally  completed  with  negroes  of  the  Isthmus,  Jamaica,  the  coast  of 
Cartagena  and  Santa  Marta.  Maldonado,  Asuntos  Polil.,  MS.,  6. 

27  Receipts  from  1852  to  Dec.  31,  1854,  §1,026,102;  1855-00,  $8,748,020; 
1801-6,  $12,309,602.  Total,  $22,143,850.  Expenses  to  end  of  1855,  includ- 
ing share  of  profits  paid  the  New  Granadan  govt,  $1,123,081;  of  1850-00, 
$8,748,318.  Total,  $9,871,399.  Net  proceeds,  $12,272,451.  The  transit  trade 
has  been  the  main  business  of  the  Isthmus.  For  many  years,  till  the  Brit 
steamship  trade  by  the  straits  of  Magellan  developed,  and  the  overland  rail- 
way  between  Omaha  and  S.  F.  was  completed,  almost  all  merchandise  going 
to  or  from  Europe  and  the  eastern  ports  of  the  United  States,  Cuba,  etc.,  to 
California,  the  west  coast  of  South  America,  and  Central  America,  was  sent 
by  way  of  the  Isthmus,  including  even  copper  from  Bolivia  and  Chile.  Re- 
ceipts of  the  railroad  1883-4,  $0,300,700.  Expenses  in  same  years,  $3,979, 144. 
Net  proceeds  $2,327,616;  a net  increase  of  earnings  in  1884  over  1883,  of 
$24,032.  Further  information  in  the  last  preceding  chapter  connected  with 
the  Isthmus  transit  trade.  Buhoell's  Isth.  Pan.,  286;  Otis'  Hist.  Pan.  R.  R., 
59-69;  Supcrint.  Burt's  Rept,  March  7,  1885,  in  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Apr. 
22,  1885;  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  May  2,  1885. 

28  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  June  23,  1881;  Sept.  18,  1882;  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc., 
H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  48,  Sess.  1,  i.  pt  1,  217-19. 

29 Davis’  Rept,  8;  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Journ.,  1345,  Cong.  36,  Sess.  1;  541, 
Cong.  36,  Sess.  2;  Id.,  Sen.  Doc.  1,  pp.  17,  36-44,  iii.  pt  1,  Cong.  30,  Sess.  2; 
Harper’s  Mag.,  xxii.  193-209. 


VARIOUS  SCHEMES. 


703 


But  the  idea  of  an  interoceanic  canal  was  ever  pres- 
ent.3’ Nothing  was  practically  done,  until  the  whole 

30  New  Granada  granted,  in  1852,  to  Fox,  Cullen,  and  others,  the  privi- 
lege of  opening  a canal  between  Caledonia  Bay  and  the  gulf  of  San  Miguel. 
Cullens  Darien  Ship  Canal,  1-14G.  Gisborne  thought  it  was  a mere  matter  of 
excavation  costing  about  sixty  million  dollars.  After  having  spent  a great 
deal  of  time  on  the  examination  of  the  Atrato  and  San  Juan  rivers  since 
1852,  F.  M.  Kelly,  of  N.  Y.,  in  18G4  explored  the  route  from  Chcpo  River 
to  the  gulf  of  San  Bias,  which  is  only  30  miles  long,  but  calls  for  a tunnel. 
Several  surveys  followed;  namely,  Strain,  of  the  U.  S.  navy,  early  in  1854, 
with  a party  explored  the  Darien.  After  several  weeks’  toil  they  lost  them- 
selves; five  men  perished,  the  rest  reaching  Yavisa  on  the  east  coast.  About 
the  same  time  a New  Granadan  expedition  under  Codazzi  made  a similar  at- 
tempt, but  meeting  with  disaster,  after  losing  several  men,  gave  up  the 
enterprise.  The  same  year  English  and  French  officers  made  explorations. 
Cullen  and  Gisborne  were  with  them,  and  saw  their  former  statements 
proved  false.  Next  in  order  is  Kennish’s  examination,  followed  by  Michler 
and  Cravens,  of  the  U.  S.  navy,  who  confirmed  his  report  in  all  essential 
points.  Schemer,  Cent.  Am.,  250-1;  Mex.  Annies  Min.  Fomento,  i.  83-8; 
Strains  Inter.  Comm.,  18-27.  La  Charme,  in  18G5,  by  order  of  the  merchant 
Gogorza,  surveyed  from  the  south  of  the  gulf  of  Darien  to  the  gulf  of  San 
Miguel  by  way  of  the  Tuyra  River.  De  Puydt,  for  the  International  Colom- 
bia Co.,  reported  having  found  a favorable  route  from  Puerto  Escondido  to 
the  Tuyra,  and  thence  to  the  gulf  of  San  Miguel.  Abert’s  Ship  Canal,  G3-9, 
72-9;  La  Charme,  in  Putnam's  Mag.,  iii.  329-41;  Pan.,  Gaceta,  July  2,  187G; 
Lond.  Gcog.  Soc.,  Jour.,  xxiv.  249;  xxxviii.  G9-99.  Bourdivl,  in  18G4,  passed 
from  the  Pacilic  with  25  men  to  the  mouth  of  the  Lara,  and  thence  across  the 
Isthmus  to  Chucuanaque  River,  reaching  it  just  below  the  Sucubti.  Here 
the  natives  left  him  for  fear  of  the  savages,  and  he  had  to  return.  Rear- 
adm.  C.  H.  Davis,  supt  of  the  U.  S.  Naval  Observatory  at  Washington, 
issued  a Report  on  Interoceanic  Canals  and  Railways,  for  his  government,  in 
1867,  reviewing  modern  explorations  of  the  continent  from  Darien  to  Hondu- 
ras for  canals  and  railroad  routes,  and  giving  maps  thereof,  and  a list  of  au- 
thorities thereon.  His  work  is  quite  thorough  to  its  date.  Davis’  Rept,  15- 
19.  The  secretary  of  the  U.  S.  navy  thus  summarized  in  1S73  the  report  of 
Com.  Selfridge,  who,  in  1870-2,  made  a thorough  exploration  cf  several  lines 
in  the  narrower  portion  of  Darien.  This  route  includes  100  miles  of  naviga- 
tion of  the  Atrato  River,  which  is  capable  of  being  navigated  by  the  largest 
steamers.  Between  the  Atrato  and  the  Pacific,  a canal  must  be  made  of  28 
miles  in  length,  of  which  it  would  pass  22  through  a plain  with  a gradual 
rise  of  90  feet.  Of  the  other  6 three  would  be  in  moderate  cutting,  the  other 
three  would  be  of  tunnelling.  The  estimated  cost  was  between  $52,000,000 
and  $03,000,000,  and  the  time  for  completing  the  work  ten  years.  The  tun- 
nel would  be  112  ft  high,  60  feet  wide,  and  have  87  ft  of  clear  headway  above 
the  surface  of  the  water.  The  canal  would  have  25  ft  in  depth,  50  ft  of 
width  at  the  bottom,  and  70  at  surface.  The  locks,  20  in  number,  were  to 
be  427  ft  long,  54  ft  wide,  with  a lift  of  10  ft.  The  water  supply,  much  in 
excess  of  the  requirement,  would  be  derived  from  the  Napipi  River.  Two 
alternative  schemes  were  also  presented,  increasing  the  length  of  tunnelling, 
and  diminishing  the  number  of  locks,  at  an  estimated  cost  of  $85,000,000  to 
$90,000,000.  He  proved  De  Puydt ’s  line  impracticable.  Selfridgc’s  full 
report,  with  maps  and  illustrations,  etc.,  in  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  Darien  Explor., 
Cong.  42,  Sess.  3;  Brief  reports  by  sec.  of  the  navy  and  Selfridge,  in  Id.,  II. 
Ex.  Doc.,  i.  p.  3 (sec.  of  navy),  vol.  iii.,  pp.  9-10,  133-41,  Cong.  41,  Sess.  3; 
Harper’s  Mag.,  xlvii.  (Nov.  1873),  801-20;  Enclyclop.  Brit.  (Am.  ed. ),  iv. 
700-1.  In  1873  Selfridge  surveyed  the  valley  of  the  Bojaya,  another  tribu- 
tary of  the  Atrato,  more  to  the  north,  which  was  regarded  as  more  favorable. 
The  Am.  govt  despatched  two  other  expeditions  in  1874,  one  of  which  sur- 


704 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


subject  was  discussed  in  1875  at  the  congress  of  geo- 
graphical sciences  held  in  Paris,  and  a company  was 
organized  under  General  Ttirr  for  effecting  the  requi- 
site explorations.  Lucien  N.  Bonaparte  Wyse,  a 
lieutenant  of  the  French  navy,  assisted  by  other  en- 
gineers, was  sent  out  to  the  Isthmus.  The  exploring 
commission  effected  their  work  thoroughly,  and  the 
section  from  Colon  to  Panama  was  given  the  prefer- 
ence.31 The  Colombian  government  granted  on  the 
18th  of  May,  1878,  to  the  Civil  International  Inter- 
oceanic  Association,  residing  in  Paris,  the  exclusive 
privilege  for  ninety-nine  years  of  constructing  a canal 
between  the  two  oceans,  at  the  same  time  establish- 
ing the  neutrality  of  the  ports  at  the  termini,  and  of 
the  canal  itself.32 

De  Lesseps,  of  Suez  Canal  fame,  undertook  in  1879 
the  task  of  constructing  the  canal,  and  the  first  meet- 
ing of  the  company,  now  called  Compagnie  Universal 
du  Canal  Interoceanique  de  Panama,  took  place  in 
1881.  It  was  calculated  that  six  hundred  million 
francs,  or  be  it  $120,000,000,  would  cover  the  expense 
of  construction  and  completion.  One  of  the  company’s 

first  acts  was  to  establish  in  New  York  a branch  board 
of  directors,  and  another  was  to  purchase  the  Panama 
railway.33  The  works  were  commenced  in  October 
1881. 34  The  canal  in  course  of  construction  follows 

veyed  a line  between  the  Atrato  and  the  Pacific  across  the  state  of  Canca; 
the  other  a line  parallel  with  the  Panama  railway. 

31  It  affords  a much  shorter  route  than  that  of  Darien,  and  the  cordillera 
is  there  less  than  290  ft  high.  The  watershed  being  nearer  the  Pacific  than 
the  Atlantic,  the  streams  running  into  the  former  ocean  are  of  little  impor- 
tance, whereas  the  Chagres  on  the  Atlantic  slope,  with  its  tributary,  the 
Obispo,  forms  a navigable  channel,  which  in  the  rainy  season  attains  to  for- 
midable proportions. 

32  A copy  of  the  contract  and  grant  appears  in  Bogota,  Diario  OJic.,  May 
22,  J STS;  an  English  translation  in  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  4G, 
Sess.  2,  i.  pt  i.  243.  Under  the  contract  the  Colombian  govt  will  receive  at 
certain  periods  of  it  from  G to  8 per  cent  of  the  net  receipts;  but  its  share  is 
never  to  be  under  $250,000  a year. 

33  The  U.  S.  govt  tried  to  secure  by  treaty  with  Colombia  the  right  to 
establish  forts,  arsenals,  and  naval  stations  on  the  Isthmus,  though  no  forces 
were  to  be  kept  there  in  time  of  peace.  A protocol  was  signed  i:i  New  York 
by  representatives  of  both  governments  in  Feb.  1S81,  to  amend  the  treaty 
of  1 84G,  but  failed  of  ratification  at  Bogota.  Diario  de  Cundinamarca,  Apr.  28, 
1S81;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  May  20,  24,  June  24,  25,  1881. 

31  De  Lesseps,  Wyse,  and.  other  officials  of  the  canal,  received  the  highest 


DIFFICULTIES  TO  OVERCOME. 


705 


the  route  of  the  railway,  though  keeping  closer  to  the 
bed  of  the  Chagres,  which  it  is  to  cross  again  and 
again;  on  the  Pacific  side  it  will  descend  the  Rio 
Grande  Valley,  and  continue  seaward  to  the  island  of 
Perico,  a total  length  of  fifty-four  miles.35 

The  works  have  been  prosecuted  with  more  or  less 
vigor,  by  the  use  of  powerful  dredges,  until  the  capi- 
tal became  exhausted,  and  their  operations  declined 
for  many  months,  seeming  to  confirm  predictions  of 
failure.36  However  that  may  be,  De  Lesseps  and  his 
friends  are  confident  that  the  opening  of  the  canal  will 
become  an  accomplished  fact  within  eight  years  from 
the  time  of  commencement.37  There  can  be  no  doubt 


marks  of  regard  from  the  people  of  the  Isthmus.  Pan.  Ley.,  years  1879-80, 
9-11,  30;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Feb.  1,  12,  19,  22,  1880;  Jan.  27,  Feb.  13,  17,  1881. 
The  company  at  once  made  provision  for  a health  service,  in  spacious  and 
well-regulated  hospitals,  etc.  Companyo,  Projet  d’ or ganiz.  du  serv.  de  santd,  1 
137,  and  a map. 

3d  The  bottom  throughout  its  length,  8.5  metres  below  the  mean  level  of 
both  oceans;  width,  22  metres  at  bottom,  50  metres  at  top;  except  through 
the  Culebra  ridge,  where  the  depth  will  be  9 metres,  with  the  width  of  24 
metres  at  bottom  and  28  metres  at  top.  It  must  be  observed  that  the  levels 
of  the  two  oceans  are  not  alike  at  all  times;  at  Colon  the  difference  in  the 
tides  never  exceeds  23  inches,  whereas  in  Panama  it  is  usually  13  ft,  and  at 
times  nearly  20.  This  must  produce  a current  in  the  canal  sufficient  to  im- 
pede navigation  for  several  hours  at  each  tide.  The  great  difficulties  to  over- 
come are  the  mountain  and  the  river  Chagres.  The  company  contemplated 
at  first  to  tunnel  the  mountain,  but  gave  up  the  plan,  and  resolved  to  cut 
down  through  the  solid  strata — fortunately  soft  and  otherwise  easy — for  a 
depth  of  between  300  and  400  ft  over  a long  distance.  The  next  task — by  far 
the  most  difficult  one — is  to  deal  with  the  eccentricities  of  the  Chagres,  which 
discharges  at  Matachin  a volume  of  water  averaging  100  cubic  metres  per 
second,  which  at  low  water  may  sink  to  15  or  20  cubic  metres,  and  at  flood 
rise  to  500  or  600.  Several  plans  have  been  contemplated,  one  of  which  was 
to  construct  an  enormous  dam  at  Gamboa,  between  the  Obispo  and  Santa 
Cruz  hills,  9G0  metres  at  the  base,  1,960  at  the  top,  with  a width  at  bottom 
of  1,000  metres,  and  a height  of  45  metres.  But  it  is  understood  that  the 
engineers  have  finally  concluded  to  make  no  use  of  the  waters  of  the  Chagres, 
but  to  change  their  course  and  let  them  run  to  the  ocean  through  the  desert; 
this  will  be  left  to  the  last.  Moreover,  locks  will  be  built  to  control  the  tides. 
De  Lesseps,  confident  that  the  canal  will  be  finished  in  1889,  says  there  will 
be  no  time  in  the  interval  to  construct  the  locks;  that  they  can  be  made 
later.  The  chief  point  being  that  shipping  shall  pass  through  the  canal. 
.See  Bulletin  da  Canal  Oc&anique,  issued  since  1879;  Engineering,  1883-4; 
Reclus,  Explor.,  in  Tour  du  Monde,  for  a series  of  views;  Sullivan’s  Prob- 
lem of  Interoc.  Communic.,  Washington,  1883;  Ammon’s  Interoc.  Ship  Canal, 
Pliila.,  1880;  N.  Y.  Herald,  Feb.  6,  1882;  Encyclop.  Brit.  (Am.  ed.,  1885), 
xviii.  213. 

30  It  is  estimated  that  the  excavation  of  the  canal  proper  demands  the  re- 
moval of  about  122,000,000  metres,  and  up  to  Jan.  31,  1886,  only  15,000,000 
metres  had  been  done,  at  an  expense  of  $30,000,000. 

37  Charles  D.  Jameson,  a member  of  the  Boston  Society  of  Civil  Engineers, 
IIist.  Cent.  A:r.,  Von.  III.  45 


706 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


that  a large  portion  of  the  original  capital  was  wasted, 
and  if  rumor  is  not  at  fault  much  was  misappropriated. 
But  public  confidence  in  De  Lesseps  remains  unshaken 
in  France,  and  he  has  been  able  to  obtain  by  subscrip- 
tion abundant  funds  to  continue  the  work,38  and  it  is 
now  being  vigorously  pushed.  His  calculation  is  that 
there  will  be  business  for  the  canal  to  the  extent  of 
7,250,000  tons,  yielding  6 or  7 per  cent  on  2,000 
million  francs,  or  108,000,000  francs,  equivalent  to 
$21,000,000. 

This  is  not  the  piace  in  which  to  speak  of  the  sev- 
eral northern  railways  across  the  continent.  The 
Central  American  states- — exclusive  of  Panama,  which 
has  had  that  benefit  since  1855 — have  made  some 
progress  in  late  years  toward  establishing  railway 
communication  between  the  two  seas.  ( Guatemala 
has  one  line  from  Port  San  Jose,  on  the  Pacific,  to 
the  capital,39  and  another  from  Port  Champerico,  also 
on  the  Pacific,  to  Retalhulen.40 

Measures  had  likewise  been  taken  to  communicate 
the  capital  by  railroads  with  the  northern  sea,  con- 
templating at  the  same  time  to  build  another  line  from 


thinks  there  is  no  insurmountable  obstacle.  The  following  newspapers  con- 
tain information  on  the  canal’s  affairs.  Pan.  Canal,  July  12,  18S1;  Id.,  Star 
and  Herald,  July  20,  1881;  July  11,  Nov.  10,  1882;  ami  in  almost  every  issue 
till  1886  inclusive.  La  Estrella  de  Pan.,  July  31,  1884;  S F.  Bulletin;  Id., 
Alta  Cal.;  Id.,  Morning  Call;  Id.,  Chronicle;  and  every  other  published  on  the 
Pacific  coast,  as  ■well  as  in  the  whole  United  States;  Mex.  Financier,  July  5, 
1884;  Correoso's  Statement,  MS.,  9-11. 

38  To  raise  the  original  capital  the  liabilities  of  the  company  became  $150,- 
000,000,  which  at  4 per  cent  equals  $6,000,000  annual  interest.  If  ships 
crossing  the  canal  be  charged  $3  per  ton,  $5,780,000  will  be  yearly  required 
to  pay  the  interest.  S.  F.  Call,  Nov.  9,  1886.  De  Lesseps  reckoned  the 
monthly  output  of  excavation,  which  in  18S5  was  658,000  metres  and  in  1886 
1,079,000,  should  reach  2,000,000  metres  a month  in  18S7,  and  3.000,000 
metres  a month  in  18S8,  and  up  to  the  completion  of  the  work  in  1889.  Pan. 
Star  and  Herald,  Aug.  5,  7,  11,  12,  1886. 

39  It  is  well  to  say  in  this  connection  that  tramways  have  also  been  built 
in  the  capital,  under  the  auspices  of  the  govt.  It  was  also  planned  to  have 
another  from  the  department  of  Sacatepequez,  to  run  from  the  town  of  Ciu- 
dad Vieja,  through  Antigua  Guatemala,  to  the  town  of  Pastores. 

40  Gnat.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomenlo,  for  years  1880-5;  Id.,  Sec.  Bel.,  year  1884; 
Id.,  El  Guatcmalteco  (official),  March  4,  May  10,  22,  Oct.  12,  1884;  July  19, 
1885;  BatreF  Sketch  Bonk,  8-10,  43;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald.  Nov  24,  Dec.  16, 
1882;  March  8,  1884;  Id.,  Canal,  Jan.  17.  188? 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  RAILWAYS. 


707 


Coban  to  the  Polochic  River.  However,  these  pro- 
jects, so  far  as  I know,  have  been,  since  President 
Barrios’  death,  in  abeyance.  The  Spanish  court  was 
repeatedly  urged  to  open  communications  between 
Puerto  Caballos  and  the  bay  of  Fonseca.41  Traffic 
on  mule-back  was  carried  on  between  both  seas  in 
colonial  times;  but  what  we  know  of  the  isthmus  of 
Honduras  is  derived  from  the  surveys  made  by  the 
British  Honduras  Interoceanic  Railway  Company,  and 
reported  by  their  agent,  E.  G.  Squier.  As  a practi- 
cable route  for  a ship  canal,  Honduras  is  out  of  the 
question  ; but  the  construction  of  a railroad  was  begun 
between  Puerto  Caballos  or  Cortes,  on  the  Caribbean 
Sea,  and  Amapala  in  the  bay  of  Fonseca,42  through 
the  valley  of  the  Goascoran  and  Humuva  rivers — 232 
miles.  The  road  was  graded,  and  a narrow-gauge 
track  was  built  from  Port  Cortes  to  San  Pedro,  of 
about  37  miles  in  length.  The  work  was  suspended 
in  1871,  and  abandoned  in  1873.  Civil  disturbances 
and  lack  of  means  have  prevented  its  resumption. 
Several  franchises  have  been  granted  in  later  years 
for  continuing  it;  but  nothing  of  a practical  nature 
has  resulted.43 

Salvador  has  no  territory  on  the  Atlantic  slope. 
She  has  a railroad  between  San  Miguel  and  Port  La 
Union;  another  line  is  being  built  from  Port  Acajutla 
to  the  heart  of  the  coffee  region  of  Santa  Ana.  It  is 
possible  that  in  the  future  the  republic  may  be  placed 


41  A nihon,  Discurso,  Izaguirre,  Relation,  Duarte,  Relation,  and  Criado  de 
Castilla,  Descub.,  all  in  Squeir's  MSS.,  v.,  vii.,  viii.,  and  xvii.,  respectively. 

42  Loans  were  raised  in  Europe  for  the  purpose,  the  particulars  of  winch 
are  given  in  connection  with  Honduran  finances. 

11  For  further  information,  see  Squier  s Cent.  Am.,  74-9,  GSO,  729-30,  756- 
9;  Id.,  Hond.,  207-16,  225-35;  Id.,  Hond.  Interoc.  Railway,  1-102;  Reicliardt, 
Vic.,  284—6;  Wells'  Hond.,  130-1;  Fitz- Roy' s Rept  Railway;  Guat.,  Gaceta,  Jan. 
27,  1854;  Hond.,  Gaeeta  Ofic.,  May  10,  1854;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  March  4 to 
Oct.  21,  1854,  passim;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  July  25,  Nov.  21,  1868;  March  20,  Nov. 
13,  1869;  Feb.  19,  1870;  Feb.  11,  Aug.  19,  1871;  Id.,  El  Porvenir,  Oct.  1, 
1871;  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Cong.  42,  Sess.  3,  i.  306;  Nic.,  Semanat 
Nic.,  May  15,  1873;  Am.  Cyclop.,  viii.  790;  Froebel's  Cent.  Am.,  189-90;  Bell- 
Nic.,  ii.  22-7;  Rim's  Gate  of  the  Pac.,  313-21;  Laferriere  de  Pains  a Guat., 
101-6;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March  23,  Oct.  4,  1883;  March  20,  1886;  Id., 
Canal,  March  28,  1883;  Hex.  Financier,  Dec.  8,  1883. 


703 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


in  communication,  by  railway,  with  the  Atlantic, 
through  the  territory  of  her  neighbors. 

In  Nicaragua  the  line  between  Corinto  and  Chinan- 
dega,  and  hence  to  Leon,  was  in  operation  in  1881-2. 
The  work  steadil}r  progressed.  The  western  section 
was  opened  to  public  service  in  1884,  connecting  it  with 
the  steam-ship  line  on  the  lake.  Thus  was  Managua, 
the  capital,  placed  in  rapid  and  cheap  communication 
by  steam  with  Corinto,  the  chief  port  of  the  republic. 
The  whole  line  from  Momotombo  to  Corinto  was  yield- 
ing six  and  four  fifths  per  cent  on  the  capital  invested. 
In  the  eastern  section  the  work  was  going  on  rapidly 
at  the  end  of  1884,  and  20  miles  to  Masaya  would 
soon  be  finished.  The  government  contemplated  to 
have  a direct  railway  line  from  Villa  de  la  Paz  to 
Managua,  thus  establishing  a continuous  communica- 
tion  between  Managua  and  Granada.44 

Costa  Rica,  thus  far,  has  three  lines,  or  rather 
divisions  or  sections;  namely,  the  Central,  running 
between  San  Jose  and  the  interior  provinces,  via 
Cartago,  Heredia,  Alajuela,  Tres  Rios,  and  San  Joa- 
quin; the  Atlantic,  from  Limon  to  the  interior,  which 
is  the  route  through  which  most  of  the  country’s 
foreign  trade  is  carried  on ; and  the  Pacific  which  runs 
from  Puntarenas  to  Esparta.45 

The  five  Central  American  republics  are  intersected 
by  telegraph  lines  belonging  to  their  respective  gov- 
ernments, and  communicating  their  chief  towns  with 
one  another  within  themselves,  and  with  the  sister 
republics.46  The  isthmus  of  Panamd  has  a cominuni- 

44  Kic. , Mem.  Min.  line.,  1883,  pp.  vii.-viii. ; Presid.  Cardenas,  Mensaje, 
Jan.  15,  1885,  in  Costa  R.,  Gar  eta  Ojir.,  Eel).  4,  1S85. 

45  The  termination  of  the  Atlantic  and  other  lines  depends  on  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  republic’s  foreign  indebtedness.  The  cost  of  the  three  sections 
was  S12,239,29ti;  and  in  1883  they  were  valued  at  86,900,000.  Costa  R.,  Mew. 
Sec.  Hacienda,  1883,  Table  no.  10;  Annexes  8 and  9;  1884,  152-3,  287;  Id., 
Id.,  Fomento,  1S83,  1-4;  1884,  29-30;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Dec.  8,  1S83; 
July  23,  Oct.  24,  1885;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  May  16,  Aug.  12,  Sept.  1-27,  1885. 

46  For  particulars,  see  Costa  R.,  Informe  See.  Gohern.,  years  1873-4;  Id.,  Id., 
Olrras  Pith.,  1879-80;  Id.,  Id.,  line.,  1880,  1883;  Id.,  Id.,  Fomento,  1883;  Id  , 
Col.  Ley.,  18S0,  85-9;  1381,  55-9;  Nic.,  Semanal  Kic.,  Jan.  15,  1884;  Saiv. , 


TELEGRAPH  LINES. 


709 


cation  by  submarine  cable  with  Central  America  and 
Mexico  at  the  port  of  La  Libertad  and  Acapulco. 
The  cities  of  Panamri,  and  Colon  are  in  direct  commu- 
nication by  wire.  The  Isthmus  is  further  connected 
by  cable,  on  the  Pacific,  with  Peru,  via  Buenaventura, 
which  also  places  it  in  telegraphic  communication  with 
Bogota  and  the  rest  of  Colombia.  A cable  to  Jamaica 
affords  another  connection,  via  Cuba,  with  the  United 
States  and  Europe.47 

Diario  Ofic.,  Aug.  18,  Sept.  12,  1878;  Id.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  Aug.  12,  187G;  Jan. 

9,  Feb.  22,  .June  29,  30,  1877;  Apr.  19  to  Nov.  13,  1879,  passim;  Nic,,  Mem. 
Sec.  Hac.,  1883;  Id.,  Id.,  Gobern.,  1883;  Id.,  Id.,  Interior,  1883;  Guat.,  Recop. 
Ley.,  Gob.  Democ.,  ii.  81;  Id.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  years  1880-5;  Id.,  Presupuesto 
Gen.,  19-29. 

47  Eardley-  Wilmot's  Our  Journal,  69;  Colombia,  Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  26,  Sept. 

10,  1874;  Pan.,  Gaceta,  Jan.  11,  Aug.  12,  1880.  The  connection  at  La  Liber- 
tad was  established  on  the  1st  of  Oct.,  1882.  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc., 
For.  Rel.,  Cong.  47,  Sess.  2,  i.  51-4. 

Scattered  through  this  third  volume  have  been  given  bibliographical  notices 
of  about  twenty  of  the  chief  works  consulted  in  its  preparation.  I have  now 
to  add  a few  others  deserving  of  special  mention.  The  Gospel  in  Central  A mer- 
ica  was  written  by  Frederick  Crowe,  an  Englishman,  and  a Baptist  preacher, 
who  resided  some  time  in  Central  America  in  the  interest  of  his  church.  The 
book— a 12mo  of  588  pages,  published  in  London,  1850 — contains,  as  its  title 
implies,  a sketch  of  the  country,  including  British  Honduras,  physical  and 
geographical,  historical  and  political,  moral  and  religious.  The  author  did 
his  task  as  well  as  circumstances  permitted,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  at  his 
violent  deportation  much  of  the  material  he  had  gathered  was  left  behind  and 
never  recovered.  At  all  events,  it  afforded  much  which  till  then  was  little 
known  of  that  country.  The  statements  contained  therein  not  original  are 
credited  to  the  sources  from  which  they  were  taken;  for  events  after  the 
declaration  of  independence  the  author  relied  on  the  book  of  travels  by 
Robert  C.  Dunlop,  from  which  I have  also  culled  some  important  facts. 
Centro- Arnerilca,  and  Nicaragua,  both  written  in  German  by  the  traveller 
C.  F.  Reichardt,  and  published  in  Braunschweig,  in  8vo  form,  respectively 
in  1851  and  1854;  the  former  being  of  256,  and  the  latter  of  296  pages, 
one  and  the  other  provided  with  maps.  The  two  works  contain  valuable 
data,  entitled  to  credit.  A ns  Amerika,  by  Julius  Frobel,  issued  in  1855 
at  Leipzig,  and  Geographic  und  Statestif  von  Mexico  und  Centralamerika,  by 
J.  G.  Wappaus,  published  at  Leipzig  in  1863,  have  also  afforded  much 
useful  knowledge.  In  writing  this  chapter  on  interoceanic  communication, 
I am  indebted  to  the  Cabinet  Cyclopaedia,  directed  by  Dionysius  Lardner, 
and  to  John  Richardson’s  Polar  Regions,  the  first-named  giving  in  it3 
first  three  volumes  all  that  was  known  to  1830-1,  on  the  geography  of  the 
ancients  and  middle  ages,  and  on  modern  voyages  and  discoveries.  The 
latter  narrates  the  voyages  made  to  discover  the  north-west  passage,  furnish- 
ing likewise  a view  of  the  physical  geography  and  ethnology  of  the  polar 
regions  north  and  south;  the  whole  subject,  though  treated  in  a summary 
way,  brings  it  out  quite  comprehensively.  The  Report  on  Interoceanic  Canals 
and  Railroads,  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans— an  8vo  of  37  pages 
with  numerous  maps  printed  in  Washington,  1867 — by  Charles  H.  Davis, 
superintendent  of  the  U.  S.  Naval  Observatory,  contains  all  that  was  known 
on  the  subject  to  the  time  of  its  publication.  The  Encyclopaedia  Britannica — 
American  edition,  issued,  1875-86,  at  Philadelphia — has  also  afforded  valuable 
data  on  the  voyages  in  the  polar  seas,  and  on  explorations  and  surveys  con- 


710 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


The  question  of  interoccanic  communication  by 
ship-canal  across  the  isthmuses  of  Central  America 
occupying,  as  it  does,  general  attention,  I have  con- 
cluded to  append  hereto  information  on  the  subject  by 
several  competent  authorities;  namely,  the  British 
explorer,  Dr  Edward  Cullen,  and  E.  George  Squier. 

Ignorance  respecting  Darien. — It  is  a very  singular  circumstance  that 
the  coast  of  Darien,  the  first  settled  in  America  (Santa  Maria  having  been 
founded  in  1509,  and  Acla  in  Caledonia  Bay  in  1514),  within  eighteen  days’ 
steaming  from  England,  close  also  to  such  frequented  ports  as  Chagres, 
Carthagena,  and  Kingston,  Jamaica,  should  he  at  the  present  day  as  unknown 
as  the  coasts  of  Patagonia  or  of  New  Guinea,  and  that  the  vast  advantages  of 
this  tract  of  country,  for  a canal,  should  have  escaped  the  penetration  of  the 
great  Humboldt,  who,  after  having  examined  all  the  maps  in  the  Deposito 
Hidrografico  of  Madrid,  appears  to  suggest  the  Chuquanaqua.  He  says: 
‘ On  the  Pacific  coast,  also,  the  deep  Golfo  de  San  Miguel,  into  which  falls 
the  Tuyra  with  its  tributary,  the  Chuchunque,  runs  far  into  the  Isthmus;  the 
river  Chuchunque,  too,  in  the  upper  part  of  its  course,  runs  within  sixteen 
geographical  miles  of  the  Antillean  shore  of  the  Isthmus,  westward  of  Cape 
Tiburon.  ’ Views  of  Nature,  Potsdam,  June  1849,  p.  432  of  Bohn’s  translation. 

The  Atrato  route  labors  under  the  disadvantage  of  a bad  harbor,  on  the 
Pacific  side,  Cupica  being  of  very  small  extent,  and  open  to  the  s.  w. ; and 
the  Atrato  has  a bar  with  only  five  feet  of  water  on  it,  while  the  rise  of  tide 
in  the  Gulf  of  Darien  is  only  two  feet. 

The  Chagres,  or  Limon  Bay  and  Panama  route,  surveyed  in  1829  by  Col 
Lloyd  and  M.  Falmarc,  under  a commission  from  the  Liberator,  Simon  Boli- 
var, and  subsequently  by  M.  Garella,  has  such  bad  harbors  that  the  idea  of 
a canal  by  that  line  has  been  totally  abandoned. 

The  route  from  Chepo  mouth  to  Mandinga  Bay,  proposed  by  Mr  Evan  Hop- 
kins,48 who  attempted  to  survey  it  in  1S47,  for  the  New  Granada  govern- 

nected  with  canal  matters.  None  of  those  works,  however,  nor  the  numerous 
others  consulted,  have  furnished  the  required  information  from  the  beginning 
of  the  19th  century  to  the  present  time;  and  those  of  later  years  do  not 
usually,  to  any  extent,  go  back  to  early  ones,  or  if  they  do,  it  is  only  to  give 
some  meagre  information. 

But  my  researches  have  not  been  confined  to  books.  Aside  from  the  im- 
portant facts  obtained  directly  from  the  lips  of  intelligent  natives  and  other 
persons  conversant  with  Central  American  and  Panamanian  affairs,  I have 
had  before  me  presidential  messages,  reports  of  ministers  and  other  officials 
of  the  several  states,  U.  S.  govt  reports,  official  journals,  statements  of  ex- 
plorers and  surveyors,  cyclopaedias,  magazines,  reviews,  and  a host  of  news- 
papers of  different  countries  and  in  various  languages,  among  which  special 
credit  should  he  given  to  the  Star  and  Herald  of  Panama  for  an  ever  well- 
informed  and  reliable  gatherer  and  transmitter  of  news  to  and  from  the  coun- 
tries on  both  oceans  over  this  bridge  of  the  nations.  Important  data, 
wheresoever  found,  have  been  brought  into  requisition. 

48  ‘ Mr.  Hopkins,  ’ says  Capt  Fitzroy,  p.  23,  ‘ was  lately  prevented  by  the 
Indians  from  ascending  the  Chepo  River  toward  Mandinga  or  San  Bias  Bay; 
Mr  Wheelwright  was  also  stopped  there  in  1837;  and  Dr  Cullen  was  likewise 
*topped  by  the  aborigines  while  endeavoring  to  ascend  the  Paya  River,  that 


DISCOVERY  OF  THE  SAVANA  RIVER. 


711 


ment,  although  the  narrowest  line  across  the  Isthmus,  being  only  twenty-seven 
miles  across  from  Chepo  to  Carti,  has  the  disadvantages  of  had  coasts,  a very 
high  cordillera,  of  from  2,000  to  0,000  feet  elvation,  and  a large  population  of 
Indians. 

The  bar  at  the  mouth  of  Chepo  River  is  quite  dry  at  low  water,  as  is  also  a 
sand  bank  which  extends  several  miles  out  into  the  bay  of  Panama;  the  part 
of  the  Atlantic  coast  on  the  other  side  is  beset  with  reefs,  shoals,  and  kays, 
and  is  dangerous  of  approach. 

Capt  Fitzroy,  R.  N.,  in  his  Considerations  upon  the  Great  Isthmus  of 
Central  America,  suggests  a line  from  the  upper  course  of  the  Tuyra  to  the 
Atrato,  or  the  coast  of  Darien  above  its  mouth,  as  an  improvement  of  the 
route  proposed  by  me;  but  this  would  be  nearly  twice  the  distance  of  the 
Port  Escoces,  and  gulf  of  San  Miguel  route;  there  would  be  the  moun- 
tain of  Chacargun  or  the  Sierra  de  Maly  to  cross,  and  should  the  canal 
open  into  the  Atrato,  there  would  be  the  very  formidable  obstacle  of  the  bar 
to  remove,  while  of  the  coast  above  the  Atrato  mouth,  the  Columbian  Navi- 
gator says:  ‘All  this  coast  from  Tarena  Kays  to  Cape  Tiburon  is  high  and 
precipitous,  with  deep  water  off  it;  and  it  is  very  wild  in  the  season  of  the 
breezes.  It  is  very  advisable,  therefore,  at  these  seasons,  to  shun  it.’  Any 
route,  however,  in  this  direction,  would  be  included  in  the  privilege  granted, 
on  the  1st  of  June,  1852,  by  the  New  Granada  government,  to  Edward  Cul- 
len, Charles  Fox,  John  Henderson,  and  Thomas  Brassey,  for  cutting  a canal 
from  Port  Escoces  to  the  gulf  of  San  Miguel,  which  gives  power  to  select 
any  place  from  the  west  mouth  of  the  Atrato  to  Punta  Mosquitos,  for  the 
Atlantic  entrance  of  the  canal. 

Discovery  ok  the  Savana  River  and  the  Route  for  the  Ship-canal. 
I imagine  that  the  river  Savana  was  not  delineated  in  the  maps  which  Hum- 
boldt saw.49  Such,  indeed,  was  the  case  with  the  map  which  I had  on  my 
first  journey  into  Darien  in  1849,  so  that  I was  totally  ignorant  of  its  exist- 


runs  from  near  the  mouths  of  the  Atrato  to  the  Tuyra,  which  falls  into  the 
gulf  of  San  Miguel.’ 

I learned  in  Darien  that  Mr  Hopkins  and  Don  Pepe  Hurtado,  a Granadian 
engineer,  made  a present  of  a scarlet  military  coat  to  an  Indian  on  the  Chepo, 
and  that  as  soon  as  the  Indian  chief  of  the  district  learned  it,  he  flogged  the 
Indian  who  accepted  the  present,  and  summoned  his  people  to  arms,  and 
Mr  H.  and  Don  Pepe  had  to  fly  for  their  lives.  Most  probably  the  chief 
looked  upon  the  acceptance  of  gaudy  trappings  as  an  acknowledgment  of  sub- 
mission to  foreigners.  I have  mentioned  elsewhere  my  having  learned  subse- 
quently that  the  reason  of  the  Indians  having  stopped  me  was  the  fear  of 
small-pox  being  introduced  amongst  them  rather  than  any  dislike  to  for- 
eigners. 

49  This  I attribute  to  the  jealousy  of  the  Spaniards,  who  were  careful  to 
withhold  any  information  that  might  lead  the  English  to  the  discovery  of  an 
easy  communication  between  the  two  seas.  Alcedo,  in  his  Diccionario  His- 
torico  de  las  Indias  Occidentales,  says  that  it  was  interdicted,  on  pain  of  death, 
even  to  propose  opening  the  navigation  between  the  two  seas.  ‘ Eu  tiempo  de 
Felipe  II.  se  proyecto  cortarlo,  y comunicar  los  dos  mares  por  medio  de  un 
canal,  y a este  cfecto  se  enviaron  para  reconocerlo  dos  Ingenieros  Flamencos, 
pero  e.icontraron  dificultades  insuperables,  y el  eonsejo  de  Indias  rcpresento 
los  perjuicios  que  de  ello  se  seguirian  a la  monarquia,  por  cuya  razon  mando 
aquel  Monarca  que  nadie  propusiese  6 tratase  de  ello  enadelante,  pena  de  la 
vida.’  The  navigation  of  the  Atrato  also  was  interdicted,  on  pain  of  death. 


712 


INTEROCEAN IC  COMMUNICATION. 


ence  until  I actually  saw  it,  after  entering  Boca  Chica,  when,  finding  the 
great  depth  of  water  at  it;  mouth,  and  that  it  flowed  almost  directly  from  the 
north,  I became  convinced  that  I had  at  last  found  the  object  of  my  search, 
viz.,  a feasible  route  to  the  Atlantic,  and  thereupon  immediately  ascended  it, 
and  crossed  from  Canasas  to  the  sea-shore  at  Port  Escoces  and  back,  and 
subsequently,  in  1S50  and  also  in  1S51,  crossed  and  recrossed,  at  several  times 
and  by  several  tracks,  the  route  from  the  Savana  to  Port  Escoces  and  Cale- 
donia Bay,  notching  the  barks  of  the  trees  as  I went  along,  with  a machete  or 
cutlass,  always  alone  and  unaided,  and  always  in  the  season  of  the  heaviest 
rains.  I had  previously  examined,  on  my  way  from  Panama,  the  mouths  of 
Chepo,  Chiman,  Congo,  and  several  other  rivers,  but  found  them  all  obstructed 
by  bars  and  sand  banks,  and  impracticable  for  a ship  passage,  so  that  upon 
seeing  the  Savana,  I had  not  the  least  hesitation  in  deciding  that  that  must 
lie  the  future  route  for  interoceanic  communication  for  ships. 

The  Darien  Canal  Route. — Port  Escoces,  or  Scotch  Harbor,  and  the  bay 
of  Caledonia,  on  the  Atlantic  coast  of  the  Isthmus  of  Darien,  present  an 
extent  of  six  nautical  miles,  from  s.  E.  to  N.  w.,  of  safe  anchorage  in  all 
winds.  These  harbors  are  situated  between  Carreto  Bay  and  the  channel  of 
Sassardi,  and  are  140  miles  e.  s.  e.  of  Limon  Bay,  and  twenty -one  miles 
w.  n.  w.  of  Cape  Tiburon,  the  N.  w.  boundary  of  the  Gulf  of  Darien.  Port 
Escosces  extends  to  the  S.  E.  to  lat.  8°  50'  and  long.  77°  41';  and  Golden  Island, 
or  Isle  de  Oro,  or  Santa  Catalina,  which  forms  the  N.  W.  boundary  of  Caledo- 
nia Bay,  is  in  lat.  8°  54'  40",  and  long.  77°  45'  30". 

The  channel  of  Sassardi,  also,  extending  from  Caledonia  Bay  n.  w.  five 
miles  to  the  Fronton,  or  point  of  Sassardi,  is  sheltered  from  the  winds  and 
seas  of  both  seasons,  and  has  good  depth  of  water. 

Twenty-two  miles  s.  w.  of  Port  Escoces  is  the  site  of  the  old  Spanish  set- 
tlement of  Fuerte  del  Principe,  on  the  river  Savana,  established  in  1785,  and 
abandoned  in  1790.  From  thence  the  river  Savana  has  nearly  a s.  by  e. 
course  for  fourteen  miles  to  its  mouth,  which  opens  into  the  river  Tuyra, 
Santa  Maria,  or  Rio  Grande  del  Darien,  three  miles  above  Boca  Chica  and 
Boca  Grande,  the  two  mouths  by  which  the  latter  discharges  itself  into  the 
Gulf  of  San  Miguel  on  the  Pacific. 

Thus  the  distance  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  by  the  route 
from  Port  Escoces  or  Caledonia  Bay,  to  the  gulf  of  San  Miguel,  by  way  of 
the  river  Savana,  would  be  thirty-nine  miles.  In  a direct  line,  from  Port 
Escoces  to  the  gulf,  the  distance  is  thirty-three  miles. 

In  Considerations  on  the  Great  Isthmus  of  Central  America,  read  before 
the  Royal  Geographical  Society  of  London,  on  the  11th  and  25th  Nov.,  1850, 
Captain  Fitzroy,  R.  N.,  says:  ‘Any  route  that  could  be  made  available  be- 
tween San  Miguel  Gulf  and  Caledonia  Bay,  or  the  Gulf  of  Darien  or  Choco, 
would  have  the  advantage  of  excellent  harbors  at  each  end,  and  a great 
rise  of  tide  in  one  of  them  (San  Miguel).  The  river  Savana  is  recommended 
by  Dr  Cullen  from  personal  examination,  as  being  more  navigable  (for 
canoes5®),  and  approaching  nearer  the  north  coast  than  the  Clmquanaqua 
does;  though  this  does  not  appear  in  the  Spanish  maps.  From  the  head  of 
the  Savana,  a ravine,  about  three  leagues  in  length,  extends  to  Caledonia 

50  In  its  upper  course,  as  it  is  navigable  for  large  vessels  nearly  to  Principe. 


PASSAGE  FOR  THE  PACIFIC  TIDE. 


713 


Bay,  and  there  (Dr  Cullen  says,  having  passed  through  it)  he  thinks  a canal 
might  be  cut  with  less  difficulty  than  elsewhere,  if  it  were  not  for  the  opposi- 
tion of  the  natives.  He  also  speaks  of  the  Indians  transporting  their  canoes 
across  at  this  ravine,  and  of  the  comparative  healthiness  of  this  part  of  the 
Isthmus.’ 

The  whole  work  to  be  done,  in  order  to  make  a ship-canal  communication 
between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans  by  this  route,  would  be  to  cut  from 
Principe  or  from  Lara  mouth  to  Port  Escoces  or  Caledonia  Bay,  a distance 
of  from  twenty-two  to  twenty-five  miles,  of  which  there  would  be  but  three 
or  four  miles  of  deep  cutting. 

The  canal,  to  be  on  a scale  of  grandeur  commensurate  with  its  important 
uses,  should  be  cut  sufficiently  deep  to  allow  the  tide  of  the  Pacific  to  flow 
right  through  it,  across  to  the  Atlantic;  so  that  ships  bound  from  the  Pacific 
to  the  Atlantic  would  pass  with  the  flood,  and  those  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific  with  the  ebb  tide  of  the  latter.  Such  was  the  plan  recommended  in 
my  report  to  Lord  Palmerston.  By  such  a canal — that  is,  one  entirely  with- 
out locks — the  transit  from  sea  to  sea  could  be  effected  in  six  hours,  or  one 
tide.51 

For  the  engineering  details,  and  estimates  of  the  cost  of  the  work,  I beg 
to  refer  to  the  valuable  report  of  Mr.  Lionel  Gisborne,  C.  E.,  who,  with  his 
assistant,  Mr.  Forde,  was  commissioned,  last  April,  by  Messrs  Fox,  Hender- 
son, and  Brassey,  to  survey  this  route,  which  they  found  to  be  perfectly  feasi- 
ble for  a ship-canal  communication,  and  fully  as  eligible  as  I had  represented  it. 

61  ‘ It  is  ascertained,’  says  Captain  Fitzroy,  ‘ that  there  is  only  a trifling  dif- 
ference between  the  levels  of  the  ocean  at  this  Isthmus.  A rise  of  tide  not 
exceeding  two  feet  is  found  on  the  Atlantic  side,  while  in  Panama  Bay  the 
tide  rises  more  than  eighteen  feet;  the  mean  level  of  the  Pacific  in  this  par- 
ticular place  being  two  or  three  feet  above  that  of  the  Atlantic.  It  is  high 
water  at  the  same  hour  in  each  ocean.’ 

Colonel  Lloyd  says  that  the  Pacific  at  high  water  is  thirteen  feet  higher 
than  the  Atlantic,  while  the  Atlantic  is  highest  at  low  water  by  six  feet. 
Baron  Humboldt  said,  in  1809:  ‘The  difference  of  level  between  the  Carib- 
bean Sea  and  the  Pacific  Ocean  does  not,  probably,  exceed  nine  feet;  and  at 
different  hours  in  the  day,  sometimes  one  sea,  sometimes  the  other,  is  the 
more  elevated.  ’ But  this  difference  would  be  no  hindrance,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, a most  important  advantage  in  a ship-canal,  since  it  would  create  a 
current  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  during  the  ebb,  and  one  from  the 
Pacific  to  the  Atlantic  during  the  flood-tide  of  the  Pacific,  and  these  alter- 
nate currents  would  enable  each  of  the  fleets  to  pass  through  at  different 
times,  those  bound  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  during  the  ebb-tide  of  the 
latter,  and  those  from  the  Pacific  to  the  Atlantic  during  the  flood-tide  of  the 
former.  This  arrangement  in  the  periods  of  transit  would  afford  many  advan- 
tages, such  as  obviating  the  meeting  of  the  vessels,  and  the  necessity  of  their 
passing  one  another,  and  preventing  their  accumulation  or  crowding  together 
in  the  canal,  as  each  fleet  could  be  carried  right  through  in  one  tide,  if  not  by 
the  current  alone,  at  least  witli  the  aid  of  tug  steamers.  The  alternation  of 
the  currents  would  have  the  further  beneficial  effect  of  washing  out  the  bed 
of  the  canal,  and  keeping  it  free  from  the  deposition  of  sand  or  mud,  so  that 
dredging  would  never  become  necessary;  and  would  also  render  the  degree  of 
width  necessary  for  the  canal  less;  though  I do  not  reckon  this  to  be  a point 
of  moment,  as  the  wider  and  deeper  it  is  cut  the  better,  and  the  work  once 
finished  will  last  to  the  end  of  the  world,  since  the  natural  effect  of  the  alter- 
nate currents  will  be  a gradual  process  of  deepening  and  widening,  which  will 
convert  the  canal  into  a strait. 


714 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


It  is  needless  to  say  that,  under  the  auspices  of  Messrs.  Fox,  Henderson, 
and  Brassey,  who,  with  that  clear  discernment  and  prompt  decision,  which 
have  placed  them  in  the  elevated  position  which  they  occupy,  adopted  this 
route  in  December  1851,  after  a careful  examination  of  my  statements,  the 
great  work  of  an  interoceanic  canal  is  sure,  erelong,  to  be  accomplished. 

I trust  that  an  attentive  consideration  of  the  advantages  of  this  route — 
viz.,  its  shortness,  the  excellence  of  its  harbors,  the  low  elevation  of  the  land, 
the  absence  of  bars  at  the  Savana  and  Tuyra  mouths,  the  depth  of  water  and 
great  rise  of  tide  in  the  former,  its  directness  of  course  and  freedom  from  ob- 
structions, the  healthiness  of  the  adjacent  country,  the  exemption  of  the 
coasts  from  northers  and  hurricanes,  the  feasibility  of  cutting  a canal  without 
locks,  and  the  absence  of  engineering  difficulties — will  fully  justify  me  in  as- 
serting it  to  be  the  shortest,  the  most  direct,  safe,  and  expeditious,  and  in 
every  way  the  most  eligible  route  for  intermarine  communication  for  large 
ships. 

An  examination  of  the  physical  aspect  of  the  country  from  Port  Escoces 
to  the  Savana — presenting,  as  it  does,  but  a single  ridge  of  low  elevation,  and 
this  broken  by  gorges,  ravines,  and  valleys,  and  grooved  by  rivers  and 
streams,  with  a champaign  country  extending  from  its  base  on  each  side — 
will  prove  the  feasibility  of  making  the  canal  entirely  without  locks,  a supe- 
riority which  this  route  possesses  over  others,  which  all  present  insurmount- 
able physical  obstacles  to  the  construction  of  such  a canal. 

In  fact,  a glance  at  the  map  ought  to  convince  the  most  sceptical  that  na- 
ture has  unmistakably  marked  out  this  space  for  the  junction  of  the  two 
oceans,  and  the  breaking  of  the  continuity  of  North  and  South  America;  in- 
deed, so  narrow  is  the  line  of  division,  that  it  would  almost  appear  as  if  the 
two  seas  did  once  meet  here. 

Details  of  the  Route  Proposed. — I shall  now  enter  into  a more  detailed 
description  of  this  route,  which  I discovered  in  1S49,  and  proposed  for  a ship- 
canal  communication  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans  in  the  Panama 
Echo  of  February  8,  1850,  in  the  Daily  News  and  Mining  Journal  of  May 
1850;  52  in  a paper  presented  to  the  Royal  Geographical  Society,  and  read  at 
the  Edinburgh  meeting  of  the  British  Association  in  July  1850;  and  in  a report 
to  Lord  Palmerston,  of  January  15,  1851 

Port  Escoces. — Of  Port  Escoces,  Caledonia  Bay,  and  the  channel  of 
Sassardi,  the  Columbian  Eaviyator,  vol.  3,  p.  218,  says: 

‘ Port  Escoces,  or  Caledonia,  lat.  8°  51',  long.  77°  44',  is  a noble  harbor; 
very  safe,  and  so  extensive  that  a thousand  sail  of  vessels  may  enter  it. 

‘ Punta  Escoces  is  the  s.  e.  point  of  Caledonia  Bay,  the  greater  islet  of 
Santa  Catalina,  or  de  Oro  (gold),  being  the  N.W.  Between  point  and  point 
the  distance  is  four  miles,  and  the  points  lie  N.w.  and  s.e.  (n.  40°  w.,  and 
s.  40°  E.),  from  each  other;  and  in  respect  to  this  line  the  bay  falls  in  one 
mile  and  two  thirds.  In  the  s.e.  part  of  this  bay  is  Puerto  Escoces  (or  Scot- 
tish Harbor),  which  extends  inward  two  miles  in  that  direction,  and  forms 
good  shelter.  There  are  various  shoals  in  it,  which  are  represented  in  the 
particular  plan  of  the  harbor,  by  which  plan  any  vessel  may  run  in,  for  the 

62  And  subsequent  months,  in  a controversy  with  Evan  Hopkins,  Esq., 

C.  E.  & M.  E. 


SOURCES  OF  FRESH  WATER. 


715 


depths  are  five,  six,  seven,  and  eight  fathoms  of  water  over  a bottom  of 
sand. 

‘ Between  Piedras  Islet  to  the  north,  the  west  point  of  Aglatomate  River 
to  tli..  south,  and  that  of  San  Fulgencio  to  the  s.w.,  is  formed  the  Ensenada, 
or  bay  of  Caledonia,  and  the  channel  of  Sassardi. 

Caledonia  Bay. — ‘The  Ensenada,  or  cove  of  Caledonia,  is,  strictly 
speaking,  formed  by  the  points  already  mentioned,  which  lie  with  each  other 
N.  N.  w.  f w.,  and  s.  s.  E.  § E.  (n.  25°  w.,  and  S.  25°  E.),  one  mile  distant.  This 
bay  is  clean,  and  has  good  deep  water;  the  greater  part  of  its  coast  is  a beach, 
and  near  the  middle  of  it  disembogues  the  river  Aglaseniqua.  The  point  of 
San  Fulgencio  is  salient,  scarped,  and  clean,  and  it  also  forms  an  indent  with 
little  depth  of  water,  bordered  by  mangroves  and  various  kays  at  its  western 
part. 

The  Channel  of  Sassardi. — ‘Between  San  Fulgencio  point,  the  great  Oro 
Island,  Piedras  Islet,  and  the  Mangrove  Kays,  which  are  to  the  west  of  them, 
the  channel  of  Sassardi  is  formed;  the  s.  E.  entrance  to  this  channel  is  off  and 
on,  with  four  cables’  length  in  extent,  from  edge  to  edge,  and  with  from  nine 
to  twelve  fathoms  depth  on  oaze;  and  farther  in,  from  eight  to  ten  fathoms; 
as  also  between  the  turn  of  the  bank  off  Piedras  Islet,  and  the  bay  of  Cale- 
donia, the  depth  is  from  seven  to  fifteen  fathoms;  and  the  piece  of  sea  which 
intervenes  between  this  bay  and  the  Puerto  Escoces  is  of  a good  depth  of 
water;  but  at  a short  mile  s.E.  by  E.  A E.  (s.  55°  E.),  from  Piedras  Islet  the 
sea  breaks  when  the  breeze  blows  fresh.’ 

From  its  entrance  the  channel  of  Sassardi  extends  N.  w.  five  miles. 

The  engineer  has  here,  then,  a wide  scope  for  selecting  a locality  for  the 
Atlantic  mouth  of  the  canal,  which  may  thus  open  anywhere  from  the  s.  E. 
end  of  Port  Escoces  to  the  N.  w.  entrance  of  the  Channel  of  Sassardi,  an 
extent  of  eleven  nautic  miles. 

Along  a great  extent  of  Port  Escoces  and  Caledonia  Bay,  vessels  can  lie 
so  close  in  shore  that  no  boats  would  be  necessary  in  the  taking  in  or  dis- 
charging cargo;  the  same  great  advantage  also  presents  itself  at  several 
points  in  the  channel  of  Sassardi. 

flood  fresh  water  may  be  obtained  in  abundance  from  any  of  the  numerous 
streams  which  fall  into  these  harbors,  particularly  from  the  Aglaseniqua  or 
Aglatomate. 

Port  Escoces  is  entirely  uninhabited,  nor  is  there  any  settlement  in.and  of 
it;  at  Caledonia,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Aglaseniqua,  there  are  five  huts,  in- 
habited by  a few  Indians  of  the  Tule  tribe,  and  about  two  leagues  up  the 
river  is  another  small  settlement;  this,  however,  is  at  a considerable  distance 
westward  of  the  projected  line  of  canal. 

From  the  sea-shore  a plain  extends  for  nearly  two  miles  to  the  base  of  a 
ridge  of  hills,  which  runs  parallel  to  the  coast,  and  whose  highest  summit  is 
about  350  feet.  This  ridge  is  not  quite  continuous  and  unbroken,  but  is 
divided  by  transverse  valleys,  through  which  the  Aglaseniqua,  Aglatomate, 
and  other  rivers  have  their  course,  and  whose  highest  elevations  do  not  ex- 
ceed 150  feet. 

The  base  of  this  ridge  is  only  two  miles  in  width;  and  from  its  south  side 
a level  plain  extends  for  thirteen  miles  to  a point  on  the  river  Savana,  called 
Canasas,  which  is  about  twenty  miles  above  its  mouth. 


716 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


The  river  Savana,  at  Canasas,  has  a depth  of  six  feet  of  water,  hat  is  ob- 
structed by  ledges  of  a slate,  called  pizarra,  or  Jdlles,  for  four  miles,  down  to 
the  mouth  of  La  Villa,  up  to  which  the  tide  reaches.  At  Canasas,  there  is 
a forest  of  a species  of  bamboo,  so  dense  as  to  be  impenetrable;  and  above  it 
there  is  a fall  of  two  feet,  when  the  river  is  low,  but  after  rains  this  entirely 
disappears.  The  first  fall,  in  ascending  the  river,  occurs  at  Caobano,  a little 
above  La  Villa. 

From  La  Villa,  where  there  is  a depth  of  ten  or  twelve  feet,  the  river  is 
perfectly  free  from  obstructions  down  to  Principe. 

At  Fuerte  del  Principe,  two  miles  below  La  Villa,  there  is  a single  ledge 
of  slate,  visible  only  in  a very  low  state  of  the  river,  which  has  here  a depth 
of  three  fathoms,  and  a rise  of  tide  of  six  feet.  The  banks  of  the  river  are 
elevated  about  ten  feet  above  the  level  of  the  water,  and  are  quite  free  from 
swamp.  The  site  of  the  old  Spanish  settlement  is  here  indicated  by  a patch 
of  very  dense  scrubby  bush,  without  high  trees,  on  the  west  bank  of  the 
river;  but  the  only  remains  to  be  met  with  are  some  fragments  of  hotijag,  or 
water-jars.  Principe  is  in  lat.  8°  34',  and  long.  77°  56',  by  my  observations; 
it  is  only  two  or  three  hours’  journey  from  the  mouth  of  the  river. 

The  Savana  River,  called  by  the  Indians  Chaparti,  is  very  direct  in  its 
course,  from  Principe  to  its  mouth,  and  free  from  sinuosities,  playas,  deep 
elbows,  shoals,  rocks,  snags,  or  other  obstructions. 

Its  banks,  elevated  several  feet  above  the  level  of  the  water,  are  quite  free 
from  swamp  and  malarious  miasmata,  consequently  the  endemic  fevers  caused 
by  these  in  Chagres,  Portobello,  Limon,  and  Panama,  would  not  prevail  in 
any  settlements  that  may  be  formed  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Savana. 
Indeed,  it  cannot  be  inferred  that  the  Isthmus  of  Darien  is  unhealthy, 
because  the  towns  on  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  have  all  been  settled  in  swampy 
localities,  and  in  the  most  unfavorable  positions  in  a sanatory  point  of  view. 
A convincing  proof  of  the  freedom  from  swamp  of  the  whole  tract  of  coun- 
try, from  Port  Escoces  to  the  gulf  of  San  Miguel,  is  the  total  absence  of 
musquitoes,  which  invariably  infest  all  swampy  grounds  in  the  tropics.  The 
great  longevity  of  the  people  of  Darien,  and  the  large  proportion  of  very  old 
men,  also  attest  the  healthiness  of  the  climate. 

From  Principe  to  the  mouth  of  Matumaganti,  one  mile  s.  8.  w.,  the  river 
increases  greatly  in  width  and  depth;  there  are  some  islands  in  this  reach; 
and  on  the  west  bank  a very  large  cuipo-tree  stands  conspicuous,  towering 
above  the  adjacent  forest. 

From  Matumaganti  to  the  mouth  of  Lara,  two  miles,  the  river  has  a 
depth  of  four  fathoms,  and  a rise  of  tide  of  ten  feet. 

From  Lara  mouth  to  the  islands  in  the  second  reach,  four  miles,  the  river 
is  very  direct  in  its  course,  with  a depth  of  five  or  six  fathoms.  A ridge  of 
hills  runs  parallel  to  each  bank,  at  about  two  miles’  distance.  Just  below 
this  mouth,  and  above  a widening  of  the  river,  called  Revesa  de  Piriaki,  is 
Cerro  Piriaki,  a hill  of  about  400  feet  elevation,  and  above  this  there  is  no 
hill  near  either  bank  of  the  Savana.  Above  the  islands,  Estero  Corotu,  Rio 
Corredor,  and  other  streams  fall  into  this,  the  Calle  Larga,  or  Long  Reach. 

From  the  islands  to  Areti  mouth,  s.s.E.,  three  miles,  the  river  has  great 
width  and  depth;  a ridge  of  hill  here  runs  along  each  bank,  at  about  two 
miles’  distance. 


RELATIVE  WATER  DEPTHS. 


717 


Junction  of  the  Savana  and  Tuyra. — F rom  Areti  mouth  to  the  junc- 
tion of  the  Savana  and  Tuyra  rivers,  s.,  four  miles,  the  river  has  a uniform 
width  of  two  miles,  and  a depth  of  from  eight  to  nine  fathoms. 

On  the  west  bank  of  this  reach  is  Punta  Machete,  with  a small  shoal  above 
it,  called  Bajo  Grande,  and  one  below  it,  Bajo  Chico.  Both  of  these  are  close 
in  shore,  and  oysters  are  found  on  them. 

The  Savana  Mouth. — From  the  west  point  of  the  Savana  mouth,  in  lat. 
8°  21',  long.  77°  54',  the  land  rises  into  a ridge  of  hill  of  about  309  feet  eleva- 
tion, running  N.  for  about  four  miles  parallel  to  the  river,  from  which  it  is 
separated  by  a strip  of  level  land  half  a mile  wide.  There  is  a quebrada,  or 
rivulet,  in  the  ridge,  called  Laguadilla,  which  has  plenty  of  fresh  water  in  the 
driest  season. 

Behind  Nisperal,  the  east  point  of  the  Savana  mouth,  there  is  a low  ridge 
of  hills;  from  the  north  bank  of  Iglesias,  also,  a narrow  ridge  follows  the 
course  of  the  Savana  for  about  three  miles.  This  is  the  Cerro  Titichi,  which 
gave  its  name  to  a mission  of  Indians  at  the  mouth  of  the  Chuquanaqua,  the 
last  survivor  of  whom  is  a man  named  Marcellino,  who  resides  at  Pinogana, 
on  the  Tuyra.  On  the  north  bank  of  Iglesias  is  Quebrada  de  Tigre,  and  on 
the  Savana,  above  its  mouth,  is  Quebradita  la  Monera,  where  fresh  water 
may  be  obtained. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  Savana  there  are  nine  fathoms,  at  low  water,  and  the 
tide  rises  from  twenty-one  to  twenty-seven  feet. 

Boca  Chica  and  Boca  Grande,  the  mouths  of  the  Tuyra,  are  perfectly  safe 
entrances,  and  have  a depth  of  thirteen  to  twenty  fathoms  of  water  respect- 
ively. 

The  gulf  of  San  Miguel  has  good  depth  of  water,  and  would  hold  the  ship- 
ping of  the  world.  Its  mouth,  between  Cape  San  Lorenzo  on  the  north,  and 
Punta  Garachine  on  the  south,  is  ten  miles  across,  and  opens  into  the  Pacific, 
quite  outside  the  bay  of  Panama.  Its  direction  inward  is  N.  e.  fifteen  miles 
to  Boca  Chica.  Inside  the  bay  of  Garachine,  the  shores  of  the  gulf  approach 
each  other,  and  the  width  diminishes  to  four  miles,  between  Punta  Brava 
and  Morro  Patino,  with  a depth  of  from  nine  to  twenty  fathoms,  but  again 
increases,  and  then  diminishes  to  Boca  Chica. 

Close  to  Cape  San  Lorenzo  is  a small  shoal,  called  El  Buey,  which  may  be 
easily  avoided.  There  are  several  islands  in  the  gulf,  as  Iguana,  Cedro,  Islas 
de  San  Diego,  etc.,  etc.,  which  are  all  safe  of  approach.  On  the  north  side, 
the  rivers  Congo,  Buenavista;  and  on  the  south  the  Moguey,  Guaca,  Taimita, 
and  Sambu,  open  into  the  gulf;  while  the  Tuyra  and  Savana  fall  into  its 
eastern  end,  the  Ensenada  del  Darien,  called  by  the  Granadians  ‘Boca  de 
Provincia,’ or  Mouth  of  the  Province.  Cullen’s  Isth.  of  Darien. 

From  what  has  been  said,  it  sufficiently  appears  that  Nicaragua  is  a country 
of  great  beauty  of  scenery  and  vast  natural  resources.  She  has,  however, 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  world  less  on  these  accounts  than  because  she 
is  believed  to  possess  within  her  borders  the  best  and  most  feasible  route  for 
a ship-canal  between  the  two  great  oceans.  The  project  of  opening  such  a 
canal  began  to  be  entertained  as  soon  as  it  was  found  that  there  existed  no 
natural  communication  between  the  seas,  as  early  as  1527.  Since  that  period 
it  has  furnished  a subject  for  much  speculation,  but  beyond  a few  partial 


718 


INTEROCEANIC  COM M UN  ICATION. 


examinations,  until  very  lately,  nothing  of  a practical  or  satisfactory  charac- 
ter had  been  attempted.  In  1851  a careful  survey  was  made  of  the  river 
San  Juan,  Lake  Nicaragua,  and  the  isthmus  intervening  between  this  lake 
and  the  Pacific,  by  Colonel  0.  W.  Childs,  previously  engineer-iu-chief  of  the 
state  of  New  York,  under  the  direction  of  the  now  extinct  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  Ship-canal  Company.  Until  then,  it  had  always  been  assumed  that 
the  river  San  Juan,  as  well  as  the  lake  itself,  could  easily  be  made  navigable 
for  ships,  and  that  the  only  obstacle  to  be  overcome  was  the  narrow  strip  oi 
land  between  the  lake  and  the  ocean.  Hence,  all  the  so-called  surveys  were 
limited  to  an  examination  of  that  part  of  the  line.  One  of  them  was  made 
under  the  orders  of  the  Spanish  government,  by  Don  Manuel  Galisteo,  in  1781 ; 
another,  and  that  best  known,  by  Mr.  John  Baily,  under  the  direction  of  the 
government  of  Central  America,  in  1838.  An  intermediate  examination, 
quoted  by  Thompson,53  seems  to  have  been  made  early  in  the  present  century. 
The  following  table  will  show  the  results  of  these  surveys  as  regards  this  par- 
ticular section: 


Authorities. 


Distance  from  Lake 
to  Ocean. 

Greatest  Ele- 
vation above 
Ocean. 

Greatest  Ele- 
vation above 
Lake. 

. 17  miles,  200  feet. 

272  feet. 

134  feet. 

.17  “ 320  “ 

296  “ 

154  “ 

.16  “ 730  “ 

615  “ 

487  “ 

.18  “ 3,120  “ 

159  “ 

474  “ 

As  the  survey  of  Colonel  Childs  is  the  only  one  which  can  be  accepted  as 
conforming  to  modern  engineering  requirements,  it  will  be  enough  to  present 
the  detailed  results  to  which  he  arrived.  The  line  proposed  by  him,  and  on 
which  all  his  calculations  and  estimates  were  based,  commences  at  the  little 
port  of  Brito,  on  the  Pacific,  and  passes  across  the  Isthmus,  between  the 
ocean  and  lake,  to  the  mouth  of  a small  stream  called  Rio  Lajas,  flowing  into 
the  latter,  thence  across  Lake  Nicaragua  to  its  outlet,  and  down  the  valley 
of  the  Rio  San  Juan  to  the  port  of  the  same  name  on  the  Atlantic.  The 


length  of  this  line  was  found  to  be  194J  miles,  as  follows: 

Miles. 

Western  Division. — Canal  from  the  port  of  Brito  on  the  Pacific, 
through  the  valley  of  a small  stream  called  Rio  Grande,  falling 
into  the  Pacific,  into  that  of  the  stream  called  Rio  Lajas,  to  Lake 

Nicaragua 18.588 

Middle  Division. — Though  Lake  Nicaragua,  from  mouth  of  Rio 

Lajas  to  Fort  San  Carlos,  at  the  head  of  San  Juan  River 5G.500 

Eastern  Division. — First  Section. — Slack-water  navigation  on  San 
Juan  River  from  San  Carlos  to  a point  on  the  river  opposite  the 

mouth  of  the  Serapiqui  River 90.800 

Second  Section. — Canal  from  opposite  mouth  of  Serapiqui  to  port  of 

San  Juan  del  Norte 28.505 


Total,  as  above 194.393 

Origin  of  the  Canal  Grant. — The  charter  of  this  company  under 
which  Colonel  Childs  carried  on  his  investigations  is  dated  September  22, 


63  Narrative  of  an  Official  Visit  to  Guatemala,  by  G.  A.  Thompson.  Lon- 
don, 1829,  p.  512. 


DIVERSIONS  OF  THE  CANAL. 


719 


1849,  and  was  obtained  for  a term  of  eighty-five  years  from  the  completion 
of  the  proposed  canal.  The  surveys  were  to  be  commenced  within  one  year, 
and  the  whole  to  bo  completed  in  twelve  years.  The  canal,  hy  the  terms  of 
the  charter,  was  to  be  of  dimensions  sufficiently  great  to  admit  and  pass  ves- 
sels of  all  sizes  with  speed  and  safety.  The  company  was  to  pay  to  the  state, 
during  the  period  assigned  for  the  construction  of  the  work,  the  annual  sum 
of  $10,000;  to  give  to  the  state  $200,000  of  stock  in  the  canal,  on  the  issue 
of  stock;  the  state  to  receive,  for  the  first  twenty  years,  twenty  per  cent 
annually  out  of  the  net  profits  of  the  canal,  after  deducting  the  interest  on 
the  capital  actually  invested,  at  the  rate  of  seven  per  cent;  and  for  the  re- 
maining sixty-five  years,  twenty-five  per  cent  of  the  profits.  The  company, 
on  the  other  hand,  were  to  receive  fifteen  per  cent  annually  out  of  the  net 
profits  of  the  canal  for  the  first  ten  years  after  it  should  revert  to  the  state, 
provided  it  did  not  cost  over  $20,000,000;  but  if  it  should  cost  more  than 
that  sum,  the  company  to  receive  twenty  per  cent  for  twenty  years.  During 
the  period  of  constructing  the  canal  (twelve  years),  the  company  had  the 
exclusive  right  of  navigating  the  waters  of  the  state  by  steam,  and  also  the 
privilege  of  opening  a transit  route  through  its  territories,  upon  the  principal 
condition  of  paying  ten  per  cent  of  the  net  profits  to  the  state.  There  were 
some  other  provisions  as  to  lands,  tolls,  etc.,  of  no  special  importance. 

Under  this  charter,  the  company  perfected  its  organization.  It  divided  its 
original  shares  into  a considerable  number,  called  ‘canal  rights,’  which 
were  sold,  and  their  holdors  brought  into  the  organization.  The  first  instal- 
ment was  paid,  and  in  August  1850,  just  in  time  to  meet  the  stipulation 
providing  that  the  surveys  should  be  commenced  within  one  year  from  the 
date  of  the  contract,  a party  of  surveyors  was  sent  out  to  Nicaragua.  They 
were  under  the  direction  (as  already  said)  of  Colonel  0.  W.  Childs  as  chief 
engineer.  He  arrived  in  Nicaragua  on  the  27th  of  August,  1850,  and  so  far 
as  his  report  is  concerned,  we  are  left  to  infer  that  he  at  once  commenced 
the  surveys  for  the  canal.  His  report  is  dated  March  9,  1852. 

The  Line  of  Survey. — In  the  various  projects  for  uniting  the  two  seas, 
the  line  of  the  river  San  Juan  has  always  been  contemplated  as  that  by  which 
the  great  lake  of  Nicaragua  is  to  be  reached.  From  that  lake  to  the  Pacific, 
various  routes  have  been  suggested: 

1.  From  Lake  Nicaragua  via  the  river  Sapoa  to  the  bay  of  Bolanos,  in  the 
gulf  of  Salinas,  on  the  Pacific. 

2.  Via  the  Rio  Lajas  to  the  port  of  San  Juan  del  Sur,  or  some  point  not  far 
from  it,  on  the  Pacific. 

3.  Via  the  Rio  Tipitapa  into  the  superior  lake  of  Managua,  and  from  this 
lake  to  the  Pacific  at  the  little  port  of  Tamarindo,  the  port  of  Realejo,  or  into 
the  magnificent  gulf  or  bay  of  Fonseca. 

By  his  instructions,  Colonel  Childs  was  limited  to  a survey  of  the  direct 
routes  from  Lake  Nicaragua  to  the  Pacific,  provided  either  of  them  should 
prove  practicable.  As  a consequence,  finding  a route  which,  in  his  opinion, 
was  practicable,  he  made  no  surveys  from  the  superior  lake  of  Managua  to 
the  Pacific.  He,  however,  made  some  observations  on  the  line  of  the  con- 
nection between  the  two  lakes  by  the  river  Tipitapa — if  a channel  dry  for 
most,  if  not  all,  of  the  year  can  be  called  a river.  This  is  a source  of  great 
regret,  especially  in  view  of  the  deficiency,  on  the  surveyed  routes,  of  a good 


720 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


harbor  on  the  Pacific,  while  both  Realejo  and  the  gulf  of  Fonseca  are  all  that 
can  be  desired  as  ports. 

Lake  Nicaragua  is  estimated  by  Colonel  Childs  to  be  one  hundred  and  ten 
miles  in  extreme  length  by  thirty-five  in  (average)  width.  Its  nearest  ap- 
proach to  the  Atlantic  is  at  its  southern  extremity,  from  which,  on  a right 
line,  it  is  about  eighty  miles  distant.  The  point  of  its  nearest  approach  to 
the  Pacific  is  near  the  middle  of  its  length,  where,  by  the  shortest  line,  the 
distance  is  about  eleven  miles. 

The  San  Juan  River  was  found  by  Colonel  Childs  to  be,  following  its 
sinuosities,  119  miles  in  length.  It  has  a great  number  of  tributaries,  gen- 
erally small,  with  the  exception  of  the  San  Carlos  and  Serapiqui,  which  come 
in  from  the  mountains  of  Costa  Rica  on  the  south.  The  first  of  these  enters 
the  San  Juan  at  sixty-five  miles,  and  the  second  ninety  miles  below  the  lake. 
These  streams  flow  through  valleys  transversely  to  that  of  the  San  Juan, 
which  is  further  intersected  by  ranges  of  hills,  coming  in  both  from  the  nortli 
and  the  south,  at  the  Rapides  del  Toro,  Castillo,  Machuca,  etc. 

The  lake  of  Nicaragua  lies  longitudinally,  nearly  parallel  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  and  is  separated  from  it,  for  nearly  two  thirds  of  the  length  of  the 
lake,  by  hills  of  comparatively  moderate  acclivity  and  elevation,  in  most 
cases  capable  of  cultivation  to  their  summits.  Within  this  distance,  also, 
are  several  transverse  valleys,  extending  nearly  (Colonel  Childs  says  quite) 
across,  with  summits  varying  in  height,  and  furnishing  generally  good  oppor- 
tunities for  direct  communications  by  ordinary  roads  or  by  canal. 

Route  via  River  Sapoa. — This  line  lies  chiefly  in  the  department  of 
Guanacaste,  now  in  dispute  between  Nicaragua  and  Costa  Rica,  and  actually 
occupied  by  the  latter. 

The  examination  of  this  line  by  Colonel  Childs  only  proved  its  impractica- 
bility for  the  purpose  of  a canal.  He  found  that  to  pass  the  summit  a cut 
1 19  feet  in  depth  would  be  required,  and  an  up-lockage  from  the  lake  of  350  i 
feet,  and  a down-lockage  to  the  Pacific  of  432  feet.  Water  to  supply  the 
upper  locks,  it  was  ascertained,  could  only  be  obtained  with  difficulty,  and 
at  great  cost.  Besides,  a long  rock  cut  of  three  fourths  of  a mile  would  be 
required  from  low-tide  mark  in  the  bay  of  Salinas  to  deep  water.  In  short, 
the  physical  difficulties  on  this  line,  if  not  of  a nature  to  make  the  construc- 
tion of  a canal  impossible,  were  nevertheless  such  as  to  make  it  impracticable. 

Route  from  Mouth  of  tiie  Rio  Lajas  to  Brito. — The  line  from  Lake 
Nicaragua  to  the  Pacific,  to  which  public  attention  has  been  most  directed, 
i3  one  starting  from  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Lajas,  a few  miles  below  the  town 
of  Rivas,  or  Nicaragua,  to  the  port  of  San  Juan  del  Sur,  or  Concordia,  on  the 
Pacific.  As  already  stated,  not  less  than  three  surveys  had  been  made  over 
this  line;  one  in  1781  by  Galisteo,  a Spanish  engineer,  and  the  last  by  Mr. 
Baily,  an  Englishman,  under  the  republic  of  Central  America,  published  in 
Stephens’  InculrtUs  of  Travel  in  Central  America.  The  line  pursued  by 
both  Galisteo  and  Baily  was  governed  by  the  circumstance  of  a measurably 
good  port  on  the  Pacific — that  of  San  Juan  del  Sur,  the  best  on  the  whole 
line  of  coast  from  the  bay  of  Salinas  northward  to  Realejo.  Baily 's  line  is 
sixteen  miles  and  730  feet  in  length,  and  the  greatest  elevation  above  the 
lake  4S7  feet.  That  of  Galisteo  i3  seventeen  miles  200  feet  in  length,  and 
the  greatest  elevation  above  the  sea  272,  and  above  the  lake  134  feet.  Baily ’s 


EXPLORING  FOR  A LINE. 


721 


line,  for  half  of  its  distance,  involved  209  feet  of  average  vertical  cutting; 
that  of  Galisteo,  for  half  of  its  length,  an  average  vertical  cutting  of  108  feet. 
These  facts,  and  others,  among  which  the  absolute  impossibility  of  supplying 
the  summit  levels  with  water,  and  the  necessity  of  tunnels,  combined  to 
make  the  construction  of  a canal  on  this  line  wholly  impossible. 

Colonel  Childs  seems  to  have  been  satisfied  of  the  impracticability  of  this 
line,  after  a very  rapid  examination,  and  to  have  devoted  himself  to  the  dis- 
covery of  one  more  feasible.  In  doing  this,  however,  it  was  found  necessary 
to  abandon  San  Juan  del  Sur  as  the  western  terminus. 

Starting  at  the  point  on  the  lake  to  the  eastward  of  Rivas,  levelling  west- 
ward, through  a transverse,  moderately  undulating  plain,  he  ascended,  on  a 
distance  of  six  and  a half  miles,  32G  feet,  to  the  summit  of  a broad  valley, 
passing  between  the  hills  (which  are  here  of  moderate  height),  and  connect- 
ing with  another  valley  on  the  west  side,  which  extends  to  a place  on  the 
Pacific  called  Brito,  where  a stream,  named  Rio  Grande,  flows  into  the  sea. 
The  quantity  of  water  available  for  this  summit  being  entirely  inadequate, 
and  the  cut  altogether  too  formidable,  on  the  plan  of  carrying  through  the 
level,  this  route  was  abandoned.  Another  line,  not  far  from  this,  was  at- 
tempted, with  very  nearly  the  same  result. 

Colonel  Childs  next  started  from  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Lajas,  the  same 
point  with  his  predecessors,  and  carried  a line  of  levels  to  the  summit  of  a 
transverse  valley  lying  about  six  and  a half  miles  south  of  Rivas,  and  reach- 
ing between  the  valley  of  Rio  Lajas  and  that  of  the  Rio  Grande,  already 
mentioned  as  flowing  into  the  Pacific  at  Brito.  This  summit  was  found  to  be 
only  forty-seven  and  a half  feet  above  the  surface  of  the  lake,  as  it  stood  on 
the  23d  day  of  December,  1850,  at  which  time  it  was  three  and  a half  feet 
above  its  lowest  stages,  and  one  and  a half  feet  below  the  level  at  which  it 
ordinarily  stands  at  the  height  of  the  rainy  season.  The  length  of  this  line 
from  lake  to  sea  is  about  twenty  miles.  This  is  the  route,  and  the  only 
direct  one,  between  the  lake  and  sea,  regarded  by  Colonel  Childs  as  fea- 
sible, and  upon  this  all  his  calculations  respecting  the  proposed  canal  are 
based.  In  his  own  language:  ‘The  conclusion  was  arrived  at  that  the  line 
Lading  from  the  lake,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Lajas  to  the  Pacific  at 
Brito,  presented  more  favorable  conditions  for  the  construction  of  the  canal 
than  any  other;  it  was  therefore  determined  to  survey  and  carefully  to  locate 
a line  across  upon  this  route.’ 

This  line,  then,  runs  through  the  valley  of  the  river  Lajas,  the  waters  of 
a principal  branch  of  which  interlock  with  those  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and, 
through  the  valley  of  the  latter,  reaches  the  sea.  The  stream  first  named 
has  its  origin  about  ten  miles  south-westerly  from  its  entrance  into  the  lake, 
on  the  eastern  slope  of  the  dividing  ridge,  and  after  running  north-westerly 
two  miles,  along  the  base  of  the  lulls,  takes  a northerly  direction  through 
comparatively  level  savannas,  a distance  of  six  miles  or  eight  miles,  when  it 
bends  to  the  east,  and  in  a mile  and  three  fourths  enters  the  lake.  The  Rio 
Grande  rises  on  the  eastern  slope  of  the  same  range  of  hills,  and  two  or  three 
miles  north-west  from  the  sources  of  the  Lajas,  and,  after  flowing  some  three 
or  four  miles  at  the  foot  of  their  slope,  bends  to  the  west,  and  by  a narrow 
and  somewhat  irregular  valley  passes  through  the  ridge,  and  thence,  in  a 
more  capacious  and  uniform  valley,  into  the  Pacific. 

IIist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  46 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


722 


Western  Section  of  Proposed  Canal  between  Lake  Nicaragua  and 
the  Pacific. — The  entire  line  of  the  canal  proposed  by  Colonel  Childs,  and 
upon  which  all  his  calculations  and  estimates  are  based,  is  therefore  through 
the  valley  of  the  river  San  Juan  into  Lake  Nicaragua,  across  Lake  Nicara- 
gua to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Lajas,  through  the  valley  of  that  stream,  and 
across  the  summit  of  forty-seven  and  a half  feet  which  separates  it  from  that 
of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  down  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande  to  Brito,  where 
that  stream  enters  the  Pacific. 

Now,  in  order  to  understand  Colonel  Childs’  conclusions,  and  appreciate 
the  data  which  he  gives,  we  must  know  what  kind  of  a work  he  proposes, 
lie  contemplates  a canal  but  seventeen  feet  deep;  and  as  he  intends  to  sup- 
ply the  western  section,  from  the  lake  to  the  sea,  by  water  from  the  lake,  it 
would  be  necessary  to  commence  construction  in  the  lake  at  a point  where 
the  water  is  seventeen  feet  deep  at  mean  stage.  This  point  is  opposite  the 
mouth  of  the  Lajas,  and  twenty-five  chains  from  the  line  of  the  shore.  From 
this  point,  for  a mile  and  a half,  partially  along  the  river  Lajas,  the  excava- 
tion will  be  principally  earth;  but  beyond  this,  for  a distance  of  five  and  a 
half  miles,  which  carries  the  line  beyond  the  summit,  three  fourths  of  the  ex- 
cavation will  be  in  a trap  rock.  That  is  to  say,  the  deepest  excavation,  or 
open  cut,  will  be  sixty-five  feet,  and  involve  the  removal  of  1,879,000  cubic 
yards  of  earth,  and  3,378,000  cubic  yards  of  rock.  The  excavation  and  con- 
struction in  this  five  and  a half  miles  alone  are  estimated  at  upward  of 
$6,000,000. 

The  summit  passed,  and  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande  reached,  the  exca- 
vation, as  a general  rule,  will  be  only  the  depth  of  the  canal.  Colonel  Childs 
found  that  the  lake,  at  ordinary  high  water,  is  only  102  feet  10  inches  above 
the  Pacific  at  high  and  111  feet  5 inches  above  it  at  low  tide,  instead  of  12S 
feet,  as  calculated  by  Mr.  Baily.  This  descent  he  proposes  to  accomplish  by 
fourteen  locks,  of  eight  feet  lift  each,  placed  at  proper  points  in  the  valley  of 
the  Rio  Grande,  thus  bringing  us  to  Brito,  the  terminus  on  the  Pacific. 

The  harbor  of  Brito,  as  it  is  called,  or  the  point  where  the  Rio  Grande 
enters  the  sea,  is  at  best  only  a bad  anchorage.  There  is  here  a small  angu- 
lar indentation  of  the  land,  partially  protected  by  a low  ledge  of  rock,  but 
nothing  adequate  for  the  terminus  of  an  important  work  like  the  proposed 
canal,  or  capable  of  answering  the  commonest  requisites  of  a port.  To  rem- 
edy this  deficiency,  Colonel  Childs  proposed  to  construct  an  artificial  harbor, 
of  thirty-four  acres  area,  by  means  of  moles  and  jetties  in  the  sea,  and  by 
extensive  excavations  in  the  land.  If,  as  he  supposes,  the  excavations  here 
would  be  in  sand,  it  is  obviously  almost  impossible  to  get  proper  foundations 
for  the  immense  sea-walls  and  piers  that  would  be  necessary  for  a work  of 
this  kind.  On  the  contrary,  if  these  excavations  should  be  chiefly  in  a rock, 
as  seems  most  likely,  the  cost  and  labor  would  almost  surpass  computation. 
Assuming  the  excavations  for  the  purpose  to  be  in  earth  and  sand,  Colonel 
Childs  estimates  the  cost  of  making  a harbor  at  a little  over  $2,000,000. 

Middle  Section  of  Proposed  Canal — Lake  Nicaragua. — Proceeding 
from  seventeen  feet  depth  of  water  in  the  lake,  opposite  to  the  river  Lajas, 
in  the  direction  of  the  outlet  of  the  lake  at  Fort  San  Carlos,  there  is  ample 
water  for  vessels  of  all  sizes  for  a distance  of  about  fifty-one  miles,  to  a point 
half  a mile  south  of  the  Boacos  Islands.  Here  the  depth  of  water  diminishes 


THE  RIVER  SAN  JUAN. 


723 


rapidly  to  fourteen  feet.  For  the  remaining  five  and  a half  miles  to  the  fort, 
the  water  is  variable,  averaging  only  about  nine  feet  at  low  and  about  four- 
teen at  high  water.  For  this  distance  of  five  and  a half  miles,  therefore,  an 
average  under-water  excavation  of  eight  feet  would  be  required  to  make  the 
channel,  at  low  water,  of  the  depth  of  the  canal,  or  seventeen  feet.  But  if 
the  lake  were  kept  at  high  level,  the  under-water  excavation  would  be  but  an 
average  of  three  feet. 

Colonel  Childs  proposed  to  protect  this  portion  of  the  channel  by  rows  of 
piles  driven  on  each  side,  along  its  whole  extent,  and  thinks,  after  the  ex- 
cavation were  made,  a sufficient  current  would  be  established  to  keep  the 
channel  clear. 

Eastern  Section — The  River  San  Juan. — We  come  now  to  the  section 
between  Lake  Nicaragua  and  the  Atlantic,  through  or  along  the  river  San 
Juan.  Excepting  a small  settlement  at  the  Castillo  Viejo,  at  the  Castillo 
Rapids,  thirty-seven  miles  from  the  lake,  the  valley  of  the  San  Juan  is  wholly 
uninhabited.  This  section,  hitherto  supposed  the  easiest,  is,  nevertheless,  by 
far  the  most  difficult  part  of  the  proposed  enterprise. 

Colonel  Childs  carried  a line  of  levels  from  the  lake  at  San  Carlos  to  the 
port  of  San  Juan,  on  the  northern  bank  of  tjje  stream.  The  whole  distance 
from  San  Carlos  to  seventeen  feet  depth  of  water  in  the  harbor  of  San  Juan 
is  119J  miles;  and  the  whole  fall,  from  the  surface  of  high  lake  to  the  surface 
of  highest  tide  in  the  harbor,  is  107 ^ feet — to  lowest  tide,  1 08  J feet. 

Of  the  above  distance,  the  first  ninety-one  miles,  or  from  San  Carlos  to 
half  a mile  below  the  Serapiqui  River,  Colonel  Childs  proposed  to  make  the 
river  navigable  by  excavating  its  bed,  and  by  constructing  dams,  to  be  passed 
by  means  of  locks  and  short  canals;  the  remaining  twenty-eight  miles  of  the 
canal  to  be  constructed  inland,  or  independently  of  the  river.  Of  the  whole 
fall,  sixty-two  and  a half  feet  occurs  on  that  portion  which  it  is  proposed  to 
improve  by  dams,  and  on  which  there  were  to  be  eight  locks,  and  the  remain- 
ing forty-six  and  a quarter  feet  occurs  on  the  iidand  portion  of  the  canal,  on 
which  were  to  be  six  locks — fourteen  locks  in  all. 

Colonel  Childs  proposed  to  place  the  first  dam  at  the  head  of  the  Castillo 
Rapids,  a distance  of  upward  of  thirty -seven  miles  from  the  lake,  and  to  pass 
the  rapids  by  means  of  a lateral  canal.  By  means  of  this  dam  he  proposed  to 
raise  the  water,  at  that  point,  twenty-one  and  a half  feet,  and  the  entire  level 
of  Lake  Nicaragua  five  feet  above  its  lowest  stages,  or  in  other  words,  to 
keep  it  at  high-water  mark.  The  fall  at  this  dam  would  be  sixteen  feet.  He 
proposed  also  six  other  dams,  four  of  eight  feet  fall,  one  of  fourteen  and  a 
half  feet,  and  one  of  thirteen  and  a half  feet.  Between  all  of  these  there 
would  be  more  or  less  excavation  in  the  bed  of  the  stream,  sometimes  in 
earth,  and  often  in  rock. 

Colonel  Childs  proposed  further  to  improve  the  harbor  of  San  Juan  by 
moles,  etc.,  and  to  construct  an  artificial  harbor  in  connection  with  it  of  the 
capacity  of  thirteen  acres. 

In  respect  of  the  amount  of  water  in  the  San  Juan,  we  have  some  interest- 
ing statistics.  This  amount,  of  course,  varies  greatly  with  the  different 
seasons.  The  quantity  of  water  that  passed  from  the  lake  at  its  lowest  stage, 
on  the  4th  of  June,  1851,  was  11,930  cubic  feet  per  second.  The  greatest 
rise  of  the  lake  is  about  five  feet.  When  it  stood  at  3.43  feet  above  its  lowest 


724 


IXTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


level,  the  flow  of  water  was  18,059  cubic  feet  per  second,  being  an  increase  of 
about  fifty  per  cent.  Supposing  the  same  ratio  of  increase,  at  high  lake  the 
amount  of  water  in  the  river  would  be  doubled. 

The  river  receives  large  accessions  from  its  tributaries.  Below  these,  and 
above  the  point  of  divergence  of  the  Colorado,  flowing  direct  into  the  sea 
from  the  San  Juan,  which  falls  into  the  harbor  of  the  same  name,  the  flow 
of  water  was  54,380  cubic  feet  per  second,  of  which  42,056  passed  through 
the  Colorado  branch  into  the  ocean,  and  12,324  through  the  San  Juan  into 
the  port. 

Dimensions  of  the  Proposed  Canal. — Where  the  excavation  is  in  earth, 
Colonel  Childs  proposed  (and  all  his  estimates  are  founded  on  these  dimen- 
sions) that  the  canal  shall  have  a depth  of  17  feet;  that  it  shall  be  50  feet 
wide  at  the  bottom,  86  feet  wide  at  9 feet  above  the  bottom,  and  118  feet 
wide  at  the  surface  of  the  water.  Where  the  excavation  is  in  rock,  the  canal 
is  to  be  50  feet  wide  at  bottom,  77  feet  at  9 feet  above  bottom,  and  7Sjj  feet 
at  the  surface  of  the  water. 

Length  of  Proposed  Canal. — The  total  length  of  the  line  proposed  by 
Colonel  Childs,  from  San  Juan  del  Norte  on  the  Atlantic,  to  Brito  on  the 
Pacific,  is  194^  miles,  as  follow^: 

Miles. 

Canal  from  port  of  San  Juan  to  its  point  of  intersection  with  the 

river,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Serapiqui 28.505 

Slack-water  navigation  on  the  San  Juan  River,  from  the  above  point 

to  San  Carlos,  at  the  outlet  of  the  lake 90.800 

From  San  Carlos,  across  Lake  Nicaragua,  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio 

Lajas 56.500 

From  mouth  of  Rio  Lajas  to  Brito 18.588 

Total,  as  above 194.393 

Estimated  Cost. — The  cost  of  the  work  is  estimated  by  Colonel  Childs  in 
detail.  The  recapitulation,  by  divisions,  is  as  follows: 

Eastern  Division  (i.  e.,  from  port  of  San  Juan  to  lake) 812,502,346 

Middle  Division  (through  lake) 1,025,676 

Western  Division  (from  lake  to  Pacific) 13,896,603 


$27,424,625 

Add,  for  contingencies,  15  percent 4,113,693 

Total  estimated  cost  of  canal $31,538,318 


The  canal  company  published  a pamphlet,  in  which  the  estimates  for  the 
canal  were  made  at  New  York  prices,  and  in  which  the  total  was  put  down 
at  $13,243,099.  ‘The  prices  adopted  in  the  estimate  of  $31,500,000,’  says 
Colonel  Childs,  ‘ are  made  up  with  reference  to  the  completion  of  the  work 
within  six  years  from  the  time  of  breaking  ground,  and  a commencement  of 
the  settlement  of  the  country  in  the  vicinity  of  the  line  previous  to  letting 
the  contracts.’ 

Capacity  of  the  Proposed  Canal. — The  charter  of  the  canal  company 
provided  that  the  capacity  of  the  work  should  be  sufficiently  great  ‘ to  admit 
vessels  of  all  sizes.’  And  it  is  obvious  that  a work  which  will  not  pass  freely 


THE  VIEWS  OF  COLONEL  CHILDS’. 


725 


the  largest  vessels  can  but  imperfectly  answer  the  purposes  of  its  construc- 
tion, or  meet  the  requirements  of  commerce.  But  Colonel  Childs  proposed 
only  one  17  feet  deep,  50  feet  wide  at  bottom,  and  118  feet  wide  at  top — a 
capacity  wholly  inadequate  to  pass  the  larger  classes  of  vessels,  and  one 
which  fails  to  meet  the  stipulations  of  the  charter.  The  larger  merchant- 
ships,  such  as  are  gererally  employed  in  the  eastern  trade,  have  a draught 
of  from  20  to  25  feet,  and  would  require,  to  say  nothing  of  war  vessels  and 
large  steamers,  a canal  of  from  25  to  30  feet  in  depth,  which  would  involve 
more  than  double  the  amount  of  excavation  proposed,  and  probably  treble 
the  amount  of  cost,  and  carry  it  up  from  $31,500,000  to  $100,000,000.  Here 
is  the  fatal  deficiency  in  the  whole  proposition  of  Colonel  Childs. 

To  make  the  canal  capable  of  passing  vessels  drawing  20  feet  of  water, 
Colonel  Childs  says,  would  increase  to  a very  great  degree  the  amount  of  the 
excavation  on  the  river  section,  and  still  more  the  expense.  ‘Any  consider- 
able increase  in  the  depth  proposed  (17  feet)  would  require  under-water  exca- 
vations between  the  lake  and  the  Toro  Rapids,  a distance  of  27  miles,  to  be 
almost  continuous;  it  would  very  much  lengthen  the  cuts  on  the  other  por- 
tions of  the  river,  and  the  liability  of  these  artificial  channels  to  receive 
deposits  of  earth  to  such  an  extent  as  to  obstruct  navigation  would  be  very 
much  greater.  On  the  inland  portion  of  the  canal,’  continues  Colonel  Childs, 
‘ a depth  of  22  feet  of  water  would,  with  fifty  feet  bottom-width,  give  a trans- 
verse water-section  about  45  per  cent  greater  than  a depth  of  17  feet,  with  the 
same  bottom- width;  and  the  expense  of  the  inland  portions  would  also,  by 
reason  of  the  greater  depth  of  excavation,  be  increased  in  a still  higher  ratio. 

Colonel  Childs  seems  sensible  of  the  inadequacy  of  a canal  of  the  proposed 
dimensions,  but  thinks  that  by  changes  in  model,  etc.,  ships  of  great  size 
could  be  built  to  pass  a 17-foot  canal.  That  is  to  say,  the  world  may  build 
ships  for  the  canal,  instead  of  the  canal  company  a canal  for  the  ships  of  the 
world!  He  states  that  most  steamers  draw  less  than  17  feet,  and  quotes  from 
Murray’s  Treatise  on  Marine  Engines  to  show  that  of  201  steam-vessels,  prin- 
cipally English,  15  draw  over  17  feet,  21  have  17  feet  draught,  and  225  less 
than  17  feet.  But  he  neglects  to  tell  us  that  experience  and  economy  point 
to  the  construction  of  larger  steamers  than  those  now  in  use,  and  that  such 
as  would  be  used  in  the  eastern  trade,  in  the  event  of  the  construction  of  the 
canal,  would  be  still  larger  than  those  of  the  Collins  line,  which  draw  over 
22  feet.  Besides,  a canal  of  17  feet  is  only  adequate  to  the  passage  of  vessels 
of  15  feet  draught.  No  canal  ought  to  be  contemplated  with  a less  depth 
than  25  feet,  and  with  proportionate  top  and  bottom  width. 

The  Chesapeake  and  Delaware  Canal  has  a depth  of  10  feet. 

The  Welland  Canal  is  28  miles  long,  9 feet  deep,  35  feet  wide  at  bottom, 
and  71  feet  at  top.  It  passes  vessels  of  350  tons. 

The  Caledonian  Canal,  between  the  eastern  and  western  shores  of  Great 
Britain,  is  59  miles  in  length,  of  which  21  | miles  is  inland  and  37  A through 
lakes.  It  is  50  feet  wide  at  bottom,  110  feet  at  top,  and  is  20  feet  deep.  It 
is  capable  of  passing  frigates  of  32  guns,  and  merchant-vessels  of  1,000  tons. 

The  canal  from  Amsterdam  to  New  Dieppe,  in  Holland,  is  50  miles  long, 
36  feet  wide  at  bottom  and  124  at  top,  and  is  20  feet  9 inches  deep. 

In  respect  of  navigating  the  canal,  according  to  Colonel  Childs’  sugges- 
tions, steamers  will  propel  themselves,  and  sail-vessels  will  be  moved  by  tugs 


72G 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


constructed  for  the  purpose,  except  on  the  portion  west  of  the  lake,  and  be- 
tween the  river  and  port  of  San  Juan,  where  the  delay  of  the  driving  steamers 
in  passing  the  locks  would  make  the  use  of  animal-power  advisable.  Calcu- 
lating 24  minutes  as  the  time  required  for  a vessel  to  pass  each  lock,  GO  ves- 
sels, it  is  calculated,  could  be  passed  in  a day.  The  average  rate  of  speed 
with  which  steamers  might  safely  move  in  the  inland  portions  of  the  canal  is 
calculated  at  2 3 miles  per  hour,  on  the  river  portions  7 miles  an  hour,  and 
on  the  lake,  1 1 miles  an  hour.  Sailing  vessels  propelled  by  horse-power  might 
move  on  the  canal  at  the  rate  of  two  miles  an  hour,  and  on  the  river  and  lake 
with  an  average  speed  of  4 miles  per  hour.  For  steamers,  therefore,  the  pas- 
sage from  sea  to  sea  is  estimated  at  461  hours,  or  about  two  days;  for  sailing 
vessels,  77  hours,  or  3 l days. 

Facilities  for  Constructing  the  Canal. — There  are  many  considera- 
tions connected  witli  an  enterprise  of  this  kind  besides  its  feasibility  in  a 
mere  engineering  point  of  view,  such  as  labor,  materials,  etc.,  etc.  To  all  of 
these  Colonel  Childs  seems  to  have  devoted  some  attention. 

Timber. — As  compared  with  those  of  the  United  States,  the  original  for- 
ests of  Nicaragua  are  inferior  in  size,  and  the  kind  and  quantity  of  timber 
proper  for  use  less  in  proportion.  The  tree  called  the  ‘cedro,’  or  cedar,  is 
produced  in  considerable  abundance,  and  can  be  usefully  applied.  It  grows 
to  a great  height,  and  will  produce  timber  36  to  40  feet  long,  and  12  to  18 
inches  square.  The  ‘roble,’  a species  of  oak,  is  also  a tall  tree,  and  furnishes 
timber  equal  to  the  cedar  in  size.  The  ‘nispero,’  ‘laurel,’  ‘madera  negra,’ 
and  others,  answer  a very  good  purpose.  The  ‘ nispero  ’ is  29  per  cent 
stronger  than  white  oak,  and  may  be  procured  in  sufficient  quantities,  in  the 
opinion  of  Colonel  Childs,  to  be  relied  on  as  a substitute  for  all  the  purposes 
in  which  oak  is  required.  He  thinks  that,  in  the  aggregate,  the  forests  of 
Nicaragua,  in  the  sections  traversed  by  the  canal,  wdl  probably  produce  all 
the  lumber  required. 

Stone. — Along  the  river  San  Juan,  the  rock  is  chiefly  trap,  graywacke, 
and  shale;  in  many  localities  too  friable  for  use,  but  in  others,  Colonel  Childs 
thinks,  it  may  be  found  fit  for  the  purposes  required.  On  the  west  side  of  the 
lake  limestone  quarries  were  found,  capable  of  producing  good  lime  in  abun- 
dance. The  stone,  generally,  between  the  lake  and  Pacific,  on  the  proposed 
canal  line,  is  not  good,  but  it  was  thought  that  in  case  of  need  it  might  be 
obtained  from  Granada,  sixty  miles  to  the  north-west,  and  from  a lower  point 
on  the  Isthmus.  Very  good  and  abundant  clays  were  found,  and  a stone  from 
which  water-lime  of  a fair  quality  may  be  obtained. 

Labor.-—  Colonel  Childs  concedes  that  the  prosecution  of  the  works  of  the 
canal  would  be  attended  with  vast  difficulties,  resulting  from  a lack  of  all  the 
essential  requisites  in  the  shape  of  mills,  roads,  carriages,  etc.,  etc.  He  thinks 
the  oxen  of  the  country  may  be  obtained  in  sufficient  numbers  to  do  all  the 
necessary  hauling  of  materials.  But  there  is  yet  a consideration  of  vastly 
more  importance,  viz.,  labor.  Colonel  Childs  apprehends  that  it  would  be 
necessary  to  rely  chiefly  on  foreigners.  He  says  that,  although  the  laboring 
population  of  the  country,  when  under  compulsory  circumstances,  are  capa- 
ble of  great  activity  and  of  enduring  much  fatigue,  in  their  ordinary  avoca- 
tions they  are  tardy  and  irregular  in  their  labor.  An  exception  is,  however, 
made  in  favor  of  a class  of  boatmen  employed  on  the  river,  some  400  in 


CLIMATIC  TRIALS. 


727 


number,  in  whom  we  have  an  example  of  physical  labor  and  exposure  to  the 
elements  scarcely  equalled  in  any  country,  endured  by  them  with  no  per- 
ceptible prejudice,  but  apparently  with  advantage  to  their  health.  Tiiese 
men  sleep  on  a narrow  plank  across  their  boats,  with  no  other  protection  than 
a single  blanket;  yet  there  is  probably  in  the  world  no  class  of  men  of  more 
athletic  forms,  and  notwithstanding  their  indifferent  attention  to  the  con- 
ditions of  health,  more  capable  of  hard  service.  So  far  as  can  be  gathered 
from  Colonel  Childs’  observations,  it  seems  that  he  would  rely  chiefly  on  for- 
eign labor  for  the  construction  of  the  proposed  work. 

He  seems  to  think  it  is  not  unlikely  that  foreigners,  already  accustomed 
to  hard  labor,  may,  when  thoroughly  acclimated,  and  under  no  unnecessary 
exposure,  be  capable  of  a fair  amount  of  labor  in  this  country,  although  not 
as  great  an  amount  as  in  higher  latitudes.  He  states  that  of  the  party  en- 
gaged in  the  survey  west  of  the  lake,  nine  were  unaccustomed  to  the  climate. 
After  a few  months,  a slight  fever,  followed  by  ague,  prevented  some  of  the 
number  from  continued  daily  exercise;  but  being  in  all  cases  under  the  con- 
trol of  medicine,  it  was  of  short  duration.  During  seven  months  in  this  part 
of  the  state,  illness  in  the  party  at  no  time  interrupted  a daily  prosecution 
of  the  survey.  Upon  the  San  Juan  River,  the  surveying  party  consisted  of 
twelve  persons,  exclusive  of  native  citizens.  The  survey  occupied  six  and  a 
half  months,  from  March  to  September.  ‘The  party  generally  enjoyed  good 
health,  and  no  individual  was  prevented  by  indisposition,  beyond  a day  or 
two,  from  full  service.  Of  those  engaged  as  axemen  in  clearing  the  line,  two 
were  northern  men,  whose  daily  exercise  exceeded  that  usual  to  men  in  canal- 
work,  without  detriment  to  health  or  constitution.’ 

Soil. — From  San  Juan  Harbor  to  w here  the  proposed  canal  would  strike 
the  river,  the  soil  is  vegetable  mould,  coarse  sand,  and  sandy  loam.  Along 
the  river  it  is  of  a more  mixed  character,  clay  and  loam  predominating  in  the 
valleys,  and  a gravelly  clay,  with  detached  stones,  on  the  hills.  West  of 
the  lake,  the  central  portion  of  the  summit  is  principally  clay;  the  remainder, 
together  with  the  soil  through  the  valley  to  Brito,  has  a very  nearly  uniform 
aud  equal  intermixture  of  clay,  sand,  and  gravel.  The  surface  soil  is  gen- 
erally fine,  and  contains  enough  of  vegetable  mould  to  render  it  capable  of 
great  production. 

Food. — Among  the  staple  articles  of  food  that  would,  during  the  con- 
struction of  the  canal,  be  most  required  for  consumption,  may  be  named 
maize,  plantains,  and  beans.  Of  the  former  and  latter  two  crops  are  annually 
raised  on  the  same  ground,  and  the  supply  of  plantains  is  constant.  Besides 
these  are  bananas,  oranges,  lemons,  pineapples,  cocoanuts,  squashes,  melons, 
tomatoes,  and  other  garden  vegetables.  Colonel  Childs,  while  considering 
these  sources  of  supply  iu  food,  is  nevertheless  of  opinion  that  salt  meat  and 
flour  would  have  to  be  brought  in  large  quantities  from  abroad.  Fresh  beef, 
pork,  and  poultry  are  abundant  in  the  country. 

Opinion  of  Colonel  Abert  and  Lieutenant-colonel  Turnbull. — Al- 
though a different  impression  has  been  sought  to  be  produced  in  the  public 
mind,  yet  the  government  of  the  United  States  had  no  direct  interest  in  the 
proposed  canal,  nor  manifested  any  other  than  might  naturally  attach  to  any 
enterprise  of  supposed  general  importance.  The  surveys  of  Colonel  Childs 
seem,  nevertheless,  to  have  been  sent  to  the  secretary  of  war,  with  a request 


72S 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


for  the  opinion  of  the  government  engineers.  Mr  Conrad  politely  referred 
it  to  Colonel  Abert  and  Lieutenant-colonel  Turnbull,  of  the  bureau  of  topo- 
graphical engineers,  who  give  their  opinion  in  a brief  letter,  dated  March  '20, 
1852.  Proceeding  upon  Colonel  Childs’  data,  they  think  his  plan  practi- 
cable, that  his  estimates  for  a canal  of  seventeen  feet  are  liberal,  and  that 
some  reductions  might  possibly  be  made.  They  think  that  a shorter  line 
might  be  traced  between  the  port  of  San  Juan  and  the  point  of  intersection 
with  the  river,  and  recommend  another  survey  of  that  portion. 

Opinion  of  English  Engineers.- — The  American  minister  in  England, 
at  the  request  of  the  company,  appears  to  have  transmitted  Colonel  Childs' 
surveys  to  the  earl  of  Malmesbury,  with  a wish  that  he  would  submit  it  to 
competent  English  engineers  for  their  opinion.  James  Walker,  Esq.,  civil 
engineer,  and  Edward  Aldrich,  captain  of  the  royal  engineers,  were  named 
for  this  service.  They  seem  not  only  to  have  examined  Colonel  Childs’  sur- 
vey, but  to  have  subjected  that  gentleman,  who  was  then  in  England,  to  a 
very  close  personal  examination.  Taking  his  plans,  measurement,  and  state- 
ments to  be  correct,  their  opinion  is,  on  the  whole,  favorable.  They  think 
that  his  estimates  for  work  are  ample,  but  regard  the  amount  set  down  for 
‘ contingencies  ’ (fifteen  per  cent)  too  small  by  at  least  ten  per  cent,  that  is  to 
say,  that  it  should  have  been  twenty-five  instead  of  fifteen  per  cent.  Of  all 
the  works  of  the  proposed  navigation,  they  regard  the  Brito  or  Pacific  harbor 
as  least  satisfactory.  To  use  their  own  language:  ‘Presuming  Colonel  Childs’ 
statements  and  conclusions  to  be  correct,  the  Brito  harbor  is  in  shape  and  size 
unworthy  of  this  great  ship  navigation,  even  supposing  the  Pacific,  to  which 
it  is  quite  open,  to  be  a much  quieter  ocean  than  any  we  have  seen  or  have 
any  information  of.’ 

They  also  object  to  the  proposed  size,  and  suggest  a canal  twenty  feet  deep 
instead  of  seventeen,  sixty  feet  wide  at  the  bottom  instead  of  fifty,  and  the 
locks  300  feet  instead  of  250,  as  being  one  ‘ more  efficient  for  the  general  pur- 
poses of  trade,  by  steam  or  sailing  vessels.’  This  would,  of  course,  be  attended 
with  great  additional  cost;  but,  as  they  truly  observe,  ‘if  the  junction  of  the 
Pacific  with  the  Atlantic  be  worth  doing  at  all,  it  is  worth  doing  well.  ’ They 
conclude  that,  judging  from  the  data,  without  presuming  to  vouch  for  their 
accuracy,  the  work  is  practicable,  ‘and  would  not  be  attended  with  engineer- 
ing difficulties  beyond  what  might  naturally  be  expected  in  a work  of  this 
magnitude;  ’ that  the  surveys  have  every  appearance  of  accuracy,  and  they 
are  satisfied  of  the  perfect  fairness  and  candor  of  Colonel  Childs;  that  the 
works  are  generally  sufficient  for  the  purpose  they  are  intended  to  answer; 
and  that  the  estimates  upon  the  present  value  of  money  are  adequate,  in  a 
general  way.  so  far  as  judgments  can  be  formed  from  the  documents  produced 
and  the  explanations  of  Colonel  Childs.’ 

Opinion  of  British  Capitalists.  — We  come  now  to  a point  not  indicated 
in  the  report  of  Colonel  Childs,  viz.,  the  refusal  of  the  leading  capitalists  of 
England  to  engage  in  the  projected  work. 

It  is  well  known  that  at  least  two  expeditions  or  missions  to  England  were 
undertaken  by  agents  of  the  canal  company.  At  their  first  visit  in  1851,  they 
were  unable  to  present  any  specific  data  upon  which  to  solicit  the  aid  of  capi- 
talists; they,  however,  made  out  a hypothetical  case,  which  they  submitted, 
and  received  foi  answer,  ‘ Substantiate  your  statements  by  facts,  and  no 


REASONS  FOR  DECLINING. 


729 


difficulty  will  be  experienced  in  securing  the  financial  aid  which  you  desire; 
until  then,  we  can  return  you  no  definite  answer. ' This  reply  was  not  made 
public  in  terms,  but  the  agents,  on  their  return,  proclaimed  that  the  ‘great 
European  capitalists  had  engaged  to  furnish  half  the  capital  for  the  enter- 
prise. ’ A few,  and  it  is  believed  only  a few,  persons,  considering  the  precise 
source  whence  this  vaunt  came,  attached  the  slightest  importance  to  it. 

The  second  expedition  was  made  in  1852,  and  this  time  the  agents  took  out 
with  them  both  Colonel  Childs  and  his  surveys.  The  opinion  of  certain  Brit- 
ish engineers  (as  we  have  seen)  was  procured,  and  the  whole  matter  resub- 
mitted to  the  great  capitalists,  who  now,  for  the  first  time,  thought  it 
sufficiently  advanced  to  merit  their  serious  attention.  The  result  of  their 
examination  was  communicated  to  the  company  in  a letter  from  Mr  Bates, 
head  of  the  house  of  Baring  Brothers,  in  August  1852,  and  consisted  in  a 
declension  to  embark  in  the  enterprise,  for  a variety  of  reasons,  chiefly,  of 
course,  financial. 

1.  The  dimensions  of  the  canal  were  not  such  as,  in  their  opinion,  to  meet 
the  requirements  of  commerce,  and  the  work  could  not  be  used  except  by 
medium-sized  steamers  and  small  vessels. 

2.  That  the  proposed  dimensions  were  not  in  conformity  with  those  re- 
quired by  the  charter  of  the  company,  and  that  it  could  not  be  built  of  the 
proposed  dimensions  without  securing  a modification  of  the  charter,  which, 
in  the  existing  state  of  feeling  in  Nicaragua,  it  was  not  likely  could  be 
effected. 

3.  That,  supposing  the  work  not  to  exceed  the  estimated  cost  of  $31,000,- 
000,  the  returns,  to  meet  the  simple  interest  of  the  investment  at  six  per 
cent,  must  be  at  least  $1,8(10,000  over  and  above  its  current  expenses;  or,  to 
meet  this  interest,  and  the  percentage  to  be  paid  to  Nicaragua,  it  must 
reach,  over  and  above  its  expenses,  $2,269,200.  Estimating  the  expenses  of 
repairs,  superintendence,  cost  of  transportation,  etc.,  at  $400,000  a year  (a 
sum  regarded  as  too  small),  then  the  gross  returns  to  make  the  work  pay 
must  be  $2,670,000. 

4.  But  it  is  found,  by  inquiry  and  calculation,  that  little,  if  any,  of  the 
European  trade  with  the  Orient  would  pass  through  the  canal,  inasmuch  as 
the  passage  hy  the  way  of  Cape  Good  Hope  is,  on  an  average,  1,500  miles 
nearer  than  by  way  of  the  proposed  work. 

5.  That  even  if  the  distance  were  in  favor  of  the  proposed  canal,  its  small 
size  would  prevent  nearly,  if  not  quite,  two  thirds  of  the  vessels  engaged  in 
the  Indian  trade  from  passing  it;  and  this  objection  would  equally  lie  against 
most  of  the  vessels  employed  in  the  trade  with  western  America,  the  only 
trade  in  which  the  canal  would  prove  serviceable  to  Europe. 

6.  That  the  heavy  toll  of  $3  a ton  on  ships  would  prevent  such  vessels  as 
could  pass  the  canal  from  doing  so,  inasmuch  as  on  a vessel  of  1,000  tons  the 
toll  would  be  $3,000,  or  more  than  the  average  earnings  of  such  vessels  on 
their  voyages. 

7.  That  a canal  of  the  proposed  size  could  oniy  he  used  by  small  passenger- 
steamers,  the  returns  from  which  would  not  be  adequate  to  pay  the  current 
expenses  of  the  enterprise. 

While  unhesitatingly  conceding  the  immense  local  advantages  of  a canal 
to  the  United  States,  these  capitalists  confessed  themselves  utterly  unable  to 


730 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


discover  how  it  could  prove  of  compensating  value  to  the  men  who  should 
invest  their  money  in  the  enterprise.  They  therefore,  for  these  and  othe» 
reasons,  declined  to  meet  the  views  of  the  projectors  and  their  agents. 

Guarantee  of  the  United  States,  etc. — By  the  convention  of  1850*be- 
tween  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  a qualified  guaranty  was  extended 
to  this  enterprise,  in  common  with  several  others.  There  was  also  a clause 
inserted  with  direct  reference  to  this  company,  which  provided  that  it  should 
‘ have  a priority  of  claim  over  every  other  company  to  the  protection  of  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain, ’on  condition  that  it  should,  within  ‘one 
year  from  the  date  of  the  ratification  ’ of  the  convention,  ‘ conclude  its  ar- 
rangements and  present  evidence  of  sufficient  capital  subscribed  to  accom- 
plish the  undertaking.  ’ The  treaty  was  ratified,  and  the  ratifications  exchanged 
July  5,  1850.  No  subscription  of  stock  having  taken  place,  and  no  evidence 
of  capital  having  been  presented  in  the  time  specified,  or  indeed  at  any  other 
time,  the  company  forfeited  this  special  protection  in  July  1851;  and  as  the 
twelve  years  within  which  the  work  was  to  be  constructed  will  expire  in 
1861,  it  may  be  assumed  that  its  prosecution  will  depend  upon  new  condi- 
tions and  combinations.  Indeed,  it  may  be  questioned  if  the  opening  of  rail- 
ways between  the  oceans  may  not  indefinitely  postpone  the  project  of  a canal; 
for,  however  desirable  such  a work  may  be,  its  realization  will  depend  upon 
precisely  those  practical  considerations  which  apply  to  the  simplest  works  of 
public  utility.  It  will  not  do  to  foot  up  the  commerce  between  Europe  and 
Asia,  and  assume,  as  has  generally  been  the  case,  that  the  totals  will  pass 
through  the  canal,  if  constructed.  Now,  the  simple  truth  is,  that,  so  far  as 
Europe  is  concerned,  that  part  of  her  trade  which  goes  to  ports  on  the  Pacific 
coast  of  America,  to  the  Sandwich  Islands,  Japan,  the  northern  ports  of 
China,  to  New  Zealand  and  Australia,  is  all  that  will  be  materially  benefited 
by  the  construction  of  a canal.  As  regards  Australia,  the  principal  advan- 
tage would  be  in  having  a safer,  easier,  and  consequently  quicker  and  surer 
means  of  communication  than  is  afforded  by  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope;  for  the 
Pacific  Ocean  is  preeminently  the  sea  of  steamers,  and  where  steam  naviga- 
tion, in  respect  of  speed  at  least,  is  destined  to  achieve  its  most  brilliant  suc- 
cess. So  far  as  the  United  States  is  concerned,  the  advantages  of  such  a work 
would  naturally  be  greater  than  to  Europe. 

Assuming  a canal  to  be  built  across  the  Isthmus  of  Nicaragua,  the  follow- 
ing table  will  illustrate  the  relations  of  Liverpool  and  New  York  with  the 
principal  ports  of  the  east,  in  respect  of  distance: 


Via  Cape  of 
Good  Hope. 

Via  Proposed 
Canai. 

Net  Loss. 

Net  Gain. 

From  Liverpool — 

a Canton 

12, !)()() 

13,800 

900 

Calcutta 

11,440 

15,480 

4,040 

Singapore 

11,880 

15,120 

4,240 

Sydney 

From  New  York— 

14,080 

12,550 

2,320 

3 Canton 

14,100 

11,820 

3,280 

Calcutta 

12,360 

13,680 

1,320 

Singapore 

12,700 

11,420 

280 

Sydney 

15,720 

9,480 

5,240 

[The  distances  to  Sidney  are  calculated  via  Torres  Straits.] 


THE  COURSE  OF  TRAFFIC. 


731 


The  following  table  will  illustrate  the  relations  of  Liverpool  and  New 
York  in  respect  to  the  principal  western  ports  of  America: 

Via  Cape  Horn.  Via  Proposed  Canal.  Gain. 


F rom  Liverpool — 

To  Valparaiso 8,700  7,500  1,200 

Callao 10,020  6,800  3,220 

Sandwich  Islands. 13,500  8,640  4,860 

From  New  York — 

To  Valparaiso 8,580  4,860  3,720 

Callao 9,900  3,540  5,360 

Sandwich  Islands 13,200  6,300  6,900 


But  it  is  not  to  be  assumed  that  all  the  trade,  much  less  all  the  travel, 
treasure,  and  mails  to  the  points  which  I have  indicated,  will,  under  any  cir- 
cumstances, pass  through  a canal.  The  passengers  between  New  York  and 
San  Francisco,  amounting  annually  to  nearly  100,000,  would  never  consent 
to  make  a voyage  of  from  1,000  to  2,000  miles  out  of  their  way,  to  Nicaragua, 
Panama,  Darien,  or  Atrato,  for  the  sake  of  passing  through  a canal,  however 
grand,  when  by  a simple  transshipment  at  Honduras,  for  instance,  and  a transit 
of  209  miles  by  railway,  they  would  be  able  to  avoid  this  long  detour,  and  effect 
a saving  of  from  5 to  8 days  of  time;  for  even  if  steamers  were  to  run  to 
any  canal  which  might  be  opened,  and  supposing  no  detention  on  account  of 
locks  or  other  causes  (calculated  by  Colonel  Childs  at  2 days),  even  then  it 
would  be  necessary  for  them  to  stop,  for  coals  and  other  supplies,  more  than 
quadruple  the  time  that  would  be  occupied  by  the  passengers  over  the  rail- 
way in  effecting  their  reembarkation.  And  what  is  true  of  passengers  is 
equally  true  of  treasure,  the  mails,  and  light  freight  of  small  bulk  and  large 
value. 

I do  not  wish  to  he  understood  as  arguing  against  a canal;  what  I mean 
to  illustrate  is  this:  that,  open  a canal  wherever  we  may,  it  will  always  stand 
in  the  same  relation  to  a railway  as  does  the  baggage-train  to  the  express. 
A canal  would  be  chiefly,  if  not  wholly,  used  by  ships  and  vessels  carrying 
heavy  and  bulky  freights;  but  as  most  articles  of  this  kind  are  kept  in  stock 
in  all  the  principal  ports  of  the  world,  it  is  not  of  so  much  consequence  to 
have  rapidity  as  constancy  of  supply,  and  hence,  unless  the  canal  shall  be 
constructed  so  economically  as  to  admit  of  a moderate  tonnage  rate,  it  is  not 
improbable  that  ships  of  this  kind  would  find  it  more  economical  to  follow 
the  routes  now  open.  Squier's  States  of  Cent.  America. 

In  tracing,  or  attempting  to  trace,  the  routes  of  recent  travellers  in  Darien, 
there  is  extraordinary  difficulty,  although  the  locality  in  question  does  not 
exceed  a space  of  40  miles  by  30.  Strange  to  say,  the  routes  of  the  old 
buccaneers,  of  Dampier,  Ringrose,  Sharp,  Wafer,  and  Davis,  the  inland  jour- 
ney of  that  remarkable  man  Paterson,  and  of  the  Spanish  officer  Don  Manuel 
Milla  de  Santa  Ella,54  can  be  followed  on  the  old  Spanish  maps,  but  not  in  our 
modern  ones,  even  the  best;  while  there  are  no  data  hitherto  published  that 
afford  more  than  a guess  at  the  tracks  of  modern  explorers  after  leaving  the 
sea-coast.  Mr  Gisborne  has  compiled,  or  rather  copied,  the  principal  part  of 
the  map,  on  which  he  has  shown,  in  red,  those  portions  which  he  himself  saw 


54  March  13,  1788. 


732 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


and  was  enabled  to  lay  down.  No  surveyor  who  reads  his  Journal  and  He- 
port  can  doubt  that  he  has  given  eye-sketches,  aided  by  compass  bearings 
and  estimated  distances;  but  the  estimation  of  a practised  eye  is  not  to  be 
undervalued.  Dr  Cullen  can  be  traced  up  the  Tuyra  to  Yavisa,  and  up  the 
Paya;  also  up  the  Savana,  but  no  farther  inland. 

The  state  of  our  geographical  knowledge  of  that  exceedingly  interesting 
region  is  the  following: 

All  examinations,  all  surveys,  of  the  Great  Isthmus  were  made  by  Spain 
alone,  while  she  held  the  country  (till  the  years  1821-31).  Very  good  maps 
of  much  of  the  Spanish  territory  existed  at  that  time;  but  they  have  been 
copied  and  recopied  by  all  manner  of  hands;  scales  and  bearings  have  been 
altered,  not  intentionally,  but  by  mistake;  names  omitted  or  misspelled; 
and  absolute  longitudes  applied  erroneously.  Thus  good  original  work  came 
to  be  so  deteriorated  by  its  transmutations  as  to  be  almost  useless. 

No  surveys  need  be  better  than  some  of  the  Spanish  works  undertaken 
toward  the  end  of  the  last  and  during  the  beginning  of  this  century. 
Methods  ami  instruments  were  used  by  Tofino,  Malaspina,  Espinosa,  Bauza, 
Cordova,  and  others,  that  were  not  adopted,  if  known,  by  French  or  English 
surveyors  until  afterward.  Triangulation  without  the  compass,  bases  ob- 
tained by  angular  measurements  of  known  objects,65  and  the  most  perfect 
style  of  plan-drawing  on  true  principles,  were  practised  by  Spaniards  before 
this  century  commenced. 

The  south  coast  of  the  Great  Isthmus  and  the  interior  of  Darien  were  not 
explored  and  mapped  sufficiently,  because  of  the  hostile  Indians,  and  politi- 
cal reasons  connected  with  the  gold  mines  in  that  district.  There  was  also 
another  source  of  error  in  that  particular  vicinity  which  has  only  recently 
been  eliminated;  namely,  the  great  difference  of  longitudes,  according  to  the 
maps,  between  places  on  opposite  sides  of  the  Isthmus  which  are  really  in 
the  same  meridian.  This  amounted  to  more  than  30  miles  along  all  the  coast 
from  Chiriqui  to  Darien  with  respect  to  the  corresponding  southern  coast-line. 

Thanks  to  the  far-seeing  and  indefatigable  hydrographer  to  the  admiralty, 
Admiral  Sir  Francis  Beaufort,  the  British  surveys  have  included  much  of  the 
coasts  of  Central  America,  and  they  are  now  placed  in  relatively  correct 
positions  on  our  latest  maps.  Having  therefore  exact  coast-lines,  or  boun- 
daries, we  can  avail  ourselves  more  readily  of  much  Spanish  interior  detail; 
but  it  is  exceedingly  difficult  to  get  at  the  original  works. 

A very  neatly  engraved  and  apparently  complete  map  of  the  Isthmus  has 
been  lately  published  at  New  Orleans  by  Dr  Autenreith,  but  in  reality  it  is 
only  a copy  of  Spanish  documents  and  recent  surveys  made  by  England;  it 
is  not  an  original  work.  There  are  in  this  country  at  present  more  materials 
for  a map  of  Darien  than  exist  elsewhere.  Bauza  brought  copies  of  all  the 
Spanish-American  documents  to  this  country,  with  many  original  maps;  but 
there  is  still  a great  extent,  nearly  all  the  interior  of  the  Isthmus  of  Darien, 
unexamined  by  the  eye  of  a surveyor. 

In  the  last  century  (1780),  a Spanish  party  of  five  engineers  and  surveyors, 
under  Donoso,  escorted  by  a large  body  of  troops,66  was  stopped  by  the 

“Masthead  angles  were  taken  in  Cordova’s  voyage,  1785-6. 

“Four  hundred. 


INJURY  TO  TRUTHFUL  GEOGRAPHY. 


733 


Indians  in  the  Chucunaque  River,  and  obliged  to  return  without  executing 
their  orders  to  survey  the  region  near  Caledonian  harbor;  and  this  was  the 
last  attempt  by  Spain,  or  by  any  one,  to  make  a regular  survey  of  the  interior 
of  that  part  of  the  Isthmus. 

In  the  valuable  collection  of  Mr  Arrowsmith  are  many  Spanish  documents, 
among  which  one  plan,  dated  1774,  shows  all  the  Spanish  establishments, 
military  and  religious,  as  well  as  mining,  at  that  date,  in  Darien.  Others 
show  details  of  a previous  century,  and  a few  give  the  earliest  settlements  of 
the  lGtli  century. 

And  here  allow  one  word  to  be  said  of  the  injury  to  truthful  geography, 
caused  by  copying  all  materials  without  acknowledgment,  or  by  adding 
imaginary  topograpy  without  explanation.  The  map  by  Dr  Autenreith  has 
much  the  appearance  of  an  exact  survey;  there  is  no  distinction  made  between 
those  parts  for  which  there  is  authority  and  those  which  are  partly  the  re- 
results  of  imagination  (the  interior  hill-work). 

The  public  in  general  being  unaware  of  the  authorities  for  a map,  the  mere 
copyist  is  often  supposed  to  be  the  author  of  the  work.  Maps  or  charts  that 
are  not  original  ought  always  to  show  from  what  data  they  have  been  com- 
piled. 

In  order  to  assist  in  now  forming  a correct  opinion  of  Darien,  a retrospect- 
ive historical  glance  at  a few  points  is  necessary. 

The  first  settlement  in  all  America  was  founded  in  1509  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Atrato.  It  was  called  Santa  Maria  do  la  Antigua.  The  next  settlement  on 
the  Isthmus  was  at  Acla,  or  Agla,  in  1514,  a few  miles  inland57  from  that  port 
or  bay  now  famed  in  history  and  romance,  called  by  Paterson  Caledonian 
Harbor.  It  was  from  Agla  that  Balboa  crossed  to  the  South  Sea,  and  that 
the  earliest  expeditions  to  Peru  were  despatched. 

In  1532  these  two  settlements  were  abandoned,  and  their  population  trans- 
ferred to  Nombre  de  Dios  and  Panama.  This  is  said  to  have  been  done  on 
account  of  the  unhealthy  site  of  Santa  Maria  el  Antigua,  surrounded  by 
marshes  and  mangrove  jungles;  but  why  Agla  was  abandoned  does  not  ap- 
pear, except  by  Paterson’s  narrative,  whence  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  set- 
tlers there  were  harassed  by  the  Indians,  and  were  too  far  from  the  sea-shore. 
Besides  which,  as  intercourse  increased  with  places  on  the  Pacific  coasts  it 
became,  no  doubt,  more  convenient  to  have  a principal  rendezvous  on  the 
southern  shore  more  accessible  from  the  Pacific. 

In  those  early  days  so  famed  was  Darien  for  gold,  that  the  province  was 
called  ‘ Golden  Castile  ’ 58  (Castilla  del  Oro).  It  was  the  principal  portion  of 
that  ‘tierra  finne, ’ so  famed  afterward  as  the  ‘Spainish  Main,’  the  real 
‘ El  Dorado  ’ to  which  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  went  in  1517-18,  Sir  Francis  Drake 
in  1557,  troops  of  buccaneers  in  the  17th  century,  and  the  Scotch  colony 
in  1C98. 

Repeated  aggressions  on  this  auriferous  district,  where  abundance  of  gold 
was  procured  by  black  slave  labor,  after  the  aborigines  had  been  diminished 
in  numbers  by  oppressive  cruelties,  induced  Spain  to  close  and  abandon  the 

67  Five  leagues  from  the  shore.  Sp.  MS. 

68  The  arms  of  Santa  Maria  de  la  Antigua  were  a golden  castle  between  a 
jaguar  and  a puma. 


734 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


mines  for  a time  (early  in  the  18th  century) — even  those  famous  ones  in  the 
mountains  of  Espiritu  Santo  near  Cana,  from  which  alone  more  gold  went 
through  Panama  in  a year  than  from  all  the  other  mines  of  America  taken  to- 
gether. These  Cana  mines  were  sacked  in  1702  and  1712  by  English,  in  1724 
by  French,  and  by  the  Indians  in  1727.  Nevertheless,  in  1774  the  mining 
operations  were  again  going  on,  having  been  reestablished  a few  years  pre- 
viously. 

When  Cana  was  taken  by  the  expedition  (as  narrated  by  Davis)  sent  from 
Jamaica  by  Colonel  Beckford  in  1702,  there  were  about  ‘ 900  houses  ’ (probably 
most  of  them  mere  huts);  therefore,  the  population  could  hardly  have  been 
less  than  3,000  at  that  time.  From  1719  to  1727  there  was  a great  and  general 
resistance  of  the  Indians,  who  attacked  the  Spaniards  in  ail  directions,  and 
drove  them  out  of  all  the  detached  settlements.  Some  years  afterward  peace 
was  made  (in  1740),  missions  of  the  Jesuits  advanced  among  the  natives,  and  by 
their  aid  not  only  much  topographical  knowledge  was  acquired,  but  Spanish  set- 
tlements in  the  interior  were  renewed  and  mines  worked.  But  the  Indians 
again  rebelled;  therefore,  small  forts  were  reestablished  at  Yavisa,  Molineca, 
and  Santa  Maria  Real,  with  a new  post  (in  1780)  at  El  Principe,  or  Ocubti, 
from  which  a road  was  cut  by  Arisa,  leading  toward  Caledonian  Harbor, 
'lhe  fort  El  Principe  does  not  appear  in  the  Spanish  MS.  map  of  1774;  it 
was  built  about  1785,  when  the  Spaniards  had  again  advanced  into  the  in- 
terior Indian  territory. 

In  1788  Milla  de  Santa  Ella,  an  officer  of  Spain,  went  from  Caledonian 
Harbor  to  El  Principe  direct  by  the  road  then  recently  opened  by  the  Span- 
iards; but  as  he  did  not  think  it  advisable  to  return  the  same  way,  he  went 
down  the  Savana,  and  up  the  Chucunaque  to  the  Tubuganti  and  Chueti 
rivers,  whence  he  crossed  to  his  station  at  Caledonian  Harbor  by  the  same 
route,  undoubtedly,  that  Paterson  traversed  on  his  visit  to  the  Indian  great 
chief  at  Ponca  in  1698. 

The  examination  of  no  traveller,  except  Humboldt,  previous  to  1850, 
induced  a belief  that  a canal  might  be  cut  directly  through  Darien.  Dr 
Cuilen’s  personal  inspection  of  Caledonian  Harbor,  and  of  the  Savana  River, 
with  their  neighborhood,  added  to  the  information  he  obtained  orally  and 
by  reading,  led  him  to  the  (Conclusion  that  the  lowest  summit  level  between 
those  places  did  not  exceed  300  or  400  feet,  while  it  might  he  very  much  less. 
Feeling  so  confident  that  a lower  level  existed,  he  went  there  again  to  explore; 
but  while  collecting  further  information  and  arranging  preliminaries,  at 
Bogata,  the  seat  of  government  in  New  Granada,  Mr  Gisborne  (an  engineer 
employed  by  Messrs  Fox  and  Henderson)  made  short  excursions  from  each 
side  of  the  Isthmus,  which  satisfied  him  that  the  lowest  summit  level  does 
not  exceed  160  feet  above  the  sea. 

According  to  the  most  authentic  map  of  this  district,  Mr  Arrowsmith’s 
last  printed,  not  yet  published,  the  distance  across  in  a direct  line — between 
deep  water  on  each  side — is  about  33  miles.  The  windings  of  a canal  may 
require  nearly  a third  more,  and  if  so,  the  whole  distance  to  be  canalized  is 
about  40  miles — a shorter  distance  than  can  be  found  elsewhere, 

Mr  Gisborne’s  examination  of  the  principal  features  of  this  line  across 
Darien,  however  incomplete,  is  a material  advance  toward  certainty.  We 
have  his  two  bases  of  operations,  at  Caledonian  Harbor  and  San  Miguel 


A HASTY  SCRAMBLE. 


735 


(entrance),  nearly  determined  by  recent  government  surveys,  and  we  have 
his  character  as  a guaranty  for  the  value  of  those  details  which  he  has  given 
in  his  Report.  There  may  be  a few  miles  of  distance  to  settle,  and  there 
may  be  doubts  whether  the  river  near  his  watershed,  or  summit  level,  called 
by  him  Caledonia,  may  not  be  another  river,  perhaps  the  Chucunaque,  or 
one  of  its  tributaries;  and  moreover,  that  the  range  of  heights  supposed  by 
him  to  separate  those  rivers  is  not  truly  placed,  while  his  river  Caledonia 
(otherwise  the  Golden  River,  or  Aglatomate)  winds  through  a more  northerly 
area.  But  these  are  trifles  compared  with  his  barometric  measurement  of 
the  summit  level,  and  his  own  overlapping  eye-views  of  the  country  which 
he  did  not  traverse. 

If  indeed  the  mouth  of  the  Savana  be  not  accurately  laid  down,  or  assumed 
by  him,  if  it  be  much  farther  west  than  he  supposed,  his  surveys  may  not 
have  overlapped;  and  he  may  have  looked  across  two  different  plains;  in 
which  case  there  may  be  yet  another  ridge  or  watershed  beneath  the  rivers 
which  he  actually  touched.  The  expedition  employed  by  our  government  to 
survey  this  coast  did  not  examine  the  mouths  of  rivers  running  into  San 
Miguel.  Oidy  the  western  part  of  that  gulf  was  examined  in  continuing  the 
coast  line.  Hence  the  position  of  the  Savana  may  be  less  accurately  known 
than  is  generally  supposed. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  remark  here  that  to  make  independent  observa- 
tions for  latitude,  longitude,  distance,  aud  accurate  triangulation  requires 
more  time  and  instruments  than  can  be  carried  in  a hasty  scramble  through 
a wild  country. 

Mr  Gisborne’s  examination  of  the  geology  and  mineralogy  is  valuable. 
Far  from  discovering  any  remarkable  impediments  to  cutting  a canal,  he 
states  that  there  are  no  particular  engineering  difficulties  with  respect  to  the 
ground;  that  there  is  much  stratified  shale-rock,  easy  to  quarry,  and  fit  to 
line  a canal.  There  is  abundance  of  fine  timber.  Mangrove  forests,  rather 
than  jungles,  surround  the  waters  of  the  gulf.  Densely  matted  underwood 
follows  on  drier  ground;  and  then,  on  the  elevated  country,  there  are  magnifi- 
cent timber-trees  very  little  encumbered  by  underwood. 

Having  thus  endeavored  to  take  a general  view  of  this  question,  we  may 
perhaps  ask  ourselves  what  are  the  greatest  impediments  to  the  excavation 
of  a canal- -impediments  exceeding  those  that  would  attend  any  correspond- 
ing work  in  Europe. 

Supposing  that  political  arrangements  are  satisfactorily  completed,  the 
claims  of  other  parties  compromised  or  barred,  and  adequate  funds  disposable, 
the  only  peculiar  and  important  impediments  will  be  two — the  natives  and 
the  climate.  The  native  or  Indian  question,  as  connected  with  the  inde- 
pendence and  rights  of  the  aborigines,  should  be  considered  deliberately. 
That  the  Indians  may  be  overawed  and  conciliated  by  proper  management, 
there  is  no  doubt;  but  their  reasonable  claims  must  be  satisfied,  irrespective 
of  all  jurisdiction  assumed  over  them  by  New  Granada — a jurisdiction  which 
the  natives  of  Darien  repudiate.  Fair  dealing,  while  an  overpowering  force 
is  in  sight,  will  prevent  any  attempt  to  have  recourse  to  arms,  or  to  molest 
the  parties  employed  about  a canal,  and  would  therefore  obviate  any  irritat- 
ing and  probably  prolonged  guerrilla  hostilities. 

It  is  estimated  that  there  are  about  5,000  independent  Indians  on  the 


736 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


Isthmus  east  of  Costa  Rica.  Of  these,  it  may  be  presumed  that  there  are  not 
2.000  capable  of  bearing  arms;  a small  number  when  dispersed  in  the  high- 
lands between  Costa  Rica  and  Choco,  but  quite  enough  to  molest  small  parties 
of  workmen  very  seriously. 

For  defensive  purposes,  as  well  as  for  the  general  order  and  discipline  of 
very  large  bodies  of  laborers,  in  a wild  country,  some  degree  of  military 
organization  and  an  acquiescence  in  military  discipline  would  seem  to  be 
indispensable. 

Whether  convicts  might  be  employed  advantageously  may  be  a subject 
for  grave  consideration.  In  clearing  the  wood  of  a tropical  forest,  and  expos- 
ing ground  to  the  sun’s  rays  for  the  first  time,  much  pestilential  sickness  may 
be  caused,  as  has  been  repeatedly  proved  (at  Pulo  Penang,  Fernando  Po,  and 
many  other  places).  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  convicts  would  be  peculiarly 
liable  to  the  influence  of  such  diseases,  and  therefore  it  might  be  unwise  to 
make  such  an  experiment.  Natives  of  tropical  climates,  or  Chinese,  would 
probably  be  able  to  stand  the  malaria  of  newly  cleared  ground  far  better  than 
Europeans. 

The  most  formidable,  because  permanent  and  irremediable,  obstacle  is 
unquestionably  the  climate.  There  is  no  doubt  that  rain  prevails  about  two 
thirds  of  the  year,  even  on  the  higher  grounds  of  Darien;  while  it  is  no  less 
certain  that  in  the  gulf  of  San  Miguel  (where  mangrove  jungles  bound  low, 
muddy  shores,  and  the  great  fall  of  tide  exposes  extensive  mud-banks)  there 
is  a continued  succession  of  rains,  more  or  less  heavy,  except  during  short 
intervals.  Examine  any  travellers'  accounts,  read  their  narratives — they 
themselves  bear  witness  to  the  undeniable  fact,  although  in  ijeneral  terms 
they  may  say  there  is  not  so  much  rain,  and  it  is  not  so  unhealthy,  as  has  been 
supposed. 

Many  Europeans  state  they  did  not  suffer,  although  much  and  continu- 
ously exposed  to  the  rains  and  heat.  Active  and  temperate  men  have  not 
found  the  climate  very  detrimental.  Persons  who  have  had  many  years’  ex- 
perience there  assert  that  care  and  regularity  will  ward  off  such  attacks  of 
fever  or  dysentery  as  are  common  among  thoughtless  Europeans  unaccus- 
tomed to  tropical  regions. 

It  is  possible  that  the  great  rise  of  tide  on  the  south  side  of  the  Isthmus 
may  tend  to  purify  the  air  on  its  shores,  and  this  effect,  in  such  a place  as 
San  Miguel  Gulf,  may  be  very  beneficial. 

On  the  Atrato,  at  Chagres,  at  Portobello,  and  other  notoriously  unhealthy 
places,  there  is  little  or  no  rise  of  tide;  and  the  air  among  the  mangrove 
jungles  becomes  at  times  pestilential.  Seemann,  in  his  Voyage  of  the  Herald, 
recently  published,  gives  so  correct  a description  of  such  places  that  it  de- 
serves attention.  He  says  (vol.  i.  p.  249):  ‘The  sea-coast,  and  those  parts 
influenced  by  the  tides  and  the  immediate  evaporation  of  the  sea,  produce  a 
quite  peculiar  vegetation,  which  is  generally  characterized  by  a leathery, 
glossy  foliage,  and  leaves  with  entire  margins.  In  all  muddy  places,  down 
to  the  verge  of  the  ocean,  are  impenetrable  thickets  formed  of  mangroves, 
which  exhale  putrid  miasmata,  and  spread  sickness  over  the  adjacent  dis- 
tricts. Occasionally,  extensive  tracts  are  covered  with  the  “Guagara  de 
puerco,”its  fronds  being  as  much  as  10  feet  high.  Myriads  of  mosquitoes 
and  sand-flies  fill  the  air.  Huge  alligators  sun  themselves  on  the  slimy  banks. 


THE  LONG-SOUGHT  WAY. 


737 


lying  motionless,  blinking  with  their  great  eyes,  and  jumping  into  the  water 
directly  any  one  approaches.  To  destroy  these  dreaded  swamps  is  almost 
impossible.’ 

Again  (pp.  251,  252),  he  says:  ‘ Forests  cover  at  least  two  thirds  of  the 
whole  territory.  The  high  trees,  the  dense  foliage,  and  the  numerous  climb- 
ing plants,  almost  shut  out  the  rays  of  the  sun,  causing  a gloom  which  is  the 
more  insupportable  as  all  other  objects  are  hidden  from  view.  Rain  is  so 
frequent,  and  the  moisture  so  great,  that  the  burning  of  these  forests  is  im- 
possible.’ ‘From  reading  the  highly  colored  accounts  with  which  many 
travellers  have  endeavored  to  embellish  their  narratives,  the  European  has 
drawn,  in  imagination,  a picture  of  equinoctial  countries  which  a comparison 
with  nature  at  once  demolishes.’ 

Speaking  of  the  ‘ vegetable  ivory,  ’ and  referring  to  the  climate,  Mr.  See- 
mann  says  (p.  222) : ‘ It  grows  in  low,  damp  localities,  and  is  diffused  over  the 
southern  parts  of  Darien  and  the  vicinity  of  Portobello,  districts  which  are 
almost  throughout  the  year  deluged  by  torrents  of  rain,  or  enveloped  in  the 
thick  vapor  that  constantly  arises  from  the  humidity  of  the  soil  and  the 
rankness  of  the  vegetation.  ’ 

Describing  the  appearance  of  one  of  these  mangrove  forests,  as  they  may 
be  called,  the  same  author  observes  (p.  73):  ‘The  trees  were  actually  in  the 
water.  The  tall  mangroves,  with  roots  exposed  for  12  or  14  feet,  formed  a 
huge  tangled  trellis-work,  from  which  the  tall  stems  rose  to  a height  of  60  or 
70  feet.’  Fitzroy’s  Further  Considerations  on  the  Great  Isthmus  of  Cent.  Am. 
March  1853,  in  Jour.  Roy.  Geog.  Soc  , xxiii.  176-87. 

The  project  of  uniting  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans  by  a canal  large 
enough  to  permit  the  passage  of  sea  vessels  has  attracted  the  attention  and 
enlisted  the  earnest  sympathies  and  efforts  of  the  Old  and  New  World,  from 
the  discovery  of  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  down  to  the  present  time.  The 
great  historian  Prescott  says:  ‘The  discovery  of  a strait  into  the  Indian 
Ocean  wras  the  burden  of  every  order  from  the  government.  The  discovery 
of  an  Indian  passage  is  the  true  key  to  the  maritime  movements  of  the  fif- 
teenth and  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  centuries.’  The  desire  to  discover 
this  passage,  which  was  confidently  believed  to  exist,  and  thus  give  to  Spain 
the  dominion  of  the  seas,  and  pour  into  her  treasury  all  the  wealth  of  that 
marvellous  land  of  exaggeration,  the  Spice  Islands,  sent  Columbus,  Pizarro, 
Cortes,  Balboa,  Gil  Gonzales,  and  the  other  Spanish  mariners  and  adventur- 
ers, upon  their  long,  arduous,  and  eventful  voyages,  and  resulted  in  the  dis- 
covery, conquest,  and  settlement  of  the  American  continent. 

However  long  the  voyage;  however  great  the  discovery;  however  bound- 
less and  rich  the  new  countries  that  were  subjected  to  the  Spanish  crown; 
however  brilliant  the  prowess  of  a chivalrous  soldiery — the  emperor  always 
asked,  ‘ Have  you  discovered  the  way  to  the  Spice  Islands?’  If  not,  he  was 
unsatisfied,  and  the  discovery  and  conquest  were  robbed  of  half  their  value. 
He  was  constantly  reminding  his  brave  and  adventurous  mariners  that  he 
desired  above  all  things  to  discover  the  way  to  the  Spice  Islands,  and  j^rorn- 
ised  great  honors  and  rewards  to  the  fortunate  adventurer  who  should  make 
the  discovery.  In  1523  the  Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth  wrote  to  Cortes,  ear- 
nestly urging  him  to  search  for  a shorter  way  to  the  ‘ Indian  Land  of  Spice,’ 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,,  Vol.  III.  47 


738 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


and  for  a shorter  and  more  direct  passage  between  the  eastern  and  western 
coasts  of  Central  America.  In  answer  to  the  emperor,  Cortes  wrote:  ‘It 
would  render  the  king  of  Spain  master  of  so  many  kingdoms  that  he  might 
consider  himself  lord  of  the  world.’  In  1524,  in  obedience  to  the  emperor’s 
wishes,  he  fitted  out  an  expedition  to  discover  it.  Columbus  wrote  to  the 
emperor:  ‘ Your  Majesty  may  be  assured  that  as  I know  how  much  you  have 
at  heart  the  discovery  of  the  great  secret  of  a strait,  I shall  postpone  all  in- 
terests and  projects  of  my  own  for  the  fulfilment  of  this  great  object.’  It 
was  for  the  purpose  of  making  this  discovery  that  Gil  Gonzales  fitted  out  the 
expedition  that  resulted  in  the  discovery  of  Nicaragua. 

The  interest  in  the  interoceanic  communication  was  not  confined  to  the 
Spanish  emperor,  or  his  adventurous  mariners.  It  extended  to  the  learned 
men  of  Spain,  and  seriously  engaged  their  attention.  Francisco  Lopez  de 
Gomara,  one  of  the  earliest  writers  on  America,  in  his  chapter  on  ‘the  pos- 
sibility of  a shorter  passage  to  the  Moluccas,  ’ in  his  work  on  the  Two  Indies, 
published  in  1551,  says:  ‘The  passage  would  have  to  be  opened  across  the 
mainland  from  one  sea  to  the  other,  by  whichever  might  prove  the  most 
profitable  of  these  four  lines;  viz.,  either  by  the  river  Lagartos  (Chagres), 
which,  rising  in  Chagres,  at  a distance  of  four  leagues  from  Panama,  over 
which  space  of  territory  they  proceed  in  carts,  flows  to  the  sea-coast  of  Nom- 
bre  de  Dios;  or  by  the  channel  through  which  the  lake  of  Nicaragua  empties 
into  the  sea;  up  and  down  which  (the  Rio  San  Juan)  large  vessels  sail;  and 
the  lake  is  distant  only  three  or  four  leagues  from  the  sea;  by  either  of  these 
two  rivers  the  passage  is  already  traced  and  half  made.  There  is  likewise 
another  river  which  flows  from  Vera  Cruz  to  Tecoantepec,  along  which  the 
inhabitants  of  New  Spain  (Mexico)  tow  and  drag  barks  from  one  sea  to  the 
other.  The  distance  from  Nombre  de  Dios  to  Panama  is  seventeen  leagues, 
and  from  the  gulf  of  Uraba  to  the  gulf  of  San  Miguel  twenty-five,  which  are 
the  two  most  difficult  lines.’  Cortes  was  in  favor  of  the  first  of  these  routes, 
Gil  Gonzales  of  the  second,  and  Pizarro  of  the  third.  Herrera,  royal  his- 
toriographer of  Spain,  writing  of  the  events  of  1527,  refers  to  the  routes  via 
Nicaragua  and  Panama,  and  the  possibility  of  other  connections  between  the 
two  oceans.  Martin  Behaim,  a geographer  of  Nuremberg,  Germany,  was 
probably  the  first  who  suggested  the  possibility  of  a natural  communication 
between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific.  So  Magellan  stated  in  his  memorial  of 
November  28,  1520,  to  the  court  of  Valladolid,  asking  permission  to  search 
for  such  a channel.  It  was  granted,  an  expedition  was  fitted  out,  and  he 
discovered  the  Straits  of  Magellan,  bearing  his  name. 

Soon  after  the  discovery  of  Nicaragua  by  Gil  Gonzales,  it  was  declared 
and  believed  by  many  that  there  existed  a navigable  channel,  connecting 
Lake  Nicaragua  with  the  Pacific,  and  that  vessels  would  be  enabled  to  pass 
from  one  ocean  to  the  other.  But  no  systematic  attempt  was  made  to  ascer- 
tain the  truth  of  this  conjecture  until  1529,  when  Pedrarias  de  Avila,  then 
governor  of  Nicaragua,  sent  an  expedition  of  soldiers  and  Indians,  under 
Martin  Este,  to  explore  lakes  Nicaragua  and  Managua;  when  they  had  pene- 
trated into  a province  called  Voto,  a little  north  of  Lake  Managua,  they  were 
attacked  by  a large  body  of  Indians,  and  compelled  to  return.  They  reported 
that  they  saw  from  a mountain  top  a large  body  of  water  (doubtless  the  gulf 
of  Fonseca),  which  they  supposed  to  be  another  lake.  Don  Diego  Machuca 


OVIEDO’S  ACCOUNT. 


739 


soon  afterward  fitted  out  another  expedition  in  the  same  year,  which  he 
accompanied  and  commanded.  It  resulted  in  the  discovery  of  the  river  San 
Juan  as  the  true  outlet  of  the  lakes.  He  sailed  down  that  river  to  the 
Atlantic.  Machuca  Rapids  take  their  name  from  him. 

Oviedo  says  that  in  1540,  at  St  Domingo,  he  met  Pedro  Cora,  a pilot  who 
had  been  attached  to  the  expedition  of  Martin  Este,  and  subsequently  to  that 
of  Captain  Diego  Machuca.  He  gives  a long  and  interesting  account  of  the 
second  expedition,  as  narrated  to  him  by  Cora.  Cora  said  that  at  the  port  of 
Nombre  de  Dios  he  met  with  some  old  friends  who  had  built  a felucca  and 
brigantine  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Nicaragua  at  an  expense  of  several  thousand 
dollars.  Among  them  was  Diego  Machuca,  who  had  been  commandant  of  the 
country  of  the  Tender!,  and  of  the  district  about  Lake  Masaya.  They  em- 
barked on  these  vessels  on  Lake  Nicaragua  for  the  purpose  of  exploring  it. 
Captain  Machuca,  with  two  hundred  men,  advanced  along  the  shore,  keeping 
in  sight  of  the  boats,  which  were  accompanied  by  several  canoes.  After  some 
days  they  entered  the  San  Juan  River,  and  passed  down  to  where  its  waters 
appeared  to  flow  into  the  sea.  Being  ignorant  of  their  locality,  they  followed 
the  sea-coast  in  an  easterly  direction,  and  finally  arrived  at  Nombre  de  Dios, 
where  the  pilot  Cora  met  them.  They  were  arrested  at  this  place  by  Doctor 
Robles,  who  desired  to  found  a colony  at  the  mouth  of  the  San  Juan  River, 
and  thus  reap  the  benefit  of  their  labor  and  discoveries,  ‘ as  is  the  custom,  ’ 
says  Oviedo,  ‘ with  these  men  of  letters;  for  the  use  they  do  make  of  their 
wisdom  is  rather  to  rob  than  to  render  justice.’  For  this  outrage  he  was 
deprived  of  his  office.  The  pilot,  though  strongly  importuned,  refused  to  tell 
Oviedo  where  the  river  emptied  into  the  ocean. 

Oviedo  says:  ‘ I do  not  regard  the  lakes  as  separate,  because  they  connect, 
the  one  with  the  other.  They  are  separated  from  the  South  Sea  by  a very 
narrow  strip  of  land. . . .This  lake  (Nicaragua)  is  filled  with  excellent  fish. 
But  what  proves  that  they  are  both  one  lake  is  the  fact  that  they  equally 
abound  in  sea  fish  and  turtles.  Another  proof  is,  that  in  1529  there  was 
found  in  the  province  of  Nicaragua,  on  the  banks  of  this  lake,  a fish  never 
seen  except  in  the  sea,  and  called  the  sword-fish.  I have  seen  some  of  these 
fish  of  so  great  size  that  two  oxen  attached  to  a cart  could  hardly  draw  them. 
. . .The  one  found  on  the  shores  of  this  lake  was  small,  being  only  about  twelve 
feet  in  length. . . . The  water  of  the  lake  is  very  good  and  healthful,  and  a large 
number  of  small  rivers  and  brooks  empty  into  it.  In  some  places  the  great 
lake  is  fifteen  or  twenty  fathoms  deep,  and  in  other  places  it  is  scarce  a foot 
in  depth ; so  that  it  is  not  navigable  in  all  parts,  but  only  in  the  middle,  and 
with  barks  specially  constructed  for  that  purpose. . . .It  has  a large  number  of 
islands  of  some  extent,  covered  with  flocks  and  precious  woods.  The  largest 
is  eight  leagues  in  circumference,  and  is  inhabited  by  Indians.  It  is  very 
fertile,  filled  with  deer  and  rabbits,  and  named  Ometepec,  which  signifies 
two  mountains.  It  formerly  contained  a population  much  more  numerous  than 
now,  divided  into  eight  or  ten  villages.  The  mountain  in  this  island  toward 
the  east  (Madeira)  is  lowest;  the  other  (Ometepec)  is  so  high  that  its  summit 
is  seldom  seen.  I passed  a night  at  a farm  belonging  to  a gentleman  called 
Diego  Mora,  situated  on  the  mainland  ’ — probably  near  the  site  of  Virgin 
Bay.  ‘The  keeper  told  me  that  during  the  two  years  he  had  been  in  that 


740 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


place  lie  had  seen  the  summit  but  once,  because  it  was  covered  with  clouds.’5* 
There  are  many  evidences  that  the  channel  of  the  San  Juan  River  was 
once  much  deeper  and  freer  from  rapids  and  obstructions  than  it  is  at  pres- 
ent. At  one  time,  sea  vessels  passed  regularly  up  and  down  the  river.  It 
would  be  impossible  for  them  to  do  so  now.  The  river  is  too  shallow,  and 
the  rapids  are  too  many  and  difficult.  In  1G48  a Spanish  brig  from  Cartha- 
gcna  (de  la  Indias)  arrived  at  Granada,  and  discharged  her  cargo,  reloaded, 
and  started  on  her  return.  On  her  voyage  back  the  river  was  found  unnavi- 
gable  at  one  point,  and  the  vessel  returned  to  Granada;  the  cargo  was  taken 
out,  and  the  ship  laid  up,  and  finally  broken  to  pieces.  Thomas  Gage,  an 
English  monk,  who  visited  Nicaragua  in  16G5,  says  that  vessels  often  arrived 
at  Granada,  from  South  America,  Spain,  and  Cuba,  and  reloaded  and  re- 
turned to  those  countries  by  way  of  the  San  Juan  River  and  Lake  Nicaragua. 

In  1781  Manuel  Galisteo,  by  order  of  the  Spanish  government,  examined 
the  country,  and  carefully  surveyed  a route  for  a canal  between  Lake  Nicara- 
gua and  the  Pacific.  He  estimated  the  level  of  the  lake  above  the  Pacific  to 
be  one  hundred  and  thirty-four  feet.  The  route  selected  by  him  was  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Lajas  in  the  lake  to  San  Juan  del  Sur.  Early  in  the 
present  century,  a survey  was  made  by  an  engineer  name  Thompson,  of  which 
we  have  no  details,  further  than  that  he  adopted  the  report  made  by  Galisteo. 

In  1837  Mr  Baily  was  employed  by  the  federal  government  of  Central 
America,  and  made  a careful  survey  of  a route  for  the  canal.  He  spent  much 
time  and  a considerable  sum  of  money  in  making  the  surveys,  but  was  never 
paid  for  his  services.  Dr  Andreas  Oersted,  of  Copenhagen,  made  a survey  in 
1S48,  and  published  a map  of  the  country.  He  selected  the  bay  of  Bolanos, 
thirteen  and  a half  miles  from  Lake  Nicaragua,  as  the  Pacific  terminus  of  the 
canal.  In  1851  Colonel  Childs,  an  Englishman,  made  a thorough  survey  and 
estimate  of  the  whole  work.  He  selected  Brito  as  the  Pacific  terminus. 
According  to  his  estimates,  the  actual  length  of  water  navigation,  including 
the  San  Juan  River  and  Lake  Nicaragua,  would  be  one  hundred  and  ninety- 
four  and  one  half  miles.  He  submitted  his  plan  and  surveys  to  the  British 
government,  by  which  it  was  referred  to  James  Walker  and  Edward  Aldrich, 
royal  engineers,  who  reported  unfavorably.  The  plan  and  reports  were  then 
laid  before  a committee  of  English  capitalists,  with  the  purpose  of  raising  the 
necessary  capital  for  the  work.  But  after  a careful  investigation,  the  com- 
mittee declined  to  recommend  the  enterprise,  believing  it  would  be  unprofit- 
able, and  more  for  the  benefit  of  the  United  States  than  of  Great  Britain. 
This  survey,  arid  the  action  of  the  British  government  upon  it,  furnish  strong 
confirmation  of  the  general  opinion,  as  to  the  purpose  of  that  government,  in 
seizing  Greytown  and  the  bay  of  Fonseca.  A survey  was  made  in  1850  by  the 
Central  American  Transit  Company. 

After  the  independence  of  the  Central  American  states  had  been  estab- 
lished, Manuel  Antonio  de  la  Cerda,  afterward  governor  of  Nicaragua, 
represented  to  the  federal  congress,  in  July  1823,  the  urgent  necessity  for 
opening  the  canal  without  delay.  But  no  action  was  then  taken  in  the  mat- 
ter. During  the  next  year  several  propositions  relative  to  the  construction 
of  the  canal  were  made  to  the  federal  government  by  parties  in  Europe. 


59  Squier’s  Nicaragua,  vol.  i.  p.  195. 


MR  CLAY’S  ASSURANCE. 


741 


Barclay  & Co.,  of  London,  made  a proposition,  on  the  18th  of  September, 
1824,  to  open  a canal,  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific,  by  way  of  the  San 
Juan  River  and  Lake  Nicaragua,  at  their  own  cost,  if  the  government  would 
assist  them  in  certain  particulars.  On  the  2d  of  February,  1825,  Charles 
Bourke  and  Matthew  Llanos  addressed  a communication  to  the  government, 
stating  that  in  the  preceding  December  they  had  sent  an  armed  brig  with  a 
party  of  engineers  to  Greytown,  to  survey  the  route,  and  praying  that  they 
might  be  granted:  1.  An  exclusive  proprietorship  and  control  of  the  canal; 

2.  An  exclusive  right  to  navigate  the  lakes  and  dependent  waters  by  steam; 

3.  Free  permission  to  use  all  natural  products  of  the  country  necessary  for 
the  work;  4.  Exemption  from  duty  for  the  goods  and  materials  introduced 
by  the  company  during  the  pendency  of  the  work.  They  offered  to  pay  the 
government  twenty  per  cent  on  the  tolls  received,  and  to  surrender  the  work 
at  the  end  of  a certain  number  of  years. 

On  the  8th  of  February,  1825,  Don  Antonio  Jose  Canas,  then  minister  from 
the  federal  government  to  the  United  States,  addressed  a communication  to 
Henry  Clay,  then  secretary  of  state,  upon  the  subject  of  the  canal,  soliciting 
the  cooperation  of  our  government  in  the  work,  upon  the  ground  that  ‘ its 
noble  example  had  been  a model  and  protection  to  all  the  Americas,’  and  en- 
titled it  to  a preference  over  any  other  nation  in  the  ‘ merits  and  advantages 
of  the  proposed  undertaking.’  He  proposed  by  means  of  a treaty  to  effect- 
ually secure  its  advantages  to  the  two  nations.  Mr  Clay  instructed  Colonel  John 
Williams,  U.  S.  charge  d’affaires  in  Central  America,  to  assure  that  govern- 
ment of  the  great  interest  taken  by  the  United  States  in  an  undertaking  ‘ so 
highly  calculated  to  diffuse  a favorable  influence  on  the  affairs  of  mankind,  ’ 
and  to  carefully  investigate  the  facilities  afforded  by  the  route,  and  transmit 
the  intelligence  acquired  to  our  government.  Colonel  Williams  never  made 
any  report  of  his  action  under  these  instructions. 

During  the  year  1825,  many  other  propositions  for  the  construction  of  the 
canal  were  received  by  the  federal  government  from  Europe.  The  attention 
of  the  government  was  thus  strongly  attracted  to  the  importance  and  value 
of  the  proposed  canal,  both  as  affording  a considerable  revenue  to  the  govern- 
ment, and  aiding  in  the  settlement  of  the  country,  and  development  of  its 
resources.  In  June  1825,  the  federal  congress  passed  a decree  defining  the 
terms  and  conditions  upon  which  the  canal  might  be  consti'ucted.  Another 
decree,  published  at  the  same  time,  fixed  the  period  of  six  months  for  receiv- 
ing proposals  for  the  work.  The  time  was  much  too  short,  and  but  few  offers 
were  received.  Among  them  was  one  from  Mr  Baily,  the  surveyor,  as  agent 
for  the  English  house  of  Barclay,  Herring,  Richardson,  & Co.,  which  was  con- 
ditional, and  one  from  Charles  Beninske  for  Aaron  H.  Palmer,  of  New  York, 
which  was  accepted.  The  contractors,  under  the  name  of  ‘ The  Central 
American  and  United  States  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Canal  Company,’  agreed 
to  open  a canal  through  Nicaragua,  which  should  be  navigable  for  large  ships, 
and  to  deposit  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  in  the  city  of  Granada,  within 
six  months,  for  the  preliminary  expenses  of  the  work;  to  erect  fortifications 
for  its  protection;  and  to  commence  work  within  one  year.  The  contractors 
were  to  receive  two  thirds  of  the  tolls  from  the  canal  until  they  had  been  re- 
imbursed for  the  full  cost  of  the  work,  with  ten  per  cent  interest;  afterwards 
to  have  one  half  of  the  proceeds  for  seven  years,  with  the  right  to  introduce 


742 


IXTEROCEAXIC  COMMUXICATIOX. 


steam-vessels.  The  government  agreed  to  place  at  their  disposal  all  the  docu- 
ments in  its  possession  relating  to  the  canal;  to  furnish  laborers  at  certain 
wages;  and  to  permit  the  cutting  and  use  of  the  timber  in  the  country.  If 
the  canal  was  not  completed,  all  the  work  done  was  to  be  forfeited  to  the  gov- 
ernment. This  contract  was  dated  June  14,  1826.  The  contractors  had  not 
sufficient  capital  for  the  construction  of  the  canal,  and  failing  to  obtain  it  in 
Xew  York,  addressed  a memorial  to  the  United  States  congress,  praying  the 
assistance  of  the  government  in  their  work,  which  they  represented  to  be  of 
national  importance.  The  memorial  was  referred  to  a committee,  but  never 
reported  on.  The  enterprise  excited  considerable  attention  in  Xew  York, 
and  the  grant  obtained  from  the  federal  government  of  Central  America  was 
believed  to  be  valuable.  Mr  Palmer  executed  a deed  of  trust  to  De  Witt 
Clinton,  Stephen  Van  Renssalaer,  C.  D.  Clinton,  Phillip  Hone,  and  Lynde 
Catlin,  constituting  them  directors  of  the  company  which  was  being  organ- 
ized for  the  construction  of  the  canal.  Mr  Palmer  went  to  England  in  1827, 
and  endeavored,  but  without  success,  to  obtain  the  cooperation  of  English 
capitalists.  All  his  efforts  were  ineffectual,  the  necessary  capital  could  not 
be  raised,  and  the  enterprise  was  abandoned.  Mr  Clay,  then  secretary  of 
state,  earnestly  advocated  the  construction  of  the  canal,  believing  it  would 
be  of  great  advantage  to  this  country. 

In  1828  an  association  of  capitalists  in  the  Xetherlands,  under  the  patron- 
age of  the  king  of  Holland,  undertook  the  construction  of  the  canal.  In  1829 
the  king  sent  General  Verveer,  as  plenipotentiary  to  Guatemala,  with  special 
instructions  relative  to  the  canal.  In  October  of  the  same  year,  commis- 
sioners were  appointed  by  the  federal  government  to  confer  with  General 
Yerveer,  and  on  the  24th  of  July,  1830,  they  agreed  upon  a plan,  which  was 
to  be  laid  before  the  federal  congress  for  its  approval.  The  conditions  were 
much  the  same  as  in  the  contract  with  Mr  Palmer.  The  revolution  in  Bel- 
gium, and  the  separation  of  Holland,  terminated  this  enterprise.  The  fed- 
eral congress  had  been  stimulated  to  greater  anxiety  for  the  construction  of 
the  canal  by  these  various  proposals  and  contracts,  and  believing  that  there 
was  more  likelihood  of  its  being  made  by  the  Dutch  company  than  any  other, 
in  1832  made  ineffectual  efforts  to  renew  negotiations  with  Holland  for  reviv- 
ing that  company,  and  enabling  it  to  complete  its  contract. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  efforts  and  representations  of  Mr  Clay,  De  Witt  Clin- 
ton, and  other  distinguished  men  had  awakened  public  interest  in  the  people 
and  government  of  the  United  States  in  the  proposed  canal,  and  convinced 
them  that  it  was  important  that  our  government  should,  if  possible,  control 
the  work,  and  reap  the  benefits  and  advantages  which  it  was  believed  would 
result  to  our  commerce  from  it.  On  the  3d  of  March,  1835,  the  United  States 
senate  adopted  a resolution,  requesting  the  president  to  consider  the  expedi- 
ency of  opening  negotiations  with  the  Central  American  states  and  Xew 
Granada  for  protecting  by  treaty  stipulations  companies  undertaking  to  open 
a canal  across  the  Isthmus,  connecting  the  two  oceans,  and  of  securing  its 
free  and  equal  navigation  to  all  nations.  By  virtue  of  this  resolution,  Presi- 
dent Jackson  appointed  Charles  Biddle,  and  directed  him  to  go  to  San  Juan 
del  Xorte,  and  thence  across  the  Isthmus  to  the  Pacific,  by  the  proposed 
route;  to  proceed  to  Guatemala,  the  capital,  and  with  the  aid  of  Mr  De  Witt 
Clinton,  U.  S.  charge  d’affaires,  obtain  all  public  papers,  and  copies  of  the  laws 


ACTION  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT. 


743 


passed,  and  all  papers  and  information  relating  to  the  canal.  He  was  also  to 
go  to  Panama,  and  ascertain  all  about  that  route.  Mr  Biddle  did  not  go  to 
Nicaragua,  and  died  soon  after  his- return  to  the  United  States.  His  mission 
was  a failure. 

The  government  of  Central  America  now  determined  to  survey  the  route 
for  the  canal,  and  thus  demonstrate  to  the  world  its  practicability.  In  1837 
President  Morazan  employed  Mr  John  Baily  to  survey  the  route,  which  he 
did,  as  already  stated.  In  1838  a convention  between  Nicaragua  and  Hon- 
duras authorized  Peter  Bouchard  to  make  an  agreement  in  France  for  the 
organization  of  a company  to  construct  the  canal.  He  did  not  succeed  in  ac- 
complishing anything.  Don  Jorge  Viteri,  bishop  of  San  Salvador,  was  sent 
as  ambassador  to  Rome,  and  make  like  efforts,  but  without  success.  In  the 
same  year,  a company  of  Americans  in  New  York  and  New  Orleans  sent  Mr 
George  Holdship  to  Central  America.  He  made  a contract  with  Nicaragua, 
which  had  seceded  from  the  federal  republic,  for  the  construction  of  a canal, 
the  establishment  of  a bank,  and  the  introduction  of  colonists.  This  scheme 
was  extensive,  but  amounted  to  nothing,  as  the  enterprise  was  soon  aban- 
doned. 

In  1838,  Aaron  Clark,  Herman  Leroy,  William  A.  Duer,  Matthew  Carey, 
and  William  Radcliflf,  citizens  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  addressed  a 
memorial  to  congress,  representing  the  necessity  for  the  opening  of  the  inter- 
oceanic  canal.  It  was  referred  to  a committee,  of  which  Hon.  Charles  F. 
Mercer  was  chairman,  who,  upon  the  2d  of  March,  1839,  reported  upon  it, 
recommending  the  following  resolution,  which  was  adopted: 

1 Resolved,  That  the  president  of  the  United  States  be  requested  to  consider 
the  expediency  of  opening  or  continuing  negotiations  with  the  governments 
of  other  nations;  and  particularly  with  those  the  territorial  jurisdiction  of 
which  comprehends  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  and  to  which  the  United  States 
have  accredited  ministers  or  agents,  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  or  effect- 
ing a communication  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans,  by  the  con- 
struction of  a ship-canal;  and  of  securing  forever,  by  suitable  treaty 
stipulations,  the  free  and  equal  rights  of  navigating  such  canal  to  all  nations, 
on  the  payment  of  reasonable  tolls.’  The  president  and  senate,  acting  under 
this  resolution,  negotiated  and  made  a treaty  between  the  United  States  and 
New  Granada,  by  which  our  government  guaranteed  the  neutrality  of  the 
Isthmus,  and  New  Granada  conceded  a free  transit  across  it.  The  Panama 
Railroad  Company  was  organized  by  virtue  of  this  treaty;  and,  as  we  all 
know,  the  existing  railroad  across  the  Isthmus  was  built  by  them;  with  what 
labor,  and  cost  in  money  and  human  life,  it  is  foreign  to  our  purpose  to 
inquire. 

Between  the  years  1838  and  1844,  Central  America  was  distracted  by  civil 
wars,  and  all  action  relative  to  the  canal  was  suspended.  In  1844,  Don  Fran- 
cisco Castellon,  minister  from  the  republic  of  Nicaragua  to  France,  made  a 
contract  with  a Belgian  company,  acting  under  the  patronage  of  the  king  of 
Belgium,  for  the  construction  of  the  canal.  But  this  contract  was  as  unsuc- 
cessful as  its  predecessors.  In  1840,  Mr  Marcoleta,  Nicaraguan  charge 
d affaires  to  Belgium,  made  a contract  with  Louis  Napoleon  (the  present 
French  emperor),  then  a prisoner  at  Ham,  for  its  construction.  With  his 
characteristic  vanity,  he  stipulated  that  it  should  be  called  ‘ Canal  Napoleon 


744 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


tie  Nicaragua.’  Napoleon  wrote  and  published  a pamphlet  in  London,  upon 
the  subject,  and  made  a feeble  attempt  to  awaken  the  attention  of  capitalists, 
but  without  success.  His  pamphlet  had  only  a limited  circulation,  but  was 
afterward  republished  by  M.  Belly.  On  the  16th  of  February,  1849,  Wil- 
liam Wheelright  made  a proposition  in  behalf  of  an  English  company  for 
the  construction  of  the  canal,  but  it  was  not  acted  upon. 

On  the  14th  of  March,  1849,  Mr  D.  T.  Brown,  in  behalf  of  certain  citi- 
zens of  New  York,  and  General  Munoz,  commissioner  for  Nicaragua,  entered 
into  a contract  for  the  construction  of  a canal,  but  it  was  neither  ratified  by 
the  executive  of  that  republic  nor  by  the  company  in  New  York,  within  the 
stipulated  time.  The  seizure  of  Greytown  by  the  English,  in  1848,  and  the 
pretext  of  a Mosquito  protectorate,  were  rightly  regarded  by  the  Nicaraguan 
government  and  our  own,  as  directed  to  obtaining  command  and  permanent 
control  and  dominion  over  the  only  possible  route  for  an  interoceanic  canal. 

On  the  21st  of  June,  1849,  Mr  Hise,  U.  S.  charge  d’affaires  to  Nicaragua, 
concluded  a convention  with  commissioners  appointed  by  that  republic,  giv- 
ing the  United  States  a perpetual  right  of  way  through  that  republic,  of 
erecting  forts,  and  protecting  the  transit.  This  convention  was  not  approved 
by  our  own  government,  or  by  that  of  Nicaragua.  On  the  4th  of  March, 
1850,  General  Taylor  was  inaugurated  president  of  the  United  States,  and 
soon  after  sent  Mr  E.  G.  Squier  to  Central  America  to  supersede  Mr  Hise,  as 
charge  d affaires  to  Guatemala,  with  special  commissions  to  the  other  states  of 
Central  America,  “with  full  power  to  treat  with  them  separately  on  all  mat- 
ters affecting  their  relations  with  this  republic.’  Upon  his  arrival  in  Nica- 
ragua, Mr  Squier  found  an  agent  of  Cornelius  Vanderbilt,  and  others  of 
New  York,  who  was  endeavoring  to  obtain  a grant  from  that  government  for 
the  construction  of  a canal.  The  government  was  at  first  indisposed  to 
listen  to  his  overtures,  until  assured  by  Mr  Squier  that  the  United  States 
government  would  guarantee  any  charter,  not  inconsistent  with  our  public 
policy,  that  might  be  granted  by  Nicaragua. 

On  the  27th  of  August,  1850,  a contract  was  signed  between  the  govern- 
ment of  Nicaragua  and  the  agent  of  the  New  York  company,  and  afterward 
ratified  on  the  23d  of  September  following,  containing  the  following  provis- 
ions, viz.: 

1.  That  the  American  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Ship  Canal  Company  may  con- 
struct a ship-canal,  at  its  own  expense,  from  San  Juan  to  Realejo,  or  any 
other  point  within  the  territory  of  Nicaragua,  on  the  Pacific,  and  make  use 
of  all  lands,  waters,  or  natural  materials  of  the  country  for  the  enterprise. 

2.  The  canal  shall  be  large  enough  to  admit  vessels  of  all  sizes. 

3.  The  grant  is  for  eighty-five  years  from  the  completion  of  the  work;  the 
surveys  to  be  commenced  within  twelve  months;  the  work  to  be  completed 
within  twelve  years,  unless  interrupted  by  unforeseen  events.  If  not  com- 
pleted within  the  stipulated  time,  the  charter  will  be  forfeited,  and  all  work 
done  shall  revert  to  the  state.  At  the  end  of  eighty-five  years  the  canal  shall 
revert  to  the  state;  the  company,  nevertheless,  shall  receive  fifteen  per  cent 
annually  of  the  net  profits  for  ten  years  thereafter,  if  the  entire  cost  of  the 
canal  does  not  exceed  twenty  million  dollars;  but  if  it  does,  then  it  shall 
receive  the  same  percentage  for  twenty  years  thereafter. 

4.  The  company  to  pay  the  state  ten  thousand  dollars  per  annum,  during 


FURTHER  CONTRACT  PROVISIONS. 


745 


the  progress  of  the  work,  and  to  give  it  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  of  the 
capital  stock,  and  to  pay  twenty  per  cent  of  the  net  profits  for  twenty  years, 
and  twenty -five  per  cent  thereafter. 

5.  The  company  to  have  the  exclusive  right  to  navigate  the  interior  waters 
of  Nicaragua  by  steam,  and  within  twelve  years  to  open  any  land  or  other 
route,  by  means  of  transit  or  conveyance  across  the  state,  and  pay  ten  per 
cent  of  the  net  profits  of  such  transit  to  the  state,  and  transport  on  such 
transit,  and  the  canal,  when  finished,  the  officers  and  employes  of  the  repub- 
lic free  of  charge. 

6.  The  canal  to  be  open  to  the  vessels  of  all  nations. 

7.  The  contract  and  the  rights  and  privileges  conceded  by  it  to  be  held 
inalienably  by  the  individuals  composing  the  company. 

8.  All  disputes  shall  be  settled  by  commissioners  appointed  in  a specified 
manner. 

9.  All  machinery  and  other  articles  introduced  by  the  company  into  the 
state,  for  its  own  use,  to  enter  free  of  duty;  and  all  persons  in  its  employ  to 
enjoy  all  the  privileges  of  citizenship,  without  being  subject  to  taxation  or 
military  service. 

10.  The  state  concedes  to  the  company,  for  purposes  of  colonization,  eight 
sections  of  land,  on  the  line  of  the  canal,  in  the  valley  of  the  river  San  Juan, 
each  six  miles  square,  and  at  least  three  miles  apart,  with  the  right  of  alien- 
ating the  same  under  certain  reservations.  All  settlers  on  these  lands  to  be 
subject  to  the  laws  of  the  republic,  being,  however,  for  ten  years  exempt  from 
all  taxes  and  from  all  public  service  so  soon  as  each  colony  shall  contain  fifty 
settlers. 

On  the  same  day  Mr  Squier  negotiated  a treaty  with  Nicaragua,  which 
provided  that  citizens,  vessels,  and  merchandise  of  the  United  States 
should  be  exempt  from  duty  in  the  ports  of  Nicaragua;  and  that  citizens  of 
the  United  States  should  have  a right  of  way  through  the  republic.  The 
government  of  the  United  States  agreed  to  protect  the  company  in  the  full 
enjoyment  of  its  rights  from  the  inception  to  the  termination  of  its  grant. 
The  rights,  privileges,  and  immunities  granted  to  the  government  and  citizens 
of  the  United  States  shall  not  accrue  to  any  other  government,  unless  it  first 
enter  into  the  same  treaty  stipulations  with  Nicaragua  as  the  United  States 
has  done.  This  treaty  was  ratified  by  the  Nicaraguan  legislative  chambers 
on  the  23d  of  September  following,  but  was  not  acted  upon  by  the  United 
States  senate,  to  which  it  was  sent  by  President  Taylor.  This  treaty  was 
opposed  by  the  British  minister  at  Washington,  who  energetically  exerted 
himself  to  secure  its  defeat. 

The  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  England 
guaranteed  the  neutrality  of  the  canal,  and  both  governments  agreed  to  pro- 
tect any  company  undertaking  the  work.  The  object  of  our  government  in 
this  convention  was  to  put  an  end  to  the  Mosquito  protectorate. 

In  August  1850  the  company  sent  a party  of  engineers  from  New  York 
to  Nicaragua  to  survey  a route  from  Lake  Nicaragua  to  the  Pacific,  near  the 
line  taken  by  Galisteo  and  Baily.  Soon  afterwards  the  steamer  Director  was 
sent  from  New  York  to  Lake  Nicaragua,  and  smaller  boats  were  sent  to  the 
San  Juan  River.  A new  road  was  opened  to  the  Pacific  from  Virgin  Bay  on 
the  lake  to  San  Juan  del  Sur.  A line  of  steamers  was  established  from  New 
York  to  Grey  town,  and  from  San  Juan  del  Sur  to  San  Francisco. 


746 


INTEROCEANIC  COMMUNICATION. 


The  new  contract  made  with  United  States  citizens,  and  ratified  and  en- 
forced by  treaty  with  our  own  government,  was  not  consistent  with  the  wishes 
or  policy  of  Great  Britain,  but  the  generosity  of  our  government  in  throwing 
open  the  proposed  canal  to  all  nations  disarmed  hostile  criticism,  and  deprived 
Europe  of  any  pretext  for  opposition  or  protest.  It  quickened  England  into 
new  energy,  in  the  assertion  of  her  claims  under  the  Mosquito  protectorate. 
On  the  15th  of  August,  1850,  the  British  consular  representative  in  Central 
America  addressed  a note  to  the  Nicaraguan  government,  in  which  he  stated 
the  boundary  claimed  by  his  government  as  follows:  ‘The  undersigned,  her 
Britannic  Majesty’s  charge  d’affaires  in  Central  America,  with  this  view,  has 
the  honor  to  declare  to  the  minister  of  foreign  relations  of  the  supreme  gov- 
ernment of  Nicaragua,  that  the  general  boundary  line  of  the  Mosquito  ter- 
ritory begins  at  the  northern  extremity  of  the  boundary  line  between  the 
district  of  Tegucigalpa  in  Honduras,  and  the  jurisdiction  of  New  Segovia;  and 
after  following  the  northern  frontiers  of  New  Segovia  it  runs  along  the  south- 
eastern limits  of  the  district  of  Matagalpa  and  Chontales,  and  thence  in  an 
easterly  course,  until  it  reaches  the  Machuca  Rapids,  to  the  river  San  Juan.’ 
If  this  boundary  line  had  been  allowed,  as  claimed,  it  would  have  placed  the 
only  possible  route  for  the  proposed  canal  in  the  occupation  and  control  of 
Great  Britain.  Daniel  Cleveland's  Across  the  Nicaragua  Transit,  MS.,  118-42. 


INDEX 


A 

Aa,  P.  V.,  works  of,  ii.  745-6. 
Abibeiba,  Cacique,  domain  of,  invaded, 
1512,  i.  352. 

Abrego,  F.,  bishop  of  Pan.,  1569-74, 
ii.  474-5. 

Acajutla,  battle  of,  1524,  i.  670-3. 
Acala,  province,  Dominicans  in,  1550- 
5,  ii.  360;  invasion  of,  ii.  365. 

‘ Accessory  Transit  Company,  ’ men- 
tion of,  iii.  341-2;  iii.  667-8. 

Acla,  name,  i.  418;  founding  of,  1515, 

i.  418;  massacre  at,  1516,  i.  441; 
town  of,  laid  out,  i.  441;  abandoned, 

ii.  396. 

Acosta,  J.,  ‘Compendio,’  ii.  62. 
Agriculture,  in  Cent.  Amer.,  iii.  650- 
5. 

Aguado,  J.,  commissioner  of  inquiry, 
1494,  i.  176. 

Aguilar,  E.,  president  of  Salv.,  1846, 

iii.  291-2. 

Aguilar,  Friar  G.  de,  shipwreck,  etc. , 
of,  1512,  i.  350;  rescue,  1519,  i. 
350. 

Aguilar,  G.  de,  bravery  of,  i.  688-9. 
Aguilar,  M.,  revolt  of,  1811,  iii.  12- 
13;  mission  of,  1828,  iii.  180;  jefe 
of  C.  R.,  1837-8,  iii.  183. 

Aguilar,  V.,  revolt  of,  1811,  iii.  12- 
13;  vice-president  of  C.  R.,  1859, 

iii.  373. 

Ahuachapan,  siege  of,  1876,  iii.  403-5 
Ahzumanche,  Prince,  death  of,  i 637 
Aillon,  L.  V.  de,  exped.  of,  1520,  i 
138;  1523,  i.  142-3. 

Alarcon,  H.  de,  exped.  of,  1540,  i.  153. 
Albites,  D.  de,  mission  to  Nicuesa, 
1510,  i.  331-3;  exped.  of,  1515,  i. 
404-5;  battle  with  Darien  Indians, 
1516,  i.  425;  further  expeditions,  i. 
429-30,  471;  founds  Nombre  de 
Dios,  i.  471;  in  command  at  Nata, 
i.  508;  gov.  of  Hond.,  1532,  ii.  155; 
death,  ii.  155. 

Albuquerque,  A.  de,  voyage  of,  1503. 
i.  121. 


Alcaine,  M , intercession  of,  1855,  iii. 
261. 

Alcalde,  office  of,  i.  297-8. 

Alcantara,  M.  de,  death  of,  ii.  41. 
Alcazaba,  S.  de,  exped.  of,  1534,  i. 
150. 

Alcedo  y Herrera,  D.  de,  gov.  of  Pan., 
ii.  584. 

Alderete,  — , gov.  of  Pan.,  1725-30,  ii. 
583. 

Alfaro,  F.,  revolt  of,  1842,  iii.  219. 
Alfaro,  J.  M.,  jefe  of  C.  R.,  1842,  iii. 

224,  226;  1846,  iii.  227-8. 

Almagro,  D.  de,  joins  Pedrarias’ 
exped.,  1514,  i.  391;  character,  etc., 
of,  ii.  3-4;  Pizarro’s  exped.  to  Peru, 
ii.  4-8,  19,  35—10;  death,  ii.  40. 
Almagro,  D.  de  jun.,  assassination  of 
Pizarro,  ii.  40-1;  execution  of,  ii. 
42. 

Almansa,  F.,  mention  of,  iii.  38. 
Altamirano,  Friar  D.,  advice  to  Cor- 
tes, i.  580-1. 

Altamirano,  J.  C.,  bishop  of  Guat., 
1611-15,  ii.  664. 

Alvarado,  D.  de,  exped.  of,  1530,  ii. 

121. 

Alvarado,  G.  de,  battle  of  Tacuxcalco, 

1524,  i.  673;  capture  of  Mixco, 

1525,  i.  687;  conquest  of  the 
Mames,  1525,  i.  695-702;  revolt 
caused  by,  ii.  79-80. 

Alvarado,  J.  de,  gov.  of  Guat.,  1527, 
ii  95,  104-5;  executor  of  P.  de  Al- 
varado, ii.  207-8 

Alvarado,  P.  de,  conquest  of  Guat., 
1522-4,  i.  617-62;  of  Itzcuintlan, 
1524,  i.  663-5;  invasion  of  Salv.,  i. 
669-76;  the  Cackchiquel  revolts, 
1525-6,  l.  681-92;  ii.  74-85;  con- 
quest of  the  Mames,  i 695-702; 
exped.  to  Peru,  ii.  38-9,  122-30;  re- 
turn to  Mex.,  ii.  85-6;  trial  of,  ii. 
100—4;  marriage,  ii.  102;  return  to 
Guat.,  1530,  ii.  116-17;  residencia, 
etc.,  of,  ii.  131-2;  exped.  to  Hond., 
1535-6,  ii.  160-5;  1539,  ii.  296-9;  de- 
parts for  Spain,  ii.  165,  crown  grant 

747 


748 


INDEX. 


to,  1538,  ii.  203;  exped.  of,  1539-41, 

ii.  203-7;  death,  ii.  207;  will,  ii. 
207-9;  character,  ii.  209-11;  off- 
spring, ii.  211-12. 

Alvarez,  Gen.  M.,  capture,  etc.,  of 
Walker,  1860,  iii  364. 

Alzayaga,  J.  de,  exped.  of,  1696,  ii 
685-6. 

Alzuru,  Col,  revolt,  etc.,  of,  1831, 

iii.  514. 

Amar  y Borbon,  A , viceroy  of  New 
Gran.,  1803,  iii.  491 
Amatique  Bay,  discovery  of,  ii  650 
Amedzaga,  J H.  de,  gov.  of  Pan., 
1711-16,  ii.  583 

America,  aborigines  of,  i.  59-68; 
sighted  by  Biarne,  986,  i.  76;  dis- 
covery of  claimed  by  Arabs,  1147, 

i.  78;  name  of,  i.  291-2. 

4 American  Coast  Pilot,  ii.  758 
Amezqueta,  B.  de,  exped.  of,  1696, 

ii.  686-7. 

Anacaona,  Queen,  execution  of,  i. 
259-60. 

Anaquito,  battle  of,  1546,  ii.  254. 
Andagoya,  P.  de,  exped  to  Bird, 
1522,  i.  139,  502-3;  joins  Pedrarias, 

i.  391;  works,  etc.,  of,  i.  503-4;  ii. 
247. 

Andres,  Cacique,  guide  to  Sharp’s 
exped.,  1680,  ii.  520-3. 

Angel,  Dona  M.,  imposture,  etc.,  of, 
1712,  ii.  697-701. 

Angulo,  Father,  bishop  of  Vera  Paz, 
1559,  ii.  374. 

Animo,  U.,  gov.  of  Pan.,  1854,  iii 
518;  protest  of,  iii.  518-19. 

Aninon,  F.  de,  memorial  of,  ii.  398-9. 
Anson,  Capt.  G.,  exped.  of,  1739-44, 

ii.  592-3. 

Antigua,  founded  by  Enciso,  1510, 

i.  327-8;  Balboa  in  command  at,  i. 
328-30,  338-57;  Nicuesa  at,  i.  334- 
5;  factions  in,  i.  338-40;  growth  of, 

i.  341;  prosperity  of,  i.  385;  ranked 
as  a city,  1514,  i.  391;  scarcity  at, 
i.  396;  Indian  outbreaks  near,  1522, 

i.  476;  abandoned,  1521-4,  i.  499. 
Antonelli,  Surveyor  J.  G.,  rept  of,  ii. 

399. 

Apaneca,  battle  of,  1876,  iii.  403-4. 
Apochpalon,  Cacique,  meeting  with 
Cortes,  etc.,  1524,  i.  547-50,  557. 

' Appendix  to  Sharp’s  South  Sea  Wag- 
goner,’ MS.,  ii.  758. 

Aquino,  A.,  revolt  of,  1833,  iii.  168. 
Arada,  battle  of,  1850,  iii.  279-80. 
Arana,  Licentiate  T.  I.  de,  rept  of, 

ii.  707. 

Aransivia  y Sasi,  S.  de,  gov.  of  Nic., 
1721,  ii.  607. 


Arbolancha,  P.  de,  Balboa’s  envoy  to 
Spain,  1514,  i.  384-5;  delay  of,  i. 
392;  reception,  i.  393. 

Arce,  M.  J.,  imprisonment  of,  iii.  20; 
defeats  Padilla,  iii.  58;  president  of 
Nic.,  1825,  iii.  80;  rule,  iii.  82-94; 
‘ Memoria,’ iii.  107;  defeat  of,  1832, 

iii.  113;  pacification  of  Nic.,  1825, 

iii.  172;  invasion  of  Salv.,  1S44,  iii. 
190-1. 

‘Archives  of  the  Indies,’  i.  195-6. 
Arellano,  J.  R.  de,  bishop  of  Guat., 
1601,  ii.  663-4. 

Arguello,  F.  de,  aids  Balboa,  i.  441, 
450;  execution  of,  1517,  i.  457-9. 
Arguello,  J.,  vice-jefe  of  Nic.,  1825, 

iii.  173;  contest  with  Cerda,  iii.  174. 
Arguilar,  V.,  execution  of  Mora,  1860, 
iii.  376;  death  of,  iii.  376. 

Arias,  C.,  provis.  president  of  Hond., 
1872^,  iii.  457-60. 

Arias,  G.,  exped.  of,  1529,  ii.  109. 
Aristocrats,  attitude,  etc.,  of,  in  Guat., 
1848,  iii.  274r-6,  281. 

Ariza,  Don  A.  de,  ‘Comentas,’  ii.  481; 

gov.  of  Pan.,  1774,  ii.  582. 

Ariza  y Torres,  Capt.  R.,  revolt  of, 
1823,  iii.  72-3. 

Arizpuru,  Gen.  R.,  revolt  of,  1873,  iii. 
538;  revolution  of,  1875,  iii.  541-2; 
1878,  iii.  543;  president  of  Pan., 
iii.  542;  occupation  of  Pan.,  1885, 
iii.  554;  arrest,  etc.,  of,  iii.  554-5. 
Armies,  of  Cent.  Amer.,  iii.  645-9. 
Arosemena,  M.,  works,  etc.,  of,  iii. 
489. 

Arrazola,  affair  at,  1S27,  iii.  91. 
Arteaga,  B.  de,  storming  of  Mixco, 
1525,  i.  691. 

Arteaga  y Abendano,  J.  de,  bishop  of 
Chiap.,  etc.,  1538,  ii.  330;  death, 

ii.  330. 

Arzu,  Brigadier  M.,  exped.  of,  1822, 

iii.  60-1;  operations  of,  1828,  iii.  94. 
Asamblea  Nacional  Constituyente,  see 

Congress,  Central  American. 
Aspinwall,  see  Colon. 

Astaburuaga,  F.  S.,  ‘Reptiblicas  de 
Centro- America,  ’ iii.  361. 
Atahualpa,  Inca,  Pizarro’s  invasion, 
ii.  19-20;  capture,  etc.,  of,  ii.  21- 
32;  ransom,  ii.  32-6;  execution,  ii. 
36-8. 

Atiquipac,  Alvarado  at,  1524,  i.  666. 
Atitlan,  enslavement  of  natives  in,  ii. 
234-5. 

Atlacatl,  King,  submission  of,  1524, 
i.  674. 

Audiencias,  description  of,  i.  270-3. 

| Audiencia  of  the  Confines,  establd 
I 1543,  ii.  241;  jurisd.  ii.  241;  per- 


INDEX. 


749 


sonnel,  ii.  301;  seat  of  the,  ii.  301, 
310,  370,  400;  iii.  326;  dispute  with 
Las  Casas,  etc.,  ii.  303-7;  dissen- 
sions, 1696-1702,  ii.  661-3. 
Audiencia  of  Los  Reyes,  establd.  1543, 
ii.  241;  jurisd.  ii.  241. 

Audiencia  of  Panama,  establd.  1533, 
ii.  57;  jurisd.,  etc.,  ii.  57-8,  585; 
abolished,  1533,  ii.  241;  reestabld. 

ii.  464. 

Audiencia  of  Santo  Domingo,  establd. 
1526,  i.  269;  personnel,  i.  269-70; 
jurisd.  i.  270 

Aury,  Commodore,  capture  of  Tru- 
„ jillo,  1820,  iii.  24-5. 

Avalos,  J.  de,  exped.  of,  1525,  i. 
171-2. 

Avendano,  Father  A.  de,  mission  to 
the  Itzas,  1695,  ii.  689-90. 
Avendano,  D.  de,  president  of  Guat. 
1642-9,  ii.  653. 

Aycinena,  M.,  jefe  of  Guat.,  1827,  iii. 
150-2 

Aycinena,  P.,  acting  president  of 
Guat.,  1865,  iii.  413. 

Ayora,  J.  de.,  exped.  of,  1514,  i.  396- 
402;  outrages  of,  i.  399-402;  es- 
cape, i.  402. 

Ayuntamientos,  functions,  etc.,  of,  iii. 
8-10;  votes  of  on  union  with  Mex., 
1821,  iii.  53-4. 

Ayza,  J.  de,  gov.  of  Nic.,  ii.  608. 
Azinitia,  J.  A.,  cabinet  minister,  1845, 

iii.  268-9,  272. 

B 

Bacalar,  fort  built  at,  ii.  625. 

Bachicao,  H.,  exped.  to  Pan.,  ii. 
254-5. 

Bachiller,  definition,  etc.,  of  word,  i. 
297. 

Badajoz,  Capt.  G.  de,  joins  Pedrarias’ 
exped.  1514,  i.  390;  exped.  of,  1515, 

i.  412-17;  defeat,  i.  415-17;  meet- 
ing with  Espinosa,  i.  420-1. 

Badillo,  J.  de,  exped.,  etc.,  of,  1537, 

ii.  54-7. 

Balboa,  V.  N.  de,  character,  i.  324, 
454—5;  early  career,  i.  324—5;  gov 
of  Antigua,  i.  329-30,  338-56;  dip- 
lomacy, etc.,  of,  i.  338-40;  exped. 
against  C'areta,  i.  354-6;  visit  to 
Comagre,  i.  347-9;  Panciaco’s  story, 
i.  347^S;  exped.  to  Dabaiha,  1512, 
i.  351-2;  defeats  confederated  tribes, 
i 353;  charges  against,  i.  356-7; 
crosses  the  Isthmus  of  Darien,  i. 
358-74;  defeats  Porque,  i.  363^4; 
discovers  the  South  Sea,  etc.,  1513, 
i.  129,  364-73;  encounter  with  i 


Chiapes,  i.  369;  canoe  voyage  of,  i. 

374- 5;  Tumaco’s  story,  etc.,  i. 

375- 7;  return  to  Antigua,  i.  378-84; 
pacifies  Teoca,  i 378;  cruelty  to 
Poncra,  i.  379-80;  Pocorosa’s  state- 
ment, i.  381 ; captures  Tubanama,  i 
381-3;  sickness  at  Comagre,  i.  383; 
spoils  of  exped.,  i.  384-5;  super- 
seded by  Pedrarias,  1514,  i.  393-4; 
trial  of,  i.  395;  exped.,  1515,  i.  406- 
7;  feud  with  Davila,  i.  432-3,  437; 
capt. -gen.  of  Coibaand  Pan.,  i.  435; 
betrothal,  i.  439;  reestablishes  Acla, 
1516,  i.  441;  ship-building  on  the 
Balsas,  1517,  i.  441-5;  at  the  Pearl 
Islands,  i.  445-52;  fate  of,  forecast, 

i.  447-8;  arrest  of,  i.  452-3;  trial,  i. 
456-7;  execution,  1517,  i.  457-9. 

Balsas,  Rio  de  las,  ship-building  on 
the,  1517,  i.  442-5. 

Barahona,  Admiral  J.  de,  naval  com- 
bat off  Pan.,  1680,  ii.  535-7. 
Barbacoas,  Morgan  at,  1671,  ii.  499. 
Barillas,  M.  L.,  president  of  Guat., 
1886,  iii.  451-2;  cabinet,  iii.  452. 
Barker,  A.,  exped.  to  Bond.,  1576,  ii. 
637-8. 

Barranco,  — , bishop  of  Hond.,  1811- 
19,  iii.  631. 

Barrientos,  Vicar  P.  de,  mention  of, 
1576,  ii.  374. 

Barriere,  P.,  proceedings  of,  iii.  45. 
Barrionuevo,  Capt.  F.  de,  gov.  of  Cas- 
tilla del  Oro,  ii.  46,  51. 

Barrios,  Gen.  G.,  defence  of  Leon, 
1844,  iii.  199;  at  San  Miguel,  iii. 
201;  operations  of,  1857,  iii.  300; 
pronunciamiento,  etc.,  of,  iii.  301; 
coup  d’etat,  iii.  302;  president  of 
Salv.,  iii.  302;  operations,  1863,  iii. 
304-6;  besieged  at  San  Salv.,  iii. 
306;  capture  and  execution,  1865, 
iii.  307. 

Barrios,  J.  R.,  revolution  of,  1871,  iii. 
419-24;  president  of  Guat.,  1S73-85, 
iii.  420-49;  invasion  of  Salv.,  1876, 

iii.  402-5;  1885,  iii.  409-10;  efforts 
for  confed.  of  Cent.  Amer.,  1883-5, 
iii.  442-9;  quarrel  with  Soto,  1883, 
iii.  467-8;  character,  iii.  431-2;  at- 
tempted assassination  of,  iii.  443-4; 
death,  1885,  iii.  410,  449. 

Barrios  y Leal,  president  of  Guat., 
1688-95,  ii.  659-61;  exped.  of,  1695, 

ii.  682^;  death,  ii.  6S5. 

Barroeta,  R.,  vice-president  of  C.  R., 

1872,  iii.  3S1-2. 

Barrundia,  J.  F.,  imprisonment,  etc., 
of,  iii.  18-19;  revolutionary  meas- 
ures, iii.  33,  86-7;  jefe  of  Guat., 
1824,  iii.  146;  rule,  iii.  146-8;  presi- 


750 


INDEX. 


dent,  1829,  iii.  102;  rule,  iii.  102-12; 
negotiations  with  Carrera,  iii.  129- 
30. 

Baskerville,  Sir  T.,  defeat  of,  1595,  ii. 
422. 

Bastidas,  R.  de,  exped.,  etc.,  of,  1500- 
2,  i.  114,  183-94;  biog.,  i.  195. 

Battles,  Tonola,  1524,  i.  028;  Xelahuh, 
1524,  i.  639-41;  Acajutla,  1524,  i. 
670-3;  Tacuxcalco,  1524,  i.  673-4; 
Iztapa,  1524,  ii.  216-17;  Canales, 
1526,  ii.  83;  Patinamit,  1526,  ii.  84; 
Panama,  1671,  ii.  504—6;  Villanueva, 
1338,  iii.  135-6;  Arada,  1850,  iii. 
279-80;  Santa  Ana,  1871,  iii.  395-6; 
Apaneca,  1S76,  iii.  403-4;  Pasa- 
quina,  1S76,  iii,  404;  Narango,  1S76, 
iii.  402. 

Bay  Islands,  colony  of,  establd.  1850, 
iii.  319. 

Bayano,  — , campaign  of,  ii.  387-8. 

Bazan,  J.  de  V.,  gov.  of  Pan.,  ii.  479; 
rule,  ii.  479-80. 

Beatriz,  Dona,  grief  of,  ii.  311-12; 
gov.  of  Guat.,  1541,  ii.  312-13; 
death,  ii.  317. 

Becerra,  F., exped.  of,  destroyed,  1515, 

i.  403. 

Behaim,  M.,  map  of  globe,  1492,  i.  93. 

Belen  River,  Columbus  at,  1503,  i. 
218-19. 

Belen,  village,  Nicuesa’s  exped.  at, 
1510,  i.  305-6. 

Belgium,  colonization  scheme  in  Guat., 
iii.  589-90. 

Belize,  origin  of  name,  ii.  624;  wood- 
cutters in,  ii.  624—35;  Figueroa’s 
exped.  to,  ii.  624-8;  map,  ii.  627; 
English  claims,  ii.  629-31;  treaties 
concerning,  ii.  632-4;  O’Neill’s  ex- 
ped. to,  1798,  ii.  635;  iii.  314;  rights 
of  settlers  in,  iii.  313-14;  commerce, 
etc.,  of,  iii.  317. 

Belly,  F.,  works  of,  iii.  263. 

Benalcazar,  Capt.  S.  de,  joins  Pedra- 
rias’  exped.,  1514,  i.  391;  conquest 
of  Peru,  ii.  15,  26,  38-9. 

Benvenida,  Friar  L.  de,  mission  to 
C.  R.,  1540,  ii.  185. 

Benzoni,  G.,  exped.  to  C.  R.,  1545,  ii. 
192-9;  works,  etc.,  of,  ii.  232-3. 

Berenger,  ‘ Collection,  ’ ii.  751-2. 

Berlanga,  Friar  T.  de,  alleged  miracle, 
etc.,  of,  1537,  ii.  59. 

B-rmejo,  J.,  the  Contreras  revolt, 
1550,  ii.  274-86;  defeat  at  Pan.,  ii. 
284-6;  death,  ii.  286. 

Berrospe,  G.  S.  de,  president  of  Guat., 
1696-1701,  ii.  661-2. 

Betanzos,  D.  de,  convent  founded  by, 
1529,  ii.  135-6. 


Betanzos,  Father  P.  A.  de,  labors  of, 
1555-70,  ii.  432-3. 

Bcthlehemites,  in  Guat.,  ii.  666-7. 
Biamonte  y Navarra,  J.  B.  de,  gov.  of 
Pan.,  ii.  480. 

Biru,  Andagoya’s  exped.  to,  1522,  i. 
502-3. 

Birues,  de,  exped.  of,  1515,  i.  407. 
Blanco,  M.,  pronunciamiento  of,  1S68, 
iii.  378. 

Blewfields,  population,  etc.,  of,  1847, 
iii.  249. 

Bobadilla,  Commissioner  F.  de,  pro- 
ceedings of,  at  Espauola,  1500-2,  i. 
180-1,  248-9;  enslavement  of  na- 
tives, i.  266. 

Bobadilla,  Friar  F.  de,  labors  of,  in 
Nic.,  ii.  1S445. 

Bobadilla,  J.  F.,  gov.  of  C.  R.,  1780, 

ii.  622. 

Bogran,  Gen.  L.,  president  of  Hond., 
1883,  iii.  468. 

Bolivar,  S.,  congress  at  Pan.,  1826, 

iii.  511-12;  at  Angostura,  iii.  513. 
Bonnycastle,  R.  H.,  ‘Spanish  Amer- 
ica, ’ iii.  248. 

Bordone,  B.,  map  of,  1528,  i.  144. 
Borland,  S.,  U.  S.  minister,  interfer- 
ence of,  iii.  255. 

Bosch,  L.  van  der,  writings  of,  ii.  745. 
Botello,  L.,  execution  of,  1517,  i. 457-9. 
Boucher,  G.,  ‘ Bibliothiique  Univer- 
selle,’  ii.  760. 

Bourbourg,  B.  de,  ‘ Histoire  des  Na- 
tions Civilisees  du  Mexique,’  i.  201. 
Bradley,  Capt.,  foray  on  the  Ilaclia, 
1670,  ii.  491;  captures  San  Lorenzo, 
ii.  494-6. 

Brigantine,  picture  of,  i.  189. 

Briones,  Capt.,  exped.  to  Hond., 
1524,  i.  525;  treachery  of,  i.  526; 
Olid’s  assassination,  i.  531-3;  exe- 
cution of,  i.  534. 

Briones,  J.  A.  L.  de,  gov.  of  Nic., 
1744,  ii.  607. 

Buccaneering,  origin  of,  ii.  451-3. 
Buccaneers,  name,  ii.  452;  mode  of 
life,  ii.  454-6;  excesses,  etc.,  of,  ii. 
489-90. 

Buena  Esperanza,  founding  of,  1535, 

ii.  157;  abandoned,  1536,  ii.  161-2. 
Buitrago,  P.,  director  of  Nic.,  1841-3, 

iii.  238-9. 

Bure,  G.  F.  de,  ‘ Bibliographique  In- 
structive,’ ii.  760. 

Burnaby,  Sir  W.,  mission  to  Belize, 

ii.  630. 

Burney,  J.,  works  of,  ii.  753. 
Bustamante  y Guerra,  Gen.  J.,  capt.- 
gen.  of  Guat.,  1811,  iii.  6;  biog., 

iii.  6-7;  rule,  iii.  6-21. 


INDEX. 


751 


C 

Caballon,  Licentiate  J.  de,  defeats 
Gaitan,  1554,  ii.  425;  exped.  of, 
1560-2,  ii.  425-6. 

Caballos,  Puerta  de,  name,  i.  519; 

L’Olonnois’  raid  on,  ii.  458. 
Cabanas,  T.,  siege  of  Leon,  1844,  iii. 
199;  at  San  Miguel,  iii.  201;  defeat 
at  Quelapa,  iii.  202;  president  of 
Hond.,  1S52-5,  iii.  321-2;  character, 
etc.,  iii.  321. 

Cabello,  D.,  gov.  of  Nic.,  1766,  ii. 
608. 

Cabezas  Islands,  Drake  at,  ii.  407-8, 
414,  416. 

Cabezas,  R.,  jefe  of  Guat.,  1830,  iii. 

153;  biog.,  iii.  153-4. 

Cabot,  J. , voyage  of,  i.  98-9. 

Cabot,  S.,  voyages  of,  i.  98-9,  108-9, 
143. 

Cabral,  P.  A.,  voyage  of,  1500,  i.  1 13— 
14. 

Cabrera,  P.,  surprised  by  Verdugo,  ii. 
263. 

Caceres,  Capt.,  captures  Lempira’s 
stronghold,  1537,  ii.  291-2;  treach- 
ery of,  ii.  291-2. 

Cackchiquel,  map  of,  i.  629. 
Cackchiquels,  power,  etc.,  of  the,  621; 
subjugation,  1524,  i.  652-7;  revolt 
of  the,  1524-5,  i.  681-92;  1526,  ii. 
79-85;  1534,  ii.  130. 

Cacos,  party,  iii.  26-7;  revolutionary 
movements,  iii.  33;  policy,  iii.  42-3. 
Caibil  Balam,  Cacique,  submission  of, 
1525,  i.  702. 

Caicedo,  J.  de,  mention  of,  i.  333. 
Calancha,  J.  L.,  president  of  Pan., 
1864-5,  iii.  533. 

Caldas,  S.  A.  A.  R.  de,  president  of 
Guat.,  1667-70,  ii.  658-9. 

Caldas,  President,  ‘ Copia  de  Carta,’ 
ii.  761-2. 

Calderon,  A.,  bishop  of  Pan.,  ii.  475. 
Calimaya,  Conde  S.  de,  president  of 
Guat.,  1654,  ii.  657. 

Calvo,  B.,  gov.  of  Pan.,  1856,  iii.527-8. 
Camachire,  Cacique,  torture,  etc.,  of, 

ii.  194-5. 

Camara  y Raya,  bishop  of  Pan.,  1614, 
i.  477-8. 

Camargo,A.  de,  exped.  of,  1539,  i.  151. 
Camargo,  M.  de,  gov.  of  Nic.,  ii.  607. 
Cambranes,  F.,  bishop  of  Guat.,  ii.  378. 
Campbell,  Capt.,  the  Scots’ colony,  ii. 
578-9. 

Campo,  R.,  president  of  Salv.,  1856, 

iii.  300-2. 

Campoy,  F.  de  P.,  bishop  of  Hond., 
1841,  iii.  631. 


Camus,  A.  G.,  works  of,  ii.  760. 

Can,  M.  F.,  embassy  of,  1695,  ii.  689. 

Cana,  sack  of,  ii.  586. 

Canales,  battle  of,  1526,  ii.  83. 

Caiias,  A.  J.,  minister  to  U.  S.,  1825, 
iii.  81. 

Caiias,  J. , ruler  of  Salv.,  1840,  iii.  143. 

Caiias,  Gen.  J.  M.,  mention  of,  iii. 
345-6;  execution  of,  iii.  376. 

Cancer,  Friar  L..  labors  in  Vera  Paz, 
etc.,  ii.  353-5;  exped.  to  Flor. , ii. 
355-6;  martyrdom,  1549,  ii.  356; 
biog.,  ii.  357. 

Cancuc,  revolt  at,  1712,  ii.  697-704. 

Candia,  P.  de,  conquest  of  Peru,  ii. 
11,  13. 

Cano,  Friar  A.,  mission  of,  1685,  ii. 
680. 

Capac,  M.,  inca  of  Peru,  ii.  38;  revolt 
of,  ii.  39;  defeat  of,  ii.  40. 

Carabajal,  D.  de,  naval  combat  off 
Pan.,  1680,  ii.  535-7. 

Caravel,  picture  of,  i.  187. 

Carbajal,  Friar  A.  de,  bishop  of  Pan., 
1605-11,  i.  476-7. 

Carbajal,  R.  de,  mission  to  Pan.,  ii. 
256-7;  gov.  of  Pan.,  1779,  ii.  584. 

Carcamo  y Rodriguez,  bishop  of  Salv., 
iii.  632. 

Cardenas,  A.,  president  of  Nic.,  1883, 
iii.  485. 

Cardenas,  Father  T.  de,  bishop  of 
Vera  Paz,  1565,  ii.  374-5. 

Cardona,  J.  de  L.,  founds  Quezalte- 
nango,  1524,  i.  638. 

Careta,  Cacique,  capture,  etc.,  of, 
1511,  i.  343-6;  friendship  for  Bal- 
boa, i.  359,  399;  cruel  treatment  of, 
i.  399^00. 

Caribs,  of  Hond.,  iii.  609-10. 

Carillo,  B.,  revolt  at  Leon,  1812,  iii. 
14. 

Carillo,  Capt.  L. , Pedrarias’  exped., 
1514,  i.  390;  Balboa’s  exped.,  1515, 
i.  406;  death,  i.  407. 

Carranza,  B.,  provis.  president  of  C.. 
R.,  1870,  iii.  379-80. 

Carrasco,  Licentiate,  bishop-elect  of 
Nic.,  ii.  434-5. 

Carrascosa,  A.,  mention  of,  ii.  15. 

Carreno,  J.  M.,  iutendente  of  Panama, 
1822,  iii.  508-9. 

Carrera,  R.,  insurrection  of,  1837,  iii. 
124-8;  biog.,  iii.  125;  negotiations 
with,  iii.  129-30;  captures  Guat., 
iii.  131-2;  defeat  at  Villanueva,  iii. 
135-6;  capitulation,  iii.  137-8;  pro- 
nunciamiento  of,  1839,  iii.  140; 
defeats  Morazan,  iii.  141-2;  nego- 
tiations with  Guzman,  iii.  203;  man- 
ifesto of,  iii.  207-8;  despotism  of. 


752 


INDEX. 


iii.  264-7;  president  of  Guat.,  1S44, 
iii.  267;  plot  against,  iii.  268;  at- 
tempted assassination  of,  iii.  269; 
revolution  against,  1847-8,  iii.  271- 
3;  resignation,  1848,  iii.  274;  return 
to  Guat.,  1S49,  iii.  277-8;  com- 
mander-in-chief, iii.  27S;  proscrip- 
tion, iii.  279;  operations,  1850,  iii. 
2S0;  president  for  life,  1854,  iii.  282; 
rule,  iii.  283;  campaigns  of,  1863, 
iii.  304—7;  death,  iii.  283-4. 

Carrillo,  B.,  jefe  of  Costa  Rica,  1835, 
iii.  181;  183S,  iii.  183;  rule,  iii.  182- 
4,  215-17. 

Carrillo,  Capt.  L.,  defence  of  Granada, 
1550,  ii.  277. 

Carrion,  Oidor  J. , mention  of,  iii.  494. 
Cartagena,  Ojeda’s  defeat  at,  1509,  i. 
2DS-9;  Enciso  at,  1510,  i.  322-3; 
Heredia  at,  1532,  ii.  47-8;  Drake 
at,  1572,  ii.  407-9;  captured  by 
Drake,  1586,  ii.  420;  description  of, 

ii.  579-80;  captured  by  filibusters, 
1697,  ii.  580;  bombarded  by  Ver- 
non, 1740,  ii.  591;  revolt  at,  1810, 

iii.  493;  1S12,  iii.  494-5. 

Cartago,  description  of,  ii.  445;  Mans- 

velt’s  raid  on,  ii.  461-2;  conspiracy 
at,  1823,  iii.  66;  revolt  at,  1835,  iii. 
182;  1S75,  iii.  385. 

Casa  de  Contratacion  de  las  Indias, 
origin  of,  1493,  i.  168;  description 
of,  i.  282-3. 

Casas,  F.  de  las,  exped.  against  Olid, 
1524,  i.  52S-34;  Olid’s  assassination, 

i.  531-3;  departure  for  Mex.,  i.  533. 
Casas,  B.  de  las,  see  Las  Casas,  B.  de. 

( asaos,  P.  de,  capt. -gen.  of  Pan.,  1545, 

ii.  258-9. 

Casaus  y Torres,  R.,  archbishop  of 
Guat.,  iii.  29-30;  biog.,  iii.  30. 
Cascaras,  Brigadier  F.,  campaign  of, 
1S27,  iii.  92-3. 

Casillas,  Friar  T.,  mention  of,  ii.  345. 
Casillas,  Father  P.,  bishop  of  Chiap., 
1550,  ii.  373. 

Casorla,  J.  R.,  president  of  Pan., 
1878,  iii.  543. 

Castaneda,  D.  de,  exped.  of,  1548,  ii. 
186. 

Castaneda,  F.  de,  gov.  of  Nic.,  1531, 
ii.  166-7;  misrule,  ii.  167-9;  flight, 
etc.,  ii.  169. 

Castaneda,  Col  V.,  vice-president  of 
Guat.,  1886,  iii.  451. 

Castafion,  C.,  gov.  of  Chiap.,  iii.  38. 
Castellanos,  F.  de,  campaign  of,  1530, 
ii.  111-13. 

Castellanos,  J.  de,  works  of,  ii.  60-1. 
Castellanos,  V.,  president  of  Hond., 
1862,  iii.  324-5. 


Castellon,  F.,  revolt  of,  1854-5,  iii. 
259-61. 

Castile,  kingdom  of,  i.  10. 

Castilla,  Dr  A.  C.  de,  president  of 
Guat.,  1598-1609,  ii.  649-51. 

Castilla  del  Oro,  (see  also  Panama), 
name,  i.  294—5;  Nicuesa’s  exped.  to, 
1509-10,  i.  294-30S;  maps  of,  i.  323; 

ii.  49. 

Castillo,  Friar  B.  del,  adventures, 
etc.,  of,  ii.  172-5. 

Castillo,  M.  S.  del,  president  of  Salv. , 

iii.  302. 

Castillo,  N.  del,  president  of  Nic., 
1856,  iii.  351-2. 

Castro,  J.  A.,  mediation  of,  iii.  219- 
20;  minister -gen.  of  C.  R.,  1843,  iii. 
224. 

Castro,  J.  M.,  president  of  C.  R.,  1847, 
iii.  228-30;  1866,  iii.  377;  resigna- 
tion, iii.  236. 

Castro,  V.  de,  mission  to  Peru,  ii. 
250-1. 

Caxamalca,  Pizarro  at,  ii.  21-38. 

Cebaco,  Cacique,  dealings  with  Hur- 
tado, 1516,  i.  427. 

CGis,  D.  G.  de,  mission  to  Alvarado, 
1835-6,  ii.  161-2;  complaints  against, 

ii.  163-4. 

Cemaco,  Cacique,  defeated  by  Enciso, 
1510,  i.  326-7;  by  Pizarro,  1511,  i. 
344;  victory  of,  i.  352-3. 

Central  America,  enslavement,  etc., 
of  natives  in,  ii.  232-9;  the  new 
laws,  1543,  ii.  240-4;  historical  re- 
view of,  ii.  733-5;  revolution  in,  ii. 
1818-21,  iii.  23-41;  union  with 
Mex.,  1821-2,  iii.  42-59;  confedera- 
tion, iii.  60-78;  seal  of,  iii.  71;  con- 
stitution, iii.  75-7 ; treaty  with 
Colombia,  1825,  iii.  81;  with  U.  S., 

iii.  81;  designs  of  Fernando  VII., 
iii.  105-6;  Spaniards  excluded  from, 
iii.  106;  republic  of,  dissolved,  1837 
-40,  iii.  127^4;  attempted  unifica- 
tion of,  1883-5,  iii.  442-9;  physical 
features,  etc.,  iii.  560-5;  population, 
1883-5,  iii.  587-8;  colonization  in, 
iii.  588-94;  castes,  iii.  594-6;  dis- 
eases, etc.,  in,  iii.  619-20;  education 
in,  iii.  621-7;  church  and  clergy, 
iii.  627-37 ; ailministr.  of  justice,  iii. 
638-45;  military  affairs,  iii.  645-9; 
agric.,  iii.  650-5;  mining,  iii.  655- 
60;  manufact.,  iii.  660-2;  commerce, 
iii.  663-7,  675;  navigation,  iii.  667- 
8;  roads,  iii.  669;  currency,  iii.  669- 
70,  675-6;  mails,  iii.  671-2;  finances, 
iii.  677-87;  debt,  iii.  677-87;  rail- 
roads, iii.  700-2,  706-8;  telegraphs, 
iii.  708-9. 


INDEX. 


753 


Centi,  treasure  found  at,  ii.  48. 

Cerda,  C.  de  la,  capitulation,  etc.,  of, 
iii.  86. 

Cerda,  M.  A.  de  la,  jefeof  Nic.,  1825, 
iii.  173;  contest  with  Argiiello,  iii. 
174;  execution,  iii.  174. 

Cereceda,  A.  de,  gov.  of  Hond.,  ii. 
146-7,  155-64;  imprisonment,  etc., 
of,  1531,  ii.  151-3;  counter-revolu- 
tion of,  ii.  154;  exped.  to  Naco,  ii. 
156-7;  dispute  with  Cueva,  ii.  158- 
9;  appeal  to  Alvarado,  ii.  160-1; 
complaints  of,  ii.  163. 

Cerna,  V.,  president  of  Guat.,  1865- 
71,  iii.  413-23. 

Cerrato,  A.  L.  de,  juez  de  residencia, 

ii.  183-4,  308-9;  president  of  the 
audiencia  of  the  Confines,  ii.  308- 
10;  administr.,  ii.  326-7. 

Cervera,  D.,  president  of  Pan.,  1880- 
4,  iii.  544-9. 

Cesar,  F.,  mention  of,  ii.  50-1;  ex- 
ped., 1536,  ii.  52;  1537-8,  ii.  53-5; 
death,  ii.  56. 

Chacon,  J.  M.,  president  of  Guat. 

constituent  congress,  1824,  iii.  145. 
Chacujal,  Cortes  at,  1525,  i.  569-70. 
Chagre  River,  Cueto  at,  1510,  i.  305. 
Chahul,  capture  of,  1530,  ii.  112. 
Chalchuapa,  assault  on,  1885,  iii. 
410. 

Chamorro,  F. , suprema  delegado, 
1844,  iii.  189,  194,  196. 

Chamorro,  F.,  director  of  Nic.,  1853, 

iii.  256;  provis.  president,  1854,  iii. 
258;  revolt  against,  iii.  259;  death, 
iii.  259-60. 

Chamorro,  P.  J.,  president  of  Nic., 
1875-9,  iii.  481-2. 

Chamula,  capture  of,  1524,  ii.  221-5. 
Charles  V.,  the  rebellion  in  Peru,  ii. 
265. 

Chatfield,  Consul,  F. , mediation  of, 
requested,  1839-40,  iii.  186-7;  the 
Mosquita  difficulty,  iii.  251;  de- 
mands on  Salv.,  iii.  297-8;  negotia- 
tions, etc.,  of,  iii.  318-19. 

Chaves,  F.  de,  death  of,  ii.  41. 

Chaves,  H.  de,  battle  of  Xelahuh, 
1524,  i.  139;  exped.  to  Zacatepec, 
1527,  ii.  89;  capture  of  Copan,  1530, 
ii.  113-15. 

Chaves,  Capt.  J.  de,  exped.  of,  1836, 
ii.  164-5. 

Chiapas,  ancient  inhabitants  of,  ii. 
214;  conquest  of,  1524-6,  ii.  215- 
27;  settlement,  etc.,  of,  ii.  228-31; 
church  affairs  in,  ii.  229-30,  328-39, 
373-5,  712-13;  maps  of,  ii.  331;  iii. 
39;  the  new  laws,  ii.  332-3, 338;  pros- 
perity of,  ii.  669;  character  of  pop-  j 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  Vol.  III.  48 


ulation,  ii.  669-70;  govt,  etc.,  of, 

ii.  670-1;  the  Tzendal  revolt,  1712— 
13,  ii.  696-705;  population,  1813, 

iii.  36;  education,  iii.  37;  industries, 
iii.  38;  revolution  in,  iii.  38-41. 

Chiapas,  city,  coat  of  arms,  ii.  330. 
Chiapas  de  los  Indios,  founding  of, 
1526,  iii.  227. 

Chiapas,  stronghold,  capture  of,  1524, 
ii.  217-20;  1526,  ii.  226-7. 

Chiapes,  Cacique,  encounter  with 
Balboa,  1513,  i.  369. 

Chepo,  Cacique,  execution  of,  1515,  i. 
404. 

Cherino,  D.  de  A.,  gov.  of  C.  R.,  etc., 
1573,  ii.  430;  exped.  of,  1575,  ii. 
430-1. 

Chignautecs,  defeat  of  the,  1525,  i. 

688-9;  submission,  i.  690. 

Chilapan,  Cortes  at,  1524,  i.  542. 
Chilun,  captured  by  Tzendales,  1712, 

11.  698. 

Chinameca,  treaty  of,  1845,  iii.  203-4. 
Chinandega,  pacto  de,  iii.  187-90; 
convention  of,  iii.  187-8;  capture, 
etc.,  of,  1S45,  iii.  241-2. 

Chiracona,  Cacique,  torture,  etc.,  of, 
1516,  i.  429-30. 

Chiriqui,  revolt  in,  1526,  i.  509;  prov- 
ince of,  organized,  1849,  iii.  516-17. 
Chiriquita,  captured  by  freebooters, 
1686,  ii.  556. 

Chiru,  Cacique,  capture  of,  i.  423. 
Choles,  attempted  conversion  of,  1675- 
88,  ii.  679-80. 

Choluteca,  affair  at,  1S44,  iii.  194. 
Chroniclers,  early,  credibility  of,  dis- 
cussed, i.  317-20. 

Church,  tithes,  ii.  139-40;  affairs  of 
in  Hond.,  ii.  299-301,  641-2,  712- 
13;  in  Chiap.  ii.  328-39,  373,  712- 
13;  in  Guat.,  ii.  341-8,  663-9,  710- 

12,  728-33;  in  Vera  Paz,  ii.  353-4, 
374-5;  in  Soconusco,  ii.  372;  in 
Nic.,  ii.  612-17;  religious  orders 
suppressed,  1870-4,  iii.  425-7;  his- 
tory of  the,  iii.  627-37. 

Cihuatlan,  Cortes  in,  1524,  i.  542-3. 
Cimarrones,  depredations,  etc.,  of,  ii. 
366-9;  Drake’s  exped.,  ii.  407-17, 
Oxenham’s  exped.,  ii.  418. 

Ciudad  Real,  founding,  etc.,  of,  1528, 
ii.  229-30;  a cathedral  city,  1538, 
ii.  329;  revolt,  etc.,  at,  1712-13,  ii. 
705;  flood  at,  1785,  ii.  706;  revolu- 
tion at,  iii.  39-10. 

Clayton -Bui wer  Treaty,  1850,  iii.  252. 
Clergy,  expatriation  of,  1829,  iii.  103- 
4;  immorality  of,  iii.  472-3;  privi- 
leges, etc.,  of,  iii.  627-9,  630—7. 
Climate  of  Cent.  A:ner.,  iii.  561-2. 


754 


INDEX. 


Coatepeque,  Carrera’s  repulse  at,  1863,' 
iii.  304.  | 

Coats  of  arms,  Chiap.,  ii.  330;  Guat., 
iii.  147;  C.  R.,  iii.  229. 

Coco,  affair  at,  1885,  iii.  410. 

Cocori,  Cacique,  seizure,  etc.,  of,  ii. 
194-5,  197. 

Code,  organic,  iii.  8-10. 

Codro,  M.,  forecasts  Balboa’s  fate,  i. 
447-8. 

Coiba,  reported  wealth  of,  i.  343-5. 
Cole,  B.,  mention  of,  iii.  328. 

‘ Coleccion  de  Documentos,  Ineditos,  ’ 

i.  200. 

Colindres,  M.,  mention  of,  iii.  339. 
‘Collection  of  Voyages  and  Travels,’ 

ii.  740. 

Colmenares,  R.  E.  de,  exped.  to  Vera- 
gua,  1510,  i.  331;  relieves  Nicuesa, 

i.  331-2;  exped.  to  Dabaiba,  1512, 
i.  351-2;  mission  to  Spain,  1514,  i. 
388. 

Colombia,  insurrection  in,  1820,  iii. 
24-5;  treaty  with,  1825,  iii.  81;  C. 
R.  boundary  question,  iii.  233-5; 
Ban.  annexed  to,  1821,  iii.  506-8; 
republic  of,  organized,  1819,  iii.  513; 
severed,  iii.  519. 

Colon,  disturbances  at,  1885,  iii.  551- 
3;  destruction  of,  iii.  553. 

Colon,  D.  de,  mention  of,  i.  174-5; 
gov.  of  Espanola,  1509,  i.  268;  rule, 
etc.,  i.  268-9,  273;  death,  1526,  i. 
274. 

Colon,  L.,  suit,  etc.,  of,  1538-40,  ii.  64. 
Columbus,  B.,  adelantado,  1494,  i.  173; 

character,  i.  175-6. 

Columbus,  C.,  voyages  of,  i.  86-97, 
109-11,  119-20;  theory  of,  i.  92-3; 
biog.,  etc.,  i.  155-7;  character,  i. 
156-7,  171-2,  181,  232-8;  agree- 
ment with  the  crown,  i.  157-8; 
exped.  of,  1492-3,  i.  158-64;  1493 
-5,  i.  168-76;  1498-1500,  i.  177-82; 
1502-4,  i.  202-31;  charges  against, 

i.  176;  arrest,  etc.,  of,  i.  181-2;  en- 
slavement of  natives,  i.  253-5,  262, 
265-6;  death,  1506,  i.  231. 

Columbus,  F.,  biog.,  i.  203-4;  ‘LaHis- 
toria,’  i.  204. 

Colunje,  J.,  president  of  Pan.,  1865-6, 

iii.  533-4. 

Comagre,  Cacique,  Balboa’s  visit  to, 
1512,  i.  347-9. 

Comayagua,  founding  of,  1539,  ii.  293- 
4;  capture  of,  1827,  iii.  162;  de- 
scription of,  iii.  570-1. 

Commerce,  of  Guat.,  ii.  383-4;  of  Pan., 

ii.  390-3,  587,  594;  Asiatic,  ii.  391- 
2;  of  Nic..  ii.  438;  contraband,  ii. 
473-4;  of  Cent.  Ainer.,  iii.  663-7. 


Companon,  F.,  mention  of,  ii.  442-5; 
at  the  Pearl  Islands,  1517,  i.  452, 
467;  gov.  of  Nata,  i.  508-9;  dispute 
with  Cordoba,  i.  586. 

‘Compendium  of  Authentic  and  En- 
tertaining Voyages,’  ii.  750. 
Concepcion,  founding,  etc.,  of,  ii.  67, 
70. 

Concepcion,  convent,  founded  at 
Granada,  1528,  ii.  184. 

Concepcion,  R.  de  la,  conspiracy  of, 

iii.  18. 

‘ Confederacion  Centro  Americana,  ’ 
established  1844,  iii.  188-9. 
Congress,  Central  American,  installed, 
1823,  iii.  67-8;  measures,  iii.  68-78; 
parties,  iii.  69-70. 

Congress,  federal,  measures,  iii.  79- 
85,  118-19;  dissolved,  iii.  88;  reas- 
sembled, iii.  102;  last  session,  1S38, 
iii.  134. 

Contreras,  H.  de,  revolt  of,  1550,  ii. 

274-88;  death  of,  ii.  287-8. 
Contreras,  Brigadier  J.  T.  de,  defec- 
tion of,  1821,  iii.  46;  revolution 
against,  iii.  46. 

Contreras,  P.  de,  revolt  of,  1550,  ii. 
274-88. 

Contreras,  R.  de,  gov.  of  Nic.,  ii.  169- 
71;  exped.  to  El  Desaguadero,  ii. 
170-1,  175-6;  arrest,  etc.,  of,  ii.  177; 
residencia  of,  ii.  178-9,  183-4; 

charges  against,  ii.  180-2;  dispute, 
etc.,  with  Gutierrez,  ii.  190. 

Copan,  capture  of,  ii.  113-15. 

Cordoba,  F.  H.  de,  voyage  of,  1517,  i. 

132;  exped.  to  Nic.,  1524,  i.  512—14. 
Cordoba,  G.  F.  de,  bishop  of  Nic., 
1535,  ii.  435;  of  Guat.,  1574,  ii.  378- 
80. 

Cordoba,  H.  de,  defection  of,  i.  578- 
80,  584;  Pedrarias’  exped.  against, 

i.  587-9;  execution  of,  1526,  589. 
Cornejo,  J.  M.,  intrigues  of,  iii.  1 15— 

16;  rebellion,  iii.  1832,  116;  defeat 
of,  iii.  117-18;  jefe  of  Salv.,  1829- 
32,  iii.  167. 

Coronado,  A.  de,  gov.  of  Pan.,  1604, 

ii.  464. 

Coronado,  F.  V.  de,  exped.  of,  1540, 
i.  152. 

Coronado,  J.  V.,  exped.  of,  ii.  427-30; 

gov.  of  C.  R.,  1565,  ii.  430. 

Corpus,  affair  at,  1844,  iii.  310. 

Corral,  D.  del,  mission  to  Nicuesa, 
1510,  i.  331—3;  intrigues,  etc.,  of,  i. 
341;  gov.  of  Antigua,  1522,  i.  476. 
Corral,  Gen.,  negotiations  of,  1855,  iii. 
260;  capitulation  with  Walker, 
1855,  iii.  335;  execution  of,  iii. 
337-8. 


INDEX. 


755 


Corregidor,  jurisd.,  etc.,  of,  i.  297. 
Corregimientos,  suppression  of,  1660- 
1790,  ii.  715-16. 

Correoso,  B.,  president  of  Pan.,  1868- 
72,  iii.  637-B;  1878,  iii.  543;  works 
of,  iii.  559. 

Cortereal,  G.,  voyage  of,  1500,  i.  114; 
1501,  i.  117. 

Cortes,  decree  of,  iii.  5;  memorial  to, 
iii.  7;  proceedings,  iii.  30-1. 

Cort6s,  H.,  exped.  of,  1519,  i.  133—4; 
popularity,  etc.,  of,  i.  522-3;  Olid’s 
exped.,  i.  524-8;  exped.  to  Hond., 
1524—6,  i.  537-81;  rumored  death 
of,  i.  544;  machinations  against,  i. 
572-5,  580-1;  return  to  Mex.,  i. 
582;  Alvarado’s  exped.,  1523-4,  i. 
627;  Pizarro’s,  ii.  12,  14,  40. 

Cortes,  Archbishop,  administr.  of, 
1778-9,  ii.  726. 

Cortes  y Larraz,  Dr  P.,  archbishop  of 
Guat.,  1768,  ii.  730-2. 

Corzo,  Pilot,  explorations  of,  ii.  246. 
Cosa,  J.  de  la,  map  of,  i.  115-16; 
friendship  for  Ojeda,  i.  294;  death 
of,  1509,  i.  299. 

Cosigiiina,  volcano,  eruption  of,  1835, 
iii.  176-7. 

Coslo  y Campa,  T.  J.  de,  president  of 
Guat.,  1712—16,  ii.  703—6;  the  Tzen- 
dal  campaign,  1712-13,  ii.  704-5. 
Costa  Rica,  Gutierrez  exped.  to,  1540- 
5,  ii.  187-99;  maps  of,  ii.  188;  iii. 
184,  234;  Franciscans  in,  1555-90, 

ii.  432-3;  secession,  1821,  iii.  49; 
union  with  Mex.,  iii.  66;  assembly, 

iii.  178-9,  217-18,  224-5,  228,  374, 
378-86;  Nicoya  incorporated  with, 
1825,  iii.  179;  location  of  capital,  iii. 
181;  a state,  iii.  183-4;  secession, 
1848,  iii.  208-9;  Morazan’s  invasion, 
1842,  iii.  216—17 ; Alfaro’s  revolt,  iii. 
219-22;  constitution,  iii.  225,  228, 
374,  378,  381;  arms  of,  iii.  229;  a 
republic,  iii.  230;  treaties,  iii.  230; 
boundary  question,  iii.  231-6;  Walk- 
er’s exped.,  1855,  iii.  342-5;  1856-7, 
iii.  354-61;  war  with  Nic.,  1857,  iii. 
362;  Mora’s  invasion  of,  iii.  387; 
independence  of,  threatened,  1885, 
iii.  389-90;  difficulty  with  Nic., 
1873-5,  iii.  478-82;  extent,  iii.  565- 
6;  polit.  divisions,  etc.,  iii.  566; 
cities,  iii.  566-7;  population,  iii. 
587-8;  colonization  schemes,  iii.  593; 
character  of  population,  iii.  596-7 ; 
dwellings,  iii.  597;  food,  etc.,  iii. 

597- 8;  markets,  iii.  598;  dress,  iii. 

598- 9;  amusements,  iii.  599;  edu- 
cation, iii.  622;  church  affairs,  iii. 
634-5,  adininstr.  of  justice,  iii. 


643^1;  army,  iii.  646;  agric.,  iii. 
653-4;  mining,  iii.  658;  revenue, 
etc.,  iii.  683—4;  debt,  iii.  684-5; 
railroads,  iii.  708. 

Council  of  the  Indies,  description  of 
the,  i.  280-2;  decree  of  the,  1519, 
ii.  237. 

Cox  on,  Capt.,  commander-in-chief  of 
pirates,  1680,  ii.  527;  defection  of, 

ii.  537-8. 

Creoles,  condition,  etc.,  of  the,  iii. 
595-6. 

Crowe,  F.,  ‘The  Gospel  in  Cent. 
Amer.,’  iii.  709. 

Cruces,  pillage  of,  1550,  ii.  281 ; cap- 
tured by  Drake,  1572,  ii.  413-14; 
Morgan  at,  1671,  ii.  500. 

Cruz,  Gen.  S.,  rebellion  of,  1867-70, 

iii.  414-18. 

Cruz,  Brigadier  V.,  vice-president  of 
Guat.,  1845,  iii.  269;  revolt  of,  1848, 
iii.  276-7;  death,  277. 

Cruz,  Col  V.  M.,  revolt  of,  1872,  iii. 
428-9. 

Cuba,  Columbus  at,  1492,  i.  162-3; 

character  of  inhabitants,  i.  165-6. 
Cueva,  C.  de  la,  exped.  to  Hond., 
1535,  ii.  157-8;  dispute  with  Cere- 
ceda,  ii.  158-9. 

Cueva,  F.  de  la,  lieut.-gov.  of  Guat., 
1541,  ii.  312-13;  gov.,  1542,  319. 

‘ Curious  Collection  of  Travels,  ’ ii.  750. 
‘Curious  and  Entertaining  Voyages, ’ 
ii.  755. 

Cuzcatlan,  Alvarado’s  occupation  of, 
1524,  i.  675-6. 


D 

Dabaiba,  name,  i.  351 ; fabled  temple 
of,  i.  351,  406-7;  ii.  51;  Balboa’s 
exped.  to,  1512,  i.  351-2;  other  ex- 
peds.,  1515,  i.  406-7;  cacique,  ii.  51; 
sierra  of,  ii.  52. 

Dalrymple,  A,  works  of,  ii.  754. 

Dampier,  Capt.  W.,  defection  of,  ii. 
541;  march  across  the  Isthmus  of 
Pan.,  1681,  ii.  544-8;  raid  onRealejo, 
1684,  ii.  548;  off  coast  of  South 
Amer.,  1684-5,  ii.  549-50;  ‘A  New 
Voyage  round  the  World, ’ii.  568-9. 

Dardon,  J.  P.,  campaign  of,  1529,  ii. 
107-8. 

Darien,  discovered  by  Bastidas,  1501, 
i.  190-2;  maps  of,  i.  362,  400,  405; 
mining  in,  iii.  659-60. 

Darien  River,  see  Atrato  River. 

Davila,  G.  G.,  see  Gonzalez,  G. 

Davila,  P.,  see  Pedrarias. 

Davis.  C.  H.,  ‘ Report,  ’ iii.  709. 


756 


INDEX. 


Davis,  Capt.  J.,  raid  on  Realejo,  1684, 
ii.  548;  off  coast  of  South  Amer., 
1684-5,  ii.  549-50;  out-manoeuvred 
off  Pan.,  ii.  551-3;  capture  of  Leon, 
ii.  554. 

De  Brosse,  1 Histoire  des Navigations,’ 

ii.  754. 

De  Bry,  T.,  works  of,  ii.  741-2. 

Debt  of  Cent.  Amer.  states,  iii.  677- 
87. 

De  Costa,  B.  F. , ‘ The  Pre-Columbian 
Discovery,’  i.  70. 

Delaporte,  M.  l’Abbe,  works  of,  ii.  754. 
De  Lesseps,  F.  de,  the  Panama  canal, 

iii.  7 04  6. 

Delgado,  J.  M.,  revolt  of,  1811,  iii.  12- 
13;  party  leader,  iii.  27;  president 
of  congress,  iii.  67. 

‘ Derrotero  de  las  islas  Antillas,  ’ ii.  759. 
Despard,  Col,  exped.  to  Mosquitia, 
17S2,  ii.  605-6. 

Diaz,  B.,  joins  Pedrarias’  exped.,  1514, 

i.  390;  Cortes’  exped.  to  Hond.,  1525- 

6,  i.  540,  549;  ii.  78;  Marin’s  exped. 
to  Chiap.,  1524,  ii.  215-19,  224. 

Diaz,  J.  J.,  president  of  Pan.,  1868, 
iii.  535-6. 

Diaz,  M.,  imposture,  etc.,  of,  1712,  ii. 
701. 

Diaz,  President  P.,  correspondence 
with  Barrios,  18S5,  iii.  448-9. 

Diaz,  Father  P.,  quarrel  with  Cordoba, 

ii.  379-80. 

Diego,  Father  D.,  martyrdom  of,  1623, 

ii.  675. 

Diriangen,  Cacique,  meeting  with  Gon- 
zalez, 1522,  i.  490-1;  battle  with,  i. 
491-2. 

‘ Documentos  para  la  Historia  de 
Mexico,’  i.  201. 

Domas  y Valle,  J.,  president  of  Guat., 
1794-1801,  ii.  728. 

Dominguez,  V.,  defeat,  etc.,  of,  1832, 

iii.  114. 

Dominicans,  in  Espaiiola,  i.  275;  in 
Cuba,  i.  276;  in  Guat.,  ii.  135-7, 
344-5,  666;  in  Nic.,  ii.  168-71,  436- 

7,  180-2;  in  Chiap.,  ii.  339;  rivalry 
with  Franciscans,  ii.  347-8;  provin- 
cia  establd.  by,  etc.,  1551,  ii.  376-7; 
missionary  labors,  ii.  672,  680. 

Dovalle,  G.,  exped.  to  Lacandon,  1559, 
ii.  363. 

Drake,  E.  C.,  works  of,  ii.  751. 

Drake,  Admiral  Sir  F.,  early  career 
of,  ii.  404-5;  attack  on  Nombre  de 
Dios,  1572,  ii.  405-6;  on  Cartagena, 
407-9;  captures  Cruces,  ii.  413-14; 
captures  treasure-train,  ii.  415;  re- 
turn to  England,  ii.  417-18;  voyage 
round  the  world,  ' j77-80,  ii.  418—  i 


19;  exped.  of,  1585-6,  ii.  419-21; 
1595,  ii.  422;  death,  1596,  423. 
Duenas,  F.,  president  of  Salv.,  1852, 
iii.  299,  308;  1868-71,  iii.  393-6; 
biog.,  iii.  392-3;  surrender  of,  iii. 
396;  exile,  iii.  397. 

Dunlop,  R.  G.,  ‘Travels  in  Cent. 
Amer.,’  iii.  223. 

Dururua,  Cacique,  defeats  Gutierrez, 
etc.,  ii.  68-9. 

E 

Eads’  ship  railway,  iii.  694. 
Earthquakes  in  Guat.,  1575-87,  ii. 
384-5;  1607-89,  ii.  656;  1751,  1757, 
ii.  719;  1773,  ii.  720-3;  at  Santiago, 
1830,  ii.  707—8;  iii.  154;  in  Nic., 
1835,  iii.  175-6;  in  Salv.,  1854,  iii. 
300;  1873,  iii.  399-400;  in  Cent. 
Amer.  1575-1885,  iii.  563-5. 
Echever  y Suvisa,  P.  A.  de,  president 
of  Guat.,  1724,  ii.  709. 

Education,  in  Pan.,  iii.  583-4;  in  C. 
R.,  iii.  622;  in  Nic.,  622-4;  in  Salv., 
624;  in  Hond.,  624-5;  in  Guat., 
625-7. 

El  Desaguadero,  exped.  to,  ii.  170-1, 
175-6. 

El  Espinal,  affair  at,  iii.  58. 

El  Infierno  de  Masaya,  adventure  at, 
1537,  ii.  172-5;  eruption  of,  1670, 
ii.  444. 

El  Sauce,  affair  at,  1855,  iii.  330. 
Encinas,  D.  de,  compilations  of,  i. 
286-7. 

Encinasola,  P.  de,  exped.  toVeragua, 
1535-6,  ii.  65-71. 

Enciso,  Bachiller  M.  F.  de,  Ojeda’s 
exped.,  i.  297-8;  at  Cartagena,  i. 
322-3;  defeats  Cemaco,  i.  326-7; 
founds  Antigua,  1510,  i.  327-8;  de- 
posed, i.  329-30,  339;  works  of,  l. 
339-40;  denounces  Balboa,  i.  357, 
386-7;  alguacil  mayor  of  Antigua, 
1514,  i.  390. 

Encomendero,  system,  description  of, 

i.  262-6. 

England,  the  Scots’  colony,  1695- 
1700,  ii.  570-9;  trading  factories  of, 

ii.  587;  reprisals,  ii.  587-8;  war 
with,  1739-44,  ii.  588-93;  treaties 
with  Spain,  1670-1721,  ii.  598-600; 
1783,  ii.  606;  war  with  Spain,  1769- 
80,  ii.  608-11;  claims  of,  in  Belize, 

ii.  629-31;  mediation  of,  sought, 
1839-40,  iii.  186-7;  claims  on  Nic., 

iii.  239-40;  protectorate  over  Mos- 
quitia,  iii.  244—51 ; hostilities  with 
Nic.,  1848,  iii.  251-2;  Clayton-Bul- 

; wer  treaty,  1850,  iii.  252;  Zeledon- 


INDEX. 


757 


Wyke  treaty,  1860,  iii.  252-3;  diffi- 
culty with  Salv.,  iii.  297-8;  relations 
with  Hond.,  iii.  317;  claims  on 
Hond.,  iii.  317-19;  usurpation  in 
Hond.,  iii.  319-20;  treaty  with 
Hond.,  1859,  iii.  320;  difficulty  with 
Guat.,  1874,  iii.  433-4;  MacGregor’s 
exped.  to  Panama,  1818-20,  iii  498- 
501;  difficulty  with  New  Gran., 
1836,  iii.  518. 

Epidemics  in  Guat.,  1558,  ii.  360; 
1565,  ii.  369-70;  1601,  1686,  ii.  656. 

Escobar,  J.  B.,  president  of  Guat., 
1848,  iii.  276-7. 

Espano,  Missionary  F.  de,  labors  of, 
1667-8,  ii.  644. 

Espanola,  Columbus  at,  1492-3,  i.  164- 
5;  1493-5,  i.  169-77;  1498,  i.  179; 
1502,  i.  203-6;  character  of  inhabi- 
tants, i.  165-6;  natives  of,  destroyed, 

i.  276. 

Esparza,  sack  of,  1680,  ii.  541. 

Espinola,  Capt.,  capitulation,  etc.,  of, 
iii.  86. 

Espinosa,  Licentiate  G.  de,  alcalde 
mayor  of  Antigua,  1514,  i.  390; 
exped.  to  the  South  Sea,  1516-17, 

i.  418-31;  atrocities  of,  i.  422-3, 
429-30;  spoils,  i.  431;  trial  of  Bal- 
boa, 1517,  i.  457;  promotion  of,  i. 
461;  jealousy  of  Pedrarias,  i 464- 
5;  other  expeds.,  i.  468-9,  472, 
504-5;  founds  Nata,  i.  505-6. 

Espiritu  Santo,  name,  i.  642. 

Esquivel,  A.,  president  of  C.  R.,  1875, 
iii.  384-5. 

Esquivel,  J.  de,  cruelty  of,  i.  260. 

Estacheria,  Brigadier  J.,  gov.  of  Nic., 
1783-89,  ii.  608. 

Estete,  M.,  expeds.  of,  i.  667-8,  611; 

ii.  113. 

Estrada,  J.  M.,  provis.  president  of 
Nic.,  1855,  iii.  260;  negotiations, 
etc.,  of,  iii.  260-1;  appeal  to  Car- 
rera, iii.  339;  death,  1856,  iii.  351. 

Estrada,  T.  D.  de,  gov.  of  Nic.,  1728, 

ii.  607. 

Europe,  condition  of,  1475-1525,  i.  1-5. 

Exquemelin,  A.  0.,  works  of,  ii. 
567-8. 

F 

Fabrega,  F.,  gov.  of  Pan.,  1855,  iii. 
526-7. 

Fabrega,  J.  de,  comandante  of  Pan., 
1821,  iii.  504,  508-9. 

Feria,  P.  de,  bishop  of  Chiap.,  1575, 
ii.  373. 

Fernandez,  J.,  exped.  to  Peru,  ii. 
126-7. 


Fernandez,  Gen.  P.,  president  of  C. 
R.,  1882-5,  iii.  388-90;  biog.,  iii. 
388-9;  death,  iii.  390. 

Fernando  VII.,  manifestoes,  etc.,  of, 

iii.  20-225;  designs  on  Cent.  Amer., 

iii.  105-6. 

Ferrera,  F.,  president  of  Hond.,  1841, 
iii.  309;  biog.,  iii.  309. 

Figueredo  y Victoria,  Dr  F.  J.  de, 
archbishop  of  Guat.,  1753-65,  ii. 
728-30;  death,  ii.  730. 

Figueroa,  P.  P.  de,  bishop  o Guat., 
1736,  ii.  711-12;  consecration,  ii. 
711;  biog.,  ii.  711;  archbishop, 
1745,  ii.  712;  death,  1751,  ii.  712. 
Figueroa  y Silva,  A.  de,  exped.  to 
Belize,  ii.  624-8. 

Figuerra,  Gen.  F.,  acting  president  of 
Salv.,  1876,  iii.  411. 

Filisola,  Brigadier  V.,  exped.  of,  1822, 
iii.  56-7 ; operations  against  San 
Salv.,  iii.  62—1. 

Findlay,  A.  G.,  works  of,  ii.  759. 
Fine,  O.,  map  of,  1531,  i.  149. 

Fitoria,  B.  G.,  gov.  of  Nic.,  1730,  ii. 
607. 

Flores,  C.,  vice-jefe  of  Guat.,  1824,  iii. 
146;  jefe,  iii.  148;  administr.,  iii. 
148-9. 

Flores,  H.  C. , bishop  of  Hond.,  1854, 
iii.  631. 

Flores,  J.,  gov.  of  C.  R.,  ii.  622. 
Florida,  missionary  exped.  to,  1549, 

ii.  355-6. 

Fonseca,  C.,  defence  of  Leon,  1844, 

iii.  199. 

Fonseca,  J.  R.  de,  patriarch  'of  the 
Indies,  i.  168. 

Forster,  J.  R.,  works  of,  ii.  752-3. 
Franciscans,  in  Espanola,  i.  275;  in 
Guat.,  1535,  ii.  345-8;  rivalry  with 
Dominicans,  ii.  347-8;  in  C.  R., 
1555-70,  ii.  432-3;  in  Itza,  ii.  673-6. 
Francos  y Monroy,  C.,  archbishop  of 
Guat.,  1779,  ii.  726,  732. 

Frederick,  G.,  biog.,  etc.,  iii.  245-7. 
Frederick,  R.  C.,  mention  of,  iii. 
248. 

Frobel,  J.,  ‘ Aus  Amerika,’ iii.  709. 
Fuensalida,  Friar  B.,  mission  to  Itza, 
1618,  ii.  673-5. 

Fuentes  y Guzman,  F.  A.  de,  works, 
etc.,  of,  ii.  86,  736-7. 


G 

Gainza,  Brigadier  G.,  command,  etc., 
of,  iii.  25-6;  measures,  iii.  32-6; 
capt. -gen.,  1821,  iii.  44;  manifesto 
of,  iii.  54-5;  edict,  iii.  55. 


758 


INDEX. 


Gaitan,  J.,  revolt  of,  1554,  ii.  424-5; 
execution,  ii.  425. 

Galarza,  D.,  revolt  of,  1812,  iii.  14. 
Galdo,  A.,  bishop  of  Hond.,  1613-45, 

ii.  64 1-2. 

Oaleaza,  picture  of,  i.  188. 

Galindo,  V.  0.,  president  of  Pan.,  iii. 
534-5. 

Gallegos,  J.  R.,  jefe  of  C.  It.,  1833, 

iii.  181;  1845,  iii.  227. 

Galleon,  picture  of,  i.  183. 

Galley,  picture  of,  i.  188. 

Galvano,  A.,  works,  etc.,  of,  ii.  738- 

9. 

Galvez,  Don  M.  de,  exped.  to  Mosqui- 
tia,  1782,  ii.  G04-5;  capture  of  San 
Fernando  de  Omoa,  1779,  ii.  617; 
president  of  Guat.,  1778-83,  ii.  725- 
8. 

Galvez,  M.,  Cornejo’s  revolt,  1831-2, 
iii.  116-17;  deposed,  1838,  iii.  128- 
31;  jefe  of  Guat.,  1831,  iii.  155-6. 
Gama,  A de  la,  gov.  of  Castilla  del 
Oro,  ii.  45-6. 

Gamez,  P.  de,  captures  Quema,  1516, 
i.  426. 

Garabito,  A.,  exped.  to  Cuba,  1516, 

i.  434,  487;  treachery  of,  i.  449-53. 
Garabito,  Cacique,  exped.  against,  ii. 

427-8. 

Garay,  F.  de,  expeds.  of,  i.  134,  140, 
625. 

Garcia,  L.,  campaign  of,  ii.  5S0-1. 
Garcia,  Father  W.  P.  J.I.,  ‘Subleva- 
cion  de  los  Zendales,  ’ MS. , ii.  705-6. 
Garro,  P.  de,  exped.  of,  1525,  i.  578. 
Gasca,  P.  de  la,  character,  etc.,  ii. 
235-6;  power  intrusted  to,  ii.  260; 
reception  at  the  Isthmus,  1546,  ii. 
233-9;  negotiations  with  Mejia,  ii. 
267;  with  Hinojosa,  ii.  269-70;  de- 
spatches, etc.,  of,  ii.  270-2;  exped. 
to  Peru,  ii.  272-3;  the  Contreras  re- 
volt, 1550,  ii.  278-83. 

Gazistas,  party,  iii.  23-7. 

Geography,  ancient,  i.  70-4. 

Germany,  difficulty  with  Nic.,  1376, 
iii.  256. 

‘ Gobierno  politico  de  Guatemala,’  iii. 
2S-9. 

Godoy,  D.  de,  exped.  to  Chiap.,  1524, 

ii.  216,  221. 

Goitia,  P.,  president  of  Pan.,  1363, 

iii.  532-3. 

Golfo  Dulce,  name,  i.  ICO;  Bastidas  at, 
1501,  i.  190;  Pedrarias  at,  1522,  i. 
484-5. 

Gomara,  F.  L.  de,  biog.,  i.  314;  works 
of,  315-16. 

Gomera,  Conde  de  la,  president  of 
Guat.,  1611-23,  ii.  651-2. 


Gomez,  C.,  acting  president  of  Hond., 
1876,  iii.  433. 

Gomez,  E.,  exped.  of,  1525,  i.  142. 
Gomez,  Licentiate  I.,  mission  of,  1S48, 
iii.  296. 

Gonzalez,  G.,  voyage  of,  1522,  i.  139- 
40;  contador  of  Espaiiola,  1511,  i. 
237 ; character  of,  i.  479;  dispute 
with  Pedrarias,  i.  481-3;  exped.  of, 
1522-3,  i.  483-94;  escape  to  Santo 
Domingo,  i.  516;  exped.  to  Hond., 

i.  1524,  518;  encounter  with  Soto,  i. 
519-20;  meeting  with  Olid,  i.  527- 
8;  Olid’s  assassination,  i.  531-3. 

Gonzalez,  Padre  P.,  mention  of,  ii. 
1528. 

Gonzalez,  Gen.  S.,  acting  president  cf 
C.  R.,  1S73,  iii.  383;  victory  at 
Santa  Ana,  1871,  iii.  395-6;  presi- 
dent of  Salv.,  1872-5,  iii.  396-401; 
war  with  Guat.,  iii.  401-6. 

Goodrich,  F.  B.,  ‘ Man  upon  the  Sea, ’ 

ii.  757. 

Gottfreidt,  J.  L.,  works  of,  ii.  742. 
Gracias  a Dios,  founding  of,  1536,  ii. 
165;  audiencia  of  the  Confines  at, 
1545,  ii.  301. 

Gracias  a Dios,  cape,  rounded  by  Co- 
lumbus, 1502,  i.  211. 

Granada,  founding  of,  1524,  i.  527; 
the  Contreras  revolt,  1550,  ii.  275- 
8;  description  of,  ii.  438-41;  cap- 
tured by  pirates,  1665,  ii.  441 ; 10S6, 

ii.  557-9;  revolt  at,  1S1 1,  iii.  14; 
junta  at,  iii.  48,  170;  besieged  by 
Jerez,  1S54  5,  iii.  259;  captured  by 
Walker,  1S55,  iii.  332;  Zavala’s  as- 
sault. 1856,  iii.  353-4;  recapture  of, 

iii.  356-7. 

Granados,  M.  G.,  opposition  to  Guat. 
ministry,  1869;  iii.  416-17;  exile, 
iii.  419;  revolution  of,  1871,  iii.  419 
-24;  president  of  Guat.  1871-3,  iii. 
423-30. 

Granda  y Balbin,  L.  A.  de,  exped.  to 
Talamanca,  ii.  618-19. 

Green,  I.,  works  of,  ii.  747. 

Greenland,  sighted  by  Gunnbjorn, 
876,  i.  75-6;  named  by  Eric  the  Red, 
i.  76. 

Grijalva,  J.  de,  map  of,  1518,  i.  132; 
death,  1526,  i.  591;  character,  i. 
591-2. 

Grognict,  Capt.,  joins  Davis’  free- 
booters, 1685,  ii.  550;  capture  of 
Puebla  Viego,  ii.  556;  of  C'hiriquita, 
1686,  ii.  556;  defeat  at  Pueblo  Nue- 
vo, ii.  557;  capture  of  Granada,  ii. 
557-9;  journey  to  the  North  Sea,  ii. 
563-6. 

Grynaivs,  ‘Nows  Orbis,’ i.  148-9. 


INDEX. 


759 


Guadalupe,  .affair  at,  1827,  iii.  91. 

Gualcince,  Salvadoran’s  surrender  at, 
1323,  iii.  64. 

Guanacaste,  disturbance  at,  1875,  iii. 
383-4. 

Guarda  Viejo,  convention  at,  1838, 
iii.  128-9. 

Guardia,  S.  de  la,  gov.  of  Pan.,  1S60, 
iii.  528-30;  death,  iii.  530. 

Guardia,  T. , president  of  C.  R., 
1S70-G,  iii.  380-4;  1877-82,  iii. 
386-8;  death,  1882,  iii.  338. 

Guardiola,  Gen.  S.,  operations,  etc., 
1S45,  iii.  200,  202,  205-G;  victory 
of,  1844,  iii.  310;  honors  paid  to, 
iii.  311;  pronunciamiento  of,  iii. 
313;  president  of  Hond.,  iii.  322- 
3;  character,  iii.  323;  defeat  at  El 
Sauce,  1855,  iii.  330;  at  La  Vlrgen, 
iii.  331. 

Guatemala,  Alvarado’s  conquest  of, 
1522-4,  i.  617-02;  maps  of,  ii.  91, 
320;  iii.  191;  slavery  in,  ii.  234-0; 
the  new  laws,  ii.  323-5;  church 
affairs  in,  1541-8,  ii.  341-8;  1 G01 — 
82,  ii.  GG3-9;  1753-1S8G,  ii.  728-33; 
iii.  630-1;  epidemics  in,  1558,  ii. 
3G0;  1505,  ii.  309-70;  1G01,  1GS6, 

ii.  G5G;  mining,  ii.  383;  iii.  65G-7; 
commerce,  ii.  3S3-4;  earthquakes, 
etc.,  in,  1575-87,  ii.  3S4r-5;  1607- 
89,  ii.  G5G;  1S30,  iii.  154;  prosper- 
ity of,  1G50-1700,  ii.  653-4;  terr., 
1750,  ii.  713-14;  provinces  subject 
to,  ii.  714;  army,  ii.  727-8;  iii.  648- 
9;  society,  iii.  1-2;  loyalty  of,  iii. 
2-3;  captain  a general,  iii.  20-1; 
archbishops  of,  iii.  29-30;  union 
v.  .h  Mex.,  iii.  50-1;  war  with 
Salv.,  1S27-9,  iii.  90-1G0;  assem- 
bly, iii.  101-4,  145-8,  2G7,  273-G, 
201-2,  416-17,  438-41;  rebellion  in, 
1337,  iii.  128-9;  state  govt  dis- 
solved, 1838,  iii.  134;  arms  of,  iii. 
149,  269-70;  medal,  iii.  151;  an  in- 
dependent state,  1839,  iii.  160-1; 
Malespin’s  invasion  of,  1S44,  iii. 
191-3;  secession  of,  1847-8,  ii.  207- 
8;  conncil  convoked,  iii.  2G7;  inde- 
pendence recognized,  iii.  270;  for- 
eign relations,  iii.  270-1;  revolu- 
tions in,  1847-8,  iii.  271-3;  1871, 

iii.  419-24;  war  with  Salv.  andNic., 
1350-3,  iii.  279-80;  with  Hond., 
1350-6,  iii.  279-81;  1871-2,  iii. 
393-9;  1872-6,  iii.  428,  457-62; 
with  Salv.,  1876,  iii.  401-5;  1885, 
iii.  409-10;  constitution,  iii.  281-2, 
438-9;  Walker’s  exped.,  1856-7,  iii. 
350-61;  revolts  in,  18G7-70,  iii.  414- 
18;  1S72,  iii.  423-9;  suppression  of 


religious  orders,  1871-4,  425-7;  dif- 
ficulty with  England,  1874,  iii.  433- 
4;  with  Spain,  1S75,  iii.  434;  at- 
tempted unification  of  Cent.  Amcr., 
1883-5,  iii.  442-9;  boundaries,  iff. 
574;  departments,  iii.  574;  govt, 
iii.  574-5;  population,  1883-5,  iii. 
588;  18S5,  iii.  613;  colonization  in, 
589-91;  classes,  etc.,  iii.  613-16; 
dwellings,  iii.  6 1 G— 1 7 ; dress,  iii. 
Cl 7-18;  amusements,  iii.  618;  edu- 
cation, iii.  625-7;  administr.  of  jus- 
tice, iii.  638-40;  agric.,  iii.  650-1; 
manufact.,  iii.  661;  currency,  iii. 
670;  revenue,  etc.,  iii.  677-80;  debt, 
iii.  673-80;  railroads,  iii.  706-7. 

Guatemala  City  (see  also  Santiago 
City),  description  of,  1773,  ii.  717- 
18;  1S8j,  iii.  575-7;  earthquakes  in, 
1751,  1757,  ii.  719;  1773,  ii.  720-3; 
site  of,  removed,  ii.  723-6;  occupa- 
tion of,  by  Salvadorans,  iii.  74; 
captured  by  Morazan,  1829,  iii.  99- 
100;  by  Carrera,  1838,  iii.  130-2; 
recaptured  by  Morazan,  iii.  141; 
outbreak  at,  1844,  iii.  266;  revolt  at, 
1845,  iii.  25S;  plot  at,  1S77,  iii.  437. 

Guatusos,  attempted  pacification  of 
the,  ii.  613-17. 

Guerra,  C.,  voyage  of,  1499,  i.  196. 

Guerrero,  J.,  director  of  Nic.,  1847, 
iii.  244. 

Guill,  A.,  gov.  of  Pan.,  1758,  ii.  584. 

Gutierrez,  D.,  exped.  to  C.  R.,  1540- 
5,  ii.  189-99. 

Gutierrez,  F.,  exped.  to  Veragua, 
1535-6,  ii.  65-73. 

Gutierrez,  J.,  capture,  etc.,  of,  ii.  50-1. 

Gutierrez,  M.  P.,  quells  revolt,  1812, 
iii.  15. 

Gutierrez,  P. , the  Tzendal  campaign, 
1712,  ii.  701-3. 

Guzman,  Gen.  A.,  operations,  1849, 
iii.  277-8. 

Guzman,  A.  T.  de,  exped.  to  Pan., 
1515,  i.  403-6;  outrages  of,  i.  404. 

Guzman,  F.,  president  of  Nic.,  1807- 
71,  iii.  369,  470-5. 

Guzman,  J.  de,  proposed  exped.  of,  ii. 
256;  joins  Hinojosa,  1545,  260-1; 
president  of  Guat.,  ii.  652. 

Guzman,  J.  E.,  vice-president  of  Salv., 
1844,  iii.  195;  administr.,  iii.  201-4; 
biog.,  iii.  202. 

Guzman,  J.  E.  de,  capt. -gen.  of 
Chiap.,  1529,  ii.  230-1. 

Guzman,  J.  J.,  president  of  Salv., 
iii.  287. 

Guzman,  Don  J.  P.  de,  gov.  of  Pan., 
ii.  493;  forces,  etc.,  of,  503-5;  de- 
feated by  Morgan,  1671,  ii.  504-6. 


TOO 


INDEX. 


Guzman,  N.  de,  exped.  of,  1530-1,  i. 
145-6. 

Guzman,  R.,  defeat,  etc.,  of,  1832, 
iii.  113-14. 


H 

Haclia,  Rio,  Bradley's  foray  on  the, 
1670,  ii.  491. 

Hacke,  Capt.  W.,  ‘A  Collection  of 
Original  Voyages,’  ii.  569. 

Hakluyt,  R.,  works,  etc.,  of,  ii.  739-41. 
Haro,  F.  de,  battle  of  Panama,  1671, 

ii.  505. 

Harris,  J.,  works  of,  ii.  744-5. 

Harris,  Capt.  P.,  raids  off  coast  of 
South  Amer.,  1684-5,  ii.  549-50. 
Hayti,  see  Espanola. 

Henderson,  G.,  ‘British  Honduras,’ 

iii.  247. 

Henningsen’s  operations  under  Walk- 
er, 1856,  iii.  355-7. 

Heredia,  A.,  exped.  of,  ii.  49-50. 
Heredia,  A.  F.  de,  gov.  of  Nic.,  ii. 
607-8. 

Heredia,  P.  de,  province  of,  ii.  46-7; 

expeds.,  ii.  47-8,  52-3. 

Hermosillo,  J.  G.  de,  rept  of,  1S56,  ii. 
397-8. 

Hernandez,  Gen.,  defeats  Pineda, 
1855,  iii.  332. 

Herrera,  A.  de,  biog.,  i.  316;  works 
of,  316-17. 

Herrera,  D.,  jefe  of  Hond.,  1S24,  iii. 

161-2;  of  Nic.,  1830,  iii.  174-6. 
Herrera,  Oidor,  juez  de  residencia,  ii. 
179;  opposition  to  Contreras,  ii. 
182. 

Herrera,  Col  T.,  defeats  Alzuru,  1831, 
iii.  514;  jefe,  etc.,  of  Pan.,  1840, 
iii.  515;  gov.,  iii.  516. 

Herrera,  V.,  president  of  C.  R.,  1875- 
7,  iii.  385-6. 

Herrera,  V.  de,  gov.  of  Hond.,  ii. 
144-5;  stratagem  of,  ii.  147;  exped.,  , 
1531,  ii.  149-50;  plot  against,  ii.  I 
150-1;  assassination  of,  ii.  151. 
Herrera,  V.  de,  regent  of  audiencias,  | 
1778,  ii.  715. 

Hinojosa,  Friar  A.  de,  bishop  of  Guat., 
ii.  380. 

Hinojosa,  P.  de,  conquest  of  Pan.,  | 
1545,  ii.  255-61;  deteats  Verdugo, 
ii.  263-4;  negotiations  with  Gasca, 
ii.  269-70;  defection  of,  ii.  271-2. 
Hinostrosa,  Capt.  D.  M.  de,  arrest,  I 
etc.,  of,  ii.  144-5. 

‘ Historia  de  la  Marina  Real  Espaiiola,  ’ 
ii.  757. 

‘Historical  Account  of  the  Circum- 
navigation of  the  Globe,’  ii.  752. 


Hodgson,  Col  R.,  mission  of,  ii.  601-2. 

Holguin,  G.,  exped.  to  Peru,  ii.  125-7. 

Hollins,  Commander,  bombards  San 
Juan  del  Norte,  1854,  iii.  255. 

Honduras,  maps  of,  i.  51S;  ii.  148; 
iii.  110,  205;  colonization,  etc.,  in, 
1524-5,  i.  522-36;  Cortes’ exped.  to, 
1 52-Mi,  i.  537-81;  Alvarado’s,  1535- 
6,  ii.  160-5;  1539,  ii.  296-9;  slav- 
ery in,  ii.  233-4:,  302;  roads,  ii.  293- 
4;  settlements,  1547,  ii.  294,  637-40; 
mining,  ii.  295;  church  affairs,  ii. 
299-301,  641-2,  712-13;  iii.  361; 
the  new  laws,  ii.  301-7;  piratical 
raids,  1576-95,  ii.  636-9,  645;  Gage's 
description  of,  1636,  ii.  639-40;  an- 
nexation to  Mex.,  1821,  iii.  46;  revo- 
lutions in,  1829-30,  iii.  109—1 1 ; 1844, 
iii.  3)0;  assembly,  iii,  161-2,  309- 
10;  disturbances  in,  iii.  162-3;  in- 
dependence declared,  1838,  iii.  164; 
war  with  Nic.,  1844,  iii.  194-200; 
with  Salv.,  iii.  202-6,  393-9,  455-S; 
union  with  Salv.  and  Nic.,  iii.  209- 
11;  war  with  Guat.,  1850-6,  iii. 
279-81;  1872-6,  iii.  398-9,  428, 
457-62;  relations  with  Gt  Britain, 
iii.  317;  British  claims  on,  iii.  317- 
19;  British  usurpation  in,  iii.  319- 
20;  treaty  with  Gt  Britain,  1859, 
iii.  320;  Walker’s  exped.,  1856-7, 
iii.  350-64;  boundaries,  iii.  570;  de- 
partments, etc.,  iii.  570;  cities,  iii. 
570-1;  population,  18S3,  iii.  588;  im- 
migration, iii.  591;  races,  iii.  608- 
10;  women  of,  iii.  610-11;  dwell- 
ings, iii.  611;  food,  etc.,  iii.  611-12; 
dress,  iii.  612;  amusements,  iii.  612; 
education,  iii.  624-5;  administr.  of 
justice,  iii.  640-1;  army,  iii.  647, 
agric.,  iii.  651-2;  mining,  iii.  655- 
6;  manufact. , iii.  661;  currency, 
iii.  670;  revenue,  iii.  680;  debt,  iii. 
6S0-1;  railroads,  iii.  707. 

Hore,  A.  de,  gov.  of  Pan.,  1S15,  iii. 
497;  oppression  of,  iii.  497-8;  re- 
captures Portobello,  1819,  iii.  500- 
1;  death,  1820,  iii.  592. 

Iluascar,  defeat  of,  1532,  ii.  19;  death, 
ii.  34. 

Huistlan,  besieged  by  Tzendales,  1712, 
ii.  702. 

Humboldt,  A.  von,  works  of,  i.  69. 

Hurtado,  B.,  exped.  to  Dabaidu,  1512, 
i.  352-3;  arrest,  etc.,  of,  i.  354-5; 
atrocities  of,  i.  401,  417;  explora- 
tion of,  1516,  i.  426-8;  exped.  to 
Olancho,  1528,  i.  589-91;  death,  i. 
591. 

Hylacomylus,  ‘ Cosmographiaj  Intro- 
dvctio,’  i.  123. 


INDEX. 


I 

Ibanez,  Col  P.,  gov.  of  Nic.,  1759,  ii. 
U07. 

Icazbalceta,  collection  of,  i.  201. 
Iguala,  plan  of,  accepted  in  Hond.,  iii. 

46;  in  Nic.,  iii.  47-8. 

Illanes,  J.  de,  proposed  exped.  of,  ii. 

256;  joins  Hinojosa,  1545,  ii.  260-1. 
Illustrations,  caravel,  i.  187;  galley, 

i.  188;  galeaza,  i.  188;  galleon,  i. 
188;  navio,  i.  189;  brigantine,  i. 
189. 

Indians,  treatment  of,  i.  253-66;  ii. 
232-9;  of  Hond.,  iii.  608-10;  of 
Guat.,  iii.  615-16. 

Infante,  Father  H.,  mission  of,  1646- 
7,  ii.  677-8. 

Inquisition,  in  Spain,  i.  32. 
Interoceanic  communication,  projects, 
etc.,  for,  1534,  ii.  246-7;  1539,  ii. 
293;  1616,  ii.  471-2;  1801-87,  iii. 
68S-709. 

Interoceanic  road,  project  for,  1514, 

i.  396-7;  termini,  i.  465;  completed, 
1519,  i.  471-2. 

Irving,  W.,  works  of,  i.  69,  200,  239- 
43. 

Isabela,  founding  of,  1493,  i.  169. 

Isla  de  Pinos,  visited  by  Columbus, 
1502,  i.  207-10;  Drake  at,  1572,  ii. 
405-7. 

Isla  Rica,  named  by  Balboa,  1513,  i. 

377;  cacique  of,  408-10. 

Iturbide,  A.,  designs  of,  iii.  51;  in- 
structions to  Filisola,  iii.  62;  down- 
fall of,  iii.  65. 

Itzas,  attempted  conversion  of  the,  ii. 
673-6;  attempted  subjugation,  ii. 
682-95. 

Itzcuintlan,  Alvarado’s  conquest  of, 
1524,  i.  663-5. 

Izaguirre,  B.  de,  bishop  of  Pan.,  1655, 

ii.  479. 

Izalco,  Indian  outbreak  at,  1875,  iii. 
400. 

Izancanac,  Cortes  at,  1524,  i.  557. 
Izaru,  Volcano,  eruption  of,  1723,  ii. 
620. 

Iztapa,  Guat.,  ship-building  at,  1539, 

ii.  205. 

Iztapa,  Chiap.,  battle  at,  1524,  ii.  216. 
Iztapan,  Cortes  at,  1524,  i.  543. 


J 

Jacote,  convention  of,  1842,  iii.  216- 
17. 

Jalisco,  insurrection  in,  1541,  ii.  206- 
7. 


761 


Jamaica,  coasted  by  Columbus,  1494, 
i.  171. 

Jaragua,  Bastidas  shipwrecked  at, 
1501,  i.  192. 

Jerez,  M.,  pronuneiamiento  of,  1869, 

iii.  472. 

Jerez,  Bishop  N.  G.,  revolt  at  Leon, 
1812,  iii.  14. 

Jeronimites,  mission  of  the,  1515-18, 
i.  277-80. 

Jesuits,  in  Nic.,  1616-21,  ii.  442-3;  in 
Talamanca,  1684,  ii.  447;  expulsion 
of  the,  1767,  ii.  730-1;  1871,  iii. 
425-6;  1881,  iii.  476,  484-5;  1884, 

iii.  389;  revolts  caused  by,  1S81,  iii. 
476,  484-5. 

Jews,  mediaeval  brutality  toward,  i. 
27-9. 

Jimenez,  J.,  president  of  C.  R. , 1S63, 
iii.  377;  1S68,  iii.  378-9;  arrest, 
etc.,  of,  379-80. 

Joroco,  convention  of,  1845,  iii.  203. 

Juan  de  Dios,  order  of,  in  Pan.,  ii. 
477-8. 

Juarros,  D.,  works  of,  ii.  142,  737. 

Junta,  suprema  central  gubernativa, 
iii.  4;  suprema  de  censura,  iii.  26; 
consultiva,  iii.  35-6,  42-5,  50,  52, 
57. 

Justice,  administr.,  etc.,  of,  in  Cent. 
Amer.,  iii.  638^45. 

Jutiapa,  Malespin’s  forces  at,  1844, 
iii.  191-2. 

K 

Kaustman,  ‘Munich  Atlas,’ i.  69-70. 

Kerr,  R.,  works  of,  ii.  756. 

Kinney,  J.  L.,  exped  of,  iii.  327-8. 

Kohl,  J.  G.,  works  of,  i.  69. 


L 

La  Antigua,  revolt  in,  1828,  iii.  96; 
assembly  installed  at,  1824,  iii.  145; 
affair  at,  iii.  420. 

La  Concepcion,  convent,  establd.  in 
Guat.,  1546-8,  ii.  343-4. 

La  Gloria,  S.  G.  de,  imposture,  etc.,  of, 
1712,  ii.  699-700. 

La  Harpe,  works  of,  ii.  748-9. 

La  Navidad,  fortress  of,  built,  1492,  i. 

164;  abandoned,  169. 

La  Union,  blockade  of,  1849,  iii. 
297-8. 

La  Virgen,  affair  at,  1855,  iii.  331. 
Lacandones,  depredations,  etc.,  of,  ii. 
361-2;  exped.  against,  1559,  ii.  362- 
6;  independence,  etc.,  of,  iii.  615— 
16. 


762 


INDEX. 


Ladinos,  condition,  etc.,  of  the,  iii.  594. 

Lafond,  G.,  works  of,  ii.  755. 

Lagares,  P.  de,  labors  of,  in  Tolo- 
galpa,  ii.  450. 

LamiUa,  Father  A.  de,  bishop  of 
Guat.,  ii.  378. 

Lauda,  Capt.,  cruelty  of,  ii.  282;  exe- 
cution of,  1550,  287. 

Laudecho,  J.  M.  de,  gov.,  etc.,  of 
Guat.,  ii.  306-9. 

Lara,  Friar  D.  de,  bishop  of  Chiap., 
1574,  ii.  373. 

Lara,  J.  C.  de,  gov.  of  Nic.,  ii.  007. 

Lara,  Father  S.  de,  priest  of  Cancuc, 
1712,  ii.  697. 

Lara  y Mogrobejo,  A.  de,  president  of 
Guat.,  1649-54,  ii.  653. 

Lardner,  D.,  ‘Cabinet  Cyclopsedia, ’ 
iii.  709. 

Las  Casas,  B.  de,  character  of,  i.  274- 
5;  labors  in  Cuba,  i.  276;  protector 
of  the  Indians,  i.  277;  efforts  in 
Spain,  i.  279-84;  works  of,  i.  309- 
10;  dispute  with  Quevado,  i.  462-3; 
mission  to  Peru,  etc.,  ii.  136-7;  ar- 
rival in  Nic.,  etc.,  1532,  ii.  169;  op- 
position to  Contreras,  ii.  170-1;  the 
new  laws,  ii.  239-40;  dispute  with 
the  audiencia  of  the  Confines,  1545, 

ii.  303-7;  bishop  of  Chiap.,  1543,  ii. 
330-1;  administr.,  ii.  332-5;  retire- 
ment, etc.,  ii.  335-6;  works  of,  ii. 
336;  pacification  of  Vera  Paz,  ii. 
348-54;  death,  337 ; character,  337-8. 

Las  Charcas,  federal  defeat  at,  1829, 

iii.  97. 

Lawrie,  Col,  supt.  of  Mosquitia,  ii. 
603-4. 

Leiva,  P.,  provis.  president  of  Hond., 
1873-6,  iii.  460-2. 

Lempira,  Cacique,  valor  of,  ii.  290-1 ; 
stronghold  of,  captured,  1537,  ii. 
291-2;  death,  ii.  291-2. 

Leon,  founding  of,  1527,  i.  513;  butch- 
ery of  natives  at,  1528,  i.  610;  con- 
vent founded  at,  1532,  ii.  168-9;  the 
Contreras  revolt,  1550,  ii.  275-6; 
Gaitan’s  defeat  at,  1554,  ii.  425; 
new  city  of,  ii.  439-40;  captured  by 
freebooters,  1685,  ii,  553-5;  cathe- 
dral of,  1743,  ii.  613;  revolts,  etc., 
at,  1S11-12,  iii.  14-16;  junta  guber- 
nativa  at,  1823,  iii.  170—1 ; sack  of, 
1824,  iii.  171;  siege  of,  1824-5,  iii. 
171-2;  1844,  iii.  197-200;  revoltsat, 
1845,  iii.  241;  1S53-4,  iii.  258-9; 
1869,  iii.  471-3;  1881,  iii.  484-5; 
seat  of  govt  at,  1847,  iii.  244;  de- 
scription of,  iii.  568-9. 

Lepe,  D.  de,  voyage  of,  1499,  i.  113, 
186. 


Levy,  P.,  ‘Notas,’iii.  255. 

Liano,  Pilot,  exped.  to  Veragua, 
1535-6,  ii.  66. 

Liberals,  Guat.,  party,  iii.  69-70;  atti- 
tude of,  iii.  85-7 ; operations  of, 
1826-7,  iii.  148-50;  prosecution  of, 
iii.  151;  division  among,  iii.  275. 

Lindo,  J.,  jefe  of  Salv.,  1841,  iii.  286; 
coup  d’etat,  iii.  286;  president  .of 
Hond.,  1847-51,  iii.  311-21. 

Literature,  of  C.  R.,  iii.  622;  of  Nic., 
iii.  623;  of  Salv.,  iii.  624;  of  Guat., 
iii.  627. 

Llamas  y Rivas,  Dr  F.  J.  de,  gov.  of 
Pan.,  ii.  583. 

Llano,  Capt.  A.  del.,  deputy  to  cortes, 
iii.  5. 

Llano,  Col  M.  del,  deputy  to  cortes, 
iii.  5. 

Loarca,  A.  L.  de,  storming  of  Mixco, 
1525,  i.  690-2. 

L’Olonuois,  F.,  character,  etc.,  of,  ii. 
456-7;  atrocities,  457-8;  expeds.,  ii. 
458-60;  death,  460. 

Lopez,  Father  T.,  explorations,  etc., 
of,  1778,  1782,  ii.  614-16. 

Lorca  y Vellena  Vivas,  M.  V.  de, 
gov.  of  Nic.,  1757,  ii.  607. 

Lorenzana,  Marques  de,  president  of 
Guat.,  ii.  652-3. 

Los  Altos,  state  organized,  1838,  iii. 
156-7;  assembly,  iii.  157;  maps  of, 
iii.  157,  275;  incorporated  with 
Guat.,  1840,  iii.  158. 

Los  Santos,  surprised  by  freebooters, 
1686,  ii.  561;  revolution  at,  iii. 
505-7. 

Loyola,  P.  de,  gov.  of  Nic.,  ii.  607. 

Luque,  Padre,  Pizarro’s  conquest,  ii.  3, 
8,  12,  14,  36. 

M 

M’Donald,  A.,  usurpation  of,  in  Yuc., 
iii.  315. 

Macdonald,  regent  of  Mosquitia,  iii. 
248;  arrest  of  Quijano,  1841,  iii. 
249-51. 

MacGregor,  G.,  exped.  of,  1818-19, 
iii.  498-501. 

McLure,  R.  Le  M.,  discoveries  of,  iii. 
689-91. 

Madriz,  Licentiate,  disturbances  in- 
cited  by,  1699-1701,  ii.  662. 

Magellan,  F.  de,  voyage  of,  1519,  i. 
134-6. 

Mail  service,  of  Cent.  Amer.,  iii. 
671-2. 

Maiollo,  map  of,  i.  136. 

Major,  R.  H.,  ‘ Life  of  Prince  Henry 
of  Portugal,’  i.  70. 


INDEX. 


763 


Malacatan,  capture  of,  1525,  i.  697- 
9. 

Maldonado,  A.,  alcalde  mayor  of  Es- 
panola,  i.  250. 

Maldonado,  A.,  compilation  of,  i.  286. 
Maldonado,  A.  de,  visitador,  1535,  ii. 
131;  juez  de  residencia,  ii.  132; 
president  of  the  audiencia  of  the 
Confines,  ii.  301 ; dispute  with  Las 
Casas,  1545,  ii.  304-7;  residencia  of, 

ii.  308-9;  provis.  gov.  of  Guat., 
1542,  ii.  323;  exped.  to  Talamanca, 
1660,  ii.  446. 

Malespin,  president  of  Salv.,  iii.  190; 
defence  of  Salv.,  1844,  iii.  190-1; 
invasion  of  Guat.,  iii.  191-3;  ofNic., 

iii.  194-5;  capture  of  Leon,  iii.  197- 
200;  dispute  with  Guzman,  iii. 
202-3. 

Malespin,  Col  F.,  revolution  of,  1842, 
iii.  289;  president  of  Salv.,  iii.  290; 
defeat  of,  iii.  293-4;  death  of,  iii. 
294. 

Malinche,  see  Cortes,  H. 

Maines,  Alvarado’s  conquest  of  the, 
1525,  i.  695-702. 

Managua,  revolt  at,  1833-4,  iii.  175-6; 
1845,  iii.  240-1;  seat  of  govt  at, 
1845,  iii.  241;  cholera  at,  1855,  iii. 
330;  description  of,  iii.  568. 
Manches,  Christianization,  etc.,  of,  ii. 
672-3. 

Manosca  y Murillo,  J.  de,  president 
of  Guat.,  1670,  ii.  659;  bishop  of 
Guat.,  1668-75,  ii.  668. 

Mansvelt,  buccaneer,  raids,  etc.,  of, 
ii.  460-3. 

Manufactures,  of  Cent.  Amer.,  iii. 
660-2. 

Maps,  the  world,  i.  73;  Zeno’s  chart, 
1390,  i.  82;  Behaim’s  globe,  1492,  i. 
93;  Cosa’s  map,  1500,  i.  115; 
Ruysch’s,  1508,  i.  126;  Peter  Mar- 
tyr's, 1511,  i.  127;  Ptolemy’s,  1513, 

i.  130;  in  Munich  Atlas,  1518,  i. 
133;  Sehdner’s  globe,  1520,  i.  137; 
Bordone’s,  1528,  i.  144;  Ribero’s, 
1529,  i.  146;  the  New  World,  1530, 

i.  147;  Ruscelli’s,  1544,  i.  148;  Fine’s, 
1531,  i.  149;  Castillo’s,  1541,  i.  153; 
manuscript,  1532—40,  i.  154;  Casti- 
lla del  Oro,  i.  323;  ii.  49;  Darien,  i. 
362,  400,  405,  416,  427;  Nie.,  i.  513; 

ii.  175;  iii.  258;  Hond.,  i.  518;  ii. 
148;  iii.  110,  205,  198;  Quiche  and 
Cackchiquel,  i.  629;  Peru,  ii.  9; 
Alvarado’s  march,  ii.  82;  Guat.,  ii. 
91,  320;  iii.  191;  C.  R.,  ii.  18S;  iii. 
184,  234;  Chiap.,  ii.  331;  iii.  39; 
Lacandon  war,  ii.  363;  Mosquitia, 

ii.  603;  iii.  246;  Belize,  ii.  627;  de- 


feat of  Padilla,  iii.  58;  Los  Altos, 
iii.  157,  275;  Salv.,  iii.  191,  205; 
Walker’s  exped.,  iii.  343;  inter 
oceanic  communication,  iii.  692. 

Maracaibo,  plundered  by  Morgan,  ii. 
490-1. 

Marchena,  Treasurer  R.  de,  mention 
of,  ii.  280-1. 

Marin,  E.,  acting  jefe  of  Salv.,  1842, 

iii.  286-7. 

Marin,  Gen.  E.,  execution  of,  1877, 

iii.  464. 

Marin,  Capt.  L.,  character  of,  ii.  215; 
exped.  to  Chiap.,  1524,  215-25. 

Marquez,  D.,  contador  at  Antigua, 
1514,  i.  390. 

Marquez,  G.,  acting  jefe  of  Guat., 
1830,  iii.  154^5. 

Marroquin,  F.,  biog.,  etc.,  ii.  134; 
bishop  of  Guat.,  1533,  ii.  135;  ad- 
ministr. , ii.  135-40;  Alvarado’s  ex- 
ecutor, etc.,  ii.  207-9;  dispute  with 
Las  Casas,  ii.  303-6,  343;  gov.  of 
Guat.,  1542,  ii.  319;  Indian  policy, 

ii.  325-6;  poverty  of,  ii.  342-3;  con- 
vent, etc.,  founded  by,  ii.  343-4; 
death  of,  1563,  ii.  375. 

Martin,  A.,  first  Spaniard  to  sail  on 
South  Sea,  1513,  i.  369-70. 

Martinez,  B. , bishop  of  Pan.,  1583,  ii. 
475. 

Martinez,  Friar  C.,  bishop  of  Pan., 
1625,  i.  478. 

Martinez,  J.  A.,  president  of  Guat., 
1848,  iii.  274. 

Martinez,  Gen.  T.,  operations  of,  1855, 

iii.  261;  1856-7,  hi.  352,  356,  360; 
member  of  junta,  1857,  iii.  365; 
president  of  Nic.,  1857-67,  iii.  365- 
9;  biog.,  iii.  366;  death,  iii.  370. 

Martyr,  P.,  map  of,  1511,  i.  127-8; 
biog.,  i.  312;  works  of,  i.  312-14. 

Marure,  M.  A.,  works  of,  iii.  17-18; 
imprisonment  of,  iii.  19-20. 

Masaya,  revolt  at,  1812,  iii.  15;  Walk- 
er’s attack  on,  1856,  iii.  353;  de- 
struction of,  1856,  iii.  355-6. 

Mata,  Brigadier  J.  A.  de  la,  gov.  of 
Pan.,  1805,  iii.  489. 

Matagalpa,  insurrection  in,  1881,  iii. 
484. 

Mayorga,  M.  de,  president  of  Guat., 
1773-8,  ii.  717-25. 

Mazariegos,  D.  de,  conquest  of  Chiap., 
1526,  ii.  226-7,  meeting  with  Puer- 
tocarrero,  ii.  227-8;  administr.  of, 
ii.  229-30;  residencia  of,  ii.  230. 

Mazariegos,  M.  R. , exped.  of,  1695,  ii. 
682-5. 

Mazatecs,  submission  of  the,  1524,  L 
557-8. 


764 


INDEX. 


Mazatenango,  capture  of,  1525,  i.  693 

-7. 

Medina,  Alcalde,  in  cliarge  at  Tru- 
jillo, 1525,  i.  535. 

Medina,  F.  do,  mention  of,  ii.  220-1. 
Medina,  J.  M.,  president  of  Hond., 
1836-72,  iii.  453-8;  revolt  of,  iii. 
431-3;  execution,  1878,  iii.  464; 
biog.,  iii.  434—5. 

Medrano  y Solorzano,  E.,  exped.  of, 
1699,  ii.  695. 

Mejia,  G.,  prosecution  of  Alvarado, 

ii.  100. 

Mejia,  H.,  surprised  by  Verdugo,  ii. 
283;  defection,  etc.,  of,  1546,  ii. 
237-8,  271. 

Mejicanos,  Arce’s  defeat  at,  1823,  iii. 

64;  surrender  of,  iii.  95. 

Melendez,  Gov.  P.,  defence  of  Porto- 
bello,  1C02,  ii.  4C7. 

‘ Memorias,’  iii.  1C7. 

Mencos,  M.,  exped.  of,  1699,  ii.  694- 
5. 

Mencos,  M.  C.  de,  president  of  Cuat., 
1657-87,  ii.  657-8. 

Mendavia,  Dean  P.  de,  disturbance 
caused  by,  ii.  177-8. 

Mendez,  D.,  in  Verag.,  1503,  i.  222-4; 
I plot  of,  ii.  150-3;  execution  of,  ii. 
154. 

Menendez,  Gen.  F.,  revolution  of, 
1885,  iii.  411. 

Mendez,  1L,  procurator  to  Spain,  etc., 
1545,  ii.  323-4. 

Mendez,  M.,  murder  of,  1872,  iii.  399. 
Mendinueta  y Muzquiz,  P.  de,  viceroy 
of  New  Granada,  1801,  iii.  4S9. 
Mendoza,  H.  de,  exped.  of,  1532,  i. 
148. 

Meneses,  Capt.,  joins  Pedrarias’  ex- 
ped., 1514,  i.  390;  garrison  of,  be- 
sieged, i.  402,  494. 

Mercado,  J.  N.  de,  assassination  of 
Olid,  i.  531-3. 

Mercado,  Friar  M.  de,  bishop  of  Pan., 
1578,  ii.  475. 

Merced,  order  of,  establd.  in  Guat., 
1537,  ii.  140-1;  convent  founded  at 
Ciudad  Peal,  ii.  328-9. 

Merlo,  R.  de,  exped.  of,  1525,  i.  577. 
Mestizos,  characteristics  of  the,  iii. 
594-5. 

Mexico,  union  of  Cent.  Amer.  with, 

1821- 2,  iii.  42-59;  war  with  Salv., 

1822- 3,  iii.  62-4. 

Mexico  City,  machinations  against 
Cortes,  i.  572-5,  5S0-1. 

Meyner,  C.,  gov.  of  Pan.,  1812,  iii. 
495. 

Milla,  J.  J.,  vice-jefe  of  Hond.,  1824, 

iii.  161;  defeats  Herrera,  iii.  162. 


Millen,  F.  F.,  colonization  scheme  of, 
1883,  iii.  590-1. 

Mining,  in  Hond.,  ii.  295;  in  Guat.,  ii. 
383;  in  Pan.,  ii.  395-6,  585-6;  in 
Cent.  Amer.,  iii.  655-60. 

Miro,  G.,  president  of  Pan.,  1873,  iii. 
541. 

Mitla,  insurrection  in,  1837,  iii.  124- 

5. 

Mixco,  capture  of,  1525,  i.  686-92; 

federal  victory  at,  1829,  iii.  97. 
Moderados,  Guat.,  party  organized, 
1848,  iii.  275. 

Molina,  Col  M.  A.,  jefe  of  Los  Altos, 
1S38,  iii.  157-9;  execution  of,  1S42, 
iii.  218. 

Molina,  P. , ‘ El  Editor  Constitucional,  ’ 
iii.  27-8;  biog.,  iii.  27-8;  revolution- 
ary movements,  iii.  33;  envoy  to 
Bogota,  1825,  iii.  81;  jefe  of  Guat., 
iii.  104;  downfall  of,  iii.  105. 
Mollinedo  y Sara  via,  G.,  capt. -gen., 
1801,  iii.  3;  rule,  iii.  3-6;  death,  iii. 

6. 

Monasteries,  suppression  of,  1829,  iii. 
104. 

Monasterio,  Capt.  J.  de,  operations, 
etc.,  of,  1603-9,  ii.  650-1 
Montaiglon,  M.  de,  works  of,  i.  54. 
Montalboddo,  ‘Paesi  Nouamente  re- 
trouati,’  i.  123. 

Montalvo,  F.,  viceroy  of  New  Gra- 
nada, 1813,  iii.  495. 

Montealegre,  J.  M.,  president  of  Costa 
Rica,  1859-63,  iii.  373-7. 

Montejo,  F.  de,  gov.  of  Hond.,  1537- 
9,  ii.  289-99;  negotiations  with  Al- 
varado, 296-9. 

Mouterroso,  F.  de  H.,  acting  gov.  of 
Pan.,  1708,  ii.  583. 

Montes,  F.,  arrest,  etc.,  of,  1810,  iii. 
493. 

Montes,  J.  F.,  president  of  Hond., 
1863,  iii.  324-5. 

Montfraisier,  Du  P.  de,  ‘Histoire  Uni- 
versellc,’  ii.  748. 

Montiano,  M.  de,  gov.  of  Pan.,  1749- 
55,  ii.  584. 

Mont  Afar,  Col  M. , surrender  of,  iii. 
95. 

Mora,  F.,  invasion  of  C.  R.,  iii.  387. 
Mora,  J.,  jefe  of  C.  R.,  1S22-33,  iii. 

179-81;  biog.,  iii.  180. 

Mora,  J.  I'.,  president  of  C.  R.,  1849 
-53,  iii.  236-7. 

Mora,  Gen.  J.  J.,  operations  of,  1856, 
iii.  338. 

Mora,  J.  R.,  president  of  C.  R.,  1859, 
iii.  372;  revolt  against,  iii.  372-3; 
exile,  iii.  373;  revolt  of,  iii.  374-5; 
execution,  1S60,  iii.  375-6. 


INDEX. 


765 


Morales,  Capt.  G.  de,  joins  Pedrarias’ 
exped.,  1514,  i.  390;  exped.  to  the 
Pearl  Islands,  1515,  i.  408-11;  atro- 
cities of,  i.  411. 

Morales,  M.  R.,  director  of  Nic.,  1847, 
iii.  243. 

Morazan,  Gen.,  victory  at  Gualcho, 
1828,  iii.  95;  campaign  in  Guat., 
1828-9,  iii.  96-100;  harsh  measures 
of,  iii.  100-3;  operations  in  Hond., 
iii.  Ill;  president,  1830,  iii.  112; 
rule,  iii.  112-42;  departure,  1840, 
iii.  142-3;  invasion  of  C.  R.,  1842, 
iii.  216-17;  measures,  iii.  217-18; 
provis.  jefe,  iii.  218;  capture  of,  iii. 
219-20;  execution,  iii.  221-2. 

Moreno,  Fiscal  P.,  exped.  to  Hond., 
1525,  i.  535-6. 

Morgan,  H.,  early  career  of,  ii.  482-3; 
plunders  Puerto  Principe,  ii.  4S3; 
captures  Portobello,  1668,  ii.  483-9; 
atrocities  of,  ii.  484-7,  510-12;  en- 
counters gov.  of  Pan.,  ii.  488-9; 
forces,  etc.,  of,  ii.  491-2;  captures 
Santa  Catarina,  ii.  493;  lands  at 
Chagre,  ii.  49G-7 ; march  across  the 
Isthmus,  ii.  497-502;  captures  Pa- 
nama, 1671,  ii.  504-7;  plot  against, 

ii.  512;  return  to  San  Lorenzo,  ii. 
512-13;  division  of  spoils,  ii.  514; 
knighted,  etc.,  ii.  515;  imprison- 
ment of,  ii.  515. 

Morillo,  Mariscal  P.,  exped.  of,  1815, 

iii.  496. 

Moseoso,  L.,  exped.  of,  1530,  ii.  121. 

Mosquitia,  description  of,  ii.  595-8, 
600-1;  buccaneers  in,  ii.  598;  Brit- 
ish rights  in,  ii.  598-9;  British  ag- 
gression in,  ii.  601-2;  maps  of,  ii. 
603;  vi.  246;  Galvez’ exped.  to,  1782, 
ii.  604-5;  Despard’s  exped.  to,  1782, 

ii.  605-6;  British  protectorate  over, 

iii.  244-52;  kings  of,  iii.  245-8;  at- 
tempts  at  colonization,  iii.  248-9. 

Motolinia,  Fray  T.  de,  labors  in  Nic., 
1528,  ii.  184;  in  Guat.,  ii.  345-7. 

Mourgeon,  Mariscal  J.  de  la  C.,  capt.- 
gen.  of  New  Granada,  1821,  iii.  503; 
exped.  of,  iii.  504. 

Moya,  R.,  jefe  of  C.  R.,  1844,  iii.  227. 

Munoz,  F.,  execution  of,  1517,  i. 
457-9. 

Munoz,  J.  B.,  ‘Historia  del  Nuevo 
Mondo,’  i.  197-8. 

Munoz,  Gen.  J.  T.,  siege  of  Leon, 
1844,  iii.  197;  promotion  of,  iii.  240; 
operations,  etc.,  of,  1845,  iii.  241-3; 
revolt  of,  1851,  iii.  256;  negotiations, 
iii.  260;  death,  1855,  iii.  330. 

Murillo,  Licut-col  A.,  victory  at  Te- 
cauname,  1855,  iii.  261. 


N 

Nacaome,  diet  of,  1848,  iii.  208. 

Naco  Valley,  exped.  to,  ii.  145,  147, 
156-7. 

Nancintlan,  burning  of,  1524,  i.  668. 
Napoleon  I.,  usurpation  of,  iii.  2. 
Narango,  battle  of,  1S76,  iii.  462. 
Narragansett  Bay,  settlement  founded 
at,  1000,  i.  76. 

Narvaez  y la  Torre,  Brigadier  A.,  gov. 

of  Pan.,  1801,  iii.  489. 

Nata,  surprised  by  Espinosa,  1516,  i. 

423;  settlement  founded  at,  i.  505-9. 
Nata,  Cacique,  capture  of,  1515,  i. 
414;  surrender  of,  1516,  i.  423-4; 
exped.  against,  i.  424-5;  revolt  of, 
1517,  i.  431. 

Nava,  J.  de,  gov.  of  C.  R.,  1773,  ii. 
622. 

Navarette,  M.  F.  de,  works  of,  i.  69, 
198-200;  biog.,  198. 

Navas  y Quevada,  A.  de  las,  bishop  of 
Nic.,  1667,  ii.  443-4. 

Navigation,  internal,  iii.  667-8. 

Navio,  picture  of,  i.  189. 

Nebah,  capture  of,  1530,  ii.  111-12. 
Negroes,  importation  of,  ii.  386-7; 

regulations  concerning,  ii.  389-90. 
Neira,  G.,  president  of  Pan.,  1872-3, 
iii.  538^41. 

Nelson,  H.,  exped.  to  Nic.,  1780,  ii. 
609-11. 

‘New  Collection  of  Voyages,’ ii.  750. 
Newfoundland,  Leif  lands  at,  1000,  i. 
76. 

New  Granada,  rebellion  in,  1810-13, 
iii.  493-6;  state  of,  organized,  1831, 
iii.  513;  revolution  in,  1840,  iii. 
515-16;  difficulty  with  England, 
1836,  iii.  518;  with  U.  S.,  1S55,  iii! 
519;  1856-7,  iii.  520-2;  mining  inr 
iii.  659-60;  treaty  with  U.  S.,  1846, 
iii.  700-1. 

New  laws,  publication  of  the,  1543, 
ii.  240;  provisions,  ii.  240-1;  oppo- 
sition to  the,  ii.  242-3,  301-2,  323; 
repealed,  1545,  ii.  325;  opposition 
to,  ii.  334-5,  338. 

New  St  Andrew,  founding  of,  1698, 

ii.  576. 

Newspapers,  iii.  27-8,  273,  288,  290, 
559,  584,  622,  627. 

‘ New  Universal  Collection,’  ii.  750. 
‘New  Voyages  and  Travels,’  ii.  751. 
Nicaragua,  Davila’s  exped.  to,  1522- 
3,  i.  483-94;  maps  of,  i.  513;  ii.  175; 

iii.  258;  church  affairs  in,  ii.  168-9, 
443-4,  612-17;  iii.  632-3;  revolts 
in,  ii.  274-8;  iii.  240-2,  259-61;  set- 
tlements, etc.,  of,  ii.  434,  437-8; 


766 


INDEX. 


Dominicans  in,  ii.  436-7 ; commerce 
of,  ii.  438;  piratical  raids  in,  1685- 
6,  ii.  553-62;  diputacion  provincial 
in,  iii.  47;  annexation  to  Mex., 
1821,  iii.  47-8;  internal  strife  in, 
1833-7,  iii.  170-7;  juntas  guberna- 
tivas,  iii.  170-2;  assembly,  iii.  172— 
3,  243,  257-60,  337,  475-8;  earth- 
quake, etc.,  in,  1835,  iii.  176-7;  se- 
cession, 1838,  iii.  178;  British  media- 
tion requested,  1839-40,  iii.  186-7; 
war  with  Hond.,  1844,  iii.  194-200; 
union  with  Salv.  and  Hond.,  iii. 
209-11;  C.  R.  boundary  question, 
iii.  231-3;  British  claims,  iii.  239- 
40;  British  aggressions  in  Mosqui- 
tia,  iii.  244-51 ; hostilities  with 
England,  1S48,  iii.  251-2;  Zeledon- 
Wyke  treaty,  1860,  iii.  252-3; 
treaty  with  Spain,  1850,  iii.  253; 
concordat,  iii.  253;  foreign  rela- 
tions, iii.  254;  difficulty  with  U.  S., 
1854,  iii.  254—5;  with  Germany, 
1876,  iii.  256;  declared  a republic, 
1852-4,  iii.  257;  war  with  Guat., 
1850-3,  iii.  279-80;  Walker’s  cam- 
paign in,  1855-6,  iii.  328-46;  cholera 
in,  1855,  iii.  330;  war  with  C.  R., 
1857,  iii.  362;  junta  de  gobierno  in, 
1857,  iii.  365;  revenue,  iii.  366-7; 
constitution,  iii.  367;  rebellion  in, 
1869,  iii.  471—4;  difficulty  with 

0.  R.,  1873-5,  iii.  479-82;  jssuitic 
seditions,  iii.  4S4-5;  opposition  to 
Barrios,  1885,  iii.  486;  boundaries, 
iii.  567;  departments,  etc.,  iii.  567- 
8;  cities,  iii.  568-9;  population, 
1883,  iii.  588;  colonization  in,  iii. 
591-2;  character  of  population,  iii. 
599-601;  dress,  etc.,  iii.  601-2; 
dwellings,  iii.  602;  mode  of  life, 
iii.  603;  amusements,  iii.  603-4; 
education,  iii.  622-4;  administr.  of 
justice,  iii.  641-3;  army,  iii.  646-7; 
agric.,  iii.  652-3;  mining,  iii.  657- 
8;  manufact.,  iii.  661;  revenue,  etc., 
iii.  683;  debt,  iii.  483,  683;  railroads, 
iii.  708. 

Nicaragua,  Cacique,  Ddvila’s  visit  to, 
1522,  i.  486-9;  attacks  the  Span- 
iards, iii.  493. 

Nicaragua,  isthmus,  project  for  canal, 
iii.  694-8. 

Nicaragua,  Lake,  discovery  of,  1522, 

1.  489. 

Nicoya,  Cacique,  Ddvila’s  meeting 
with,  1522,  i.  485-6. 

Nicoya,  province,  incorporated  with 
C.  R.,  1825,  iii.  179. 

Nicoya,  town,  the  Contreras  revolt, 
1550,  ii.  277-8. 


Nicuesa,  D.  de,  biog.,  etc.,  of,  i.  292- 
4;  gov.  of  Castilla  del  Oro,  i.  294— 
6;  quarrel  with  Ojeda,  i.  296-7;  ex- 
ped.  to  Veragua,  1509,  i.  296-308; 
relieved  by  Colmenares,  i.  331-2; 
reception  at  Antigua,  i.  334-5;  de- 
posal,  i.  335;  fate  of,  i.  335-6. 

‘Nina,’  voyage  of  the,  1492-3,  i.  159- 
64. 

Nindiri,  volcano,  eruption  of,  1775, 
ii.  608. 

Nino,  Pilot  A,  exped.,  etc.,  of,  1522- 
3,  i.  478-93. 

Nino,  P.  A.,  voyage  of,  1499,  i.  186. 

Nito,  Cortes’ arrival  at,  1525,  i.  565-7; 
sickness,  etc.,  at,  i.  567-8;  site  of, 
abandoned,  i.  568,  570. 

Niza,  Friar  M.  de,  exped.  of,  1539,  i. 
151—2;  rept  of,  ii.  205. 

Nombre  de  Dios,  name,  i.  307;  Nicu- 
esa at,  i.  307-8;  fort  of,  built,  1510, 

i.  307-8;  departure  of  garrison,  i. 
337-8;  abandoned,  i.  331-3;  412-13; 
refounded,  1519,  i.  471;  tra ’.e,  etc., 
of,  ii.  248-9;  Nombre  de  Dios,  Ver- 
dugo’s  invasion  of,  ii.  263-4;  Gasca 
at,  1546,  ii.  267-9;  1550,  ii.  282-3; 
the  Contreras  revolt,  1550,  ii.  278, 
281-3;  removal  of  site,  etc.,  ii.  396- 
9;  Drake’s  attack  on,  1572,  ii.  405-6; 
destroyed  by  Drake,  1595,  ii.  422. 

Norf,  Cacique,  execution  of,  ii.  55-6. 

North-west  passage,  discov.  of,  iii. 
689-91. 

‘ Notes  de  Voyage  en  Centre  Amer- 
ique,’  iii.  676-7. 

‘Nouvelle  Bibliothfeque  des  Voyages,' 

ii.  757. 

Nueva  Andalucfa,  name,  i.  294;  Oje- 
da’s exped.  to,  1509-10,  i.  294-301. 

Nueva  Jaen,  founding  of,  ii.  186. 

Nueva  Segovia,  freebooters  at,  1687, 
ii.  5634. 

Nueva  Valladolid,  growth,  etc.,  of, 
1557-74,  ii.  640-1;  earthquake  in, 
1774,  ii.  640. 

‘Nuevo  Viajero  Universal,’  ii.  758. 

Nunez,  A.,  Nicuesa’s  exped.,  1509- 
10,  i.  307-8. 

Nuiiez,  J.,  vice-jefe  of  Nic.,  1835,  iii. 

177. 

Nufiez,  Capt.  V.,  capture,  etc.,  of,  ii. 
257-8. 

Nutibara,  Cacique,  defeat  of,  ii.  54. 


0 

Oajaca,  city,  capture,  etc.,  of,  iii.  6. 
Obaldia,  J.  de,  gov.  of  Pan.,  1858,  iii. 
528. 


INDEX. 


767 


Obaldfa,  Col  A.,  revolt  of,  1868,  iii. 
537-8. 

Occhuc,  Tzendales  repulsed  at,  1712, 

ii.  703-4. 

Ococingo,  massacre  at,  1712,  ii.  699. 
Ojeda,  A.  de,  voyage  of,  1499-1500, 
i.  Ill,  186;  1502,  i.  118,  19;  early 
career,  etc.,  of,  i.  292-4;  gov.  of 
Nueva  Andalueia,  i.  294-6;  quarrel 
with  Nicuesa,  i.  296-7;  exped.  of, 
1509,  i.  296-301;  death,  i.  301. 
Olancho,  sedition  in,  1829,  iii.  109-11; 

revolt  at,  1844,  iii.  310. 

Olancho  Valley,  occupation  of,  1526, 
i.  589-90. 

Olano,  L.  de,  Nicuesa’s  exped.,  1509- 

10,  i.  301-7;  ill  treatment  of,  i.  332- 
3;  death,  i.  441. 

Olarte,  V.,  see  Galindo,  V.  0. 
Olaziregui,  V.,  gov.  of  Pan.,  1769,  ii. 
584. 

Olid,  C.  de,  exped.  to  Hond.,  1524,  i. 
524;  character,  i.  525;  treachery  of, 
i.  526-7;  meeting  with  Gonzalez, 
i.  527-8;  fight  with  Casas,  etc.,  i. 
529-30;  assassination,  i.  531-3. 
Olmos,  P.  de,  defeat  of,  ii.  109-10. 
Otnoa,  bombardment  of,  1873,  iii.  320. 
O’Neill,  Gen.,  exped.  to  Belize,  1798, 

iii.  314. 

Orbita,  Friar  J.  de,  mission  to  Itza, 
1618,  ii.  673-5. 

Ordonez,  Col  C.,  commandant  at 
Granada,  iii.  59;  revolt  of,  1824, 
iii.  171-2. 

Oriluna,  F.  de,  juez  de  residencia, 

1529,  ii.  105-6;  exped.  of,  ii.  110- 
11;  prosecution,  etc.,  of,  1530,  ii. 
117-18. 

Oreamuno,  F.  M.,  jefe  of  C.  R.,  1844, 
iii.  226-7;  vice-president,  1853,  iii. 
237. 

Orosco,  Presbyter  L.  de,  assassination 
of,  ii.  709. 

Ortega,  J.,  president  of  Pan.,  1878, 
iii.  543-4. 

Ortiz,  A.,  exped.  of,  ii.  148. 

Orueta  y Irusta,  J.  B de,  gov.  of 
Pan.,  1709,  ii.  583. 

Osorio,  D.  A.,  bishop  of  Nic.,  1531, 

11.  168-9. 

Ostuncalco,  Indian  outbreak  at,  iii. 
123. 

Osuna,  J.  V.  de,  capture  of  Copan, 

1530,  ii.  115. 

Ovalle,  Missionary  P.  de,  labors  of,  ii. 
644. 

Ovando,  N.  de,  gov.  of  Espanola,  1502, 

1.  249;  instructions  to,  i.  249-50; 
exped.  of,  i.  250;  administr.  i.  250- 

2,  256,  259-6;.  266-8. 


Oviedo,  G F.  de,  biog.,  i.  310:  works 
of,  i.  150,  310-12;  veedor  at  Anti- 
gua, 1514,  i.  390;  efforts  in  Spain, 
1515,  i.  463-4;  1523,  i.  511-12; 
regidor  perpetuo  de  Antigua,  l 473; 
rule,  i.  474-5;  deposed,  i.  476; 
departure,  etc.,  1528,  i.  477;  capt.- 
gen.  of  Cartagena,  i.  593. 

Oxenham,  J.,  exped.  to  Pan.,  1575,  ii. 
418. 

Oxib  Quieh,  King,  accession  of,  1524, 

i.  645;  plot  of,  i.  646;  capture,  etc., 
of,  648. 

Ozorco  y Berra,  ‘ Cartograffa  Mexi- 
cana,’  i.  70. 

P 

Pacheco,  Gen.,  defeat  of,  1829,  iii. 
97. 

Pacific  Ocean,  see  South  Sea. 

Paiz,  Brigadier  G.,  cabinet-minister, 
1845,  iii.  268-9. 

Palahunoh  Pass,  Alvarado’s  victory 
at,  1524,  i.  634-6. 

Palomar,  J.  M.,  in  command  at  Tru- 
jillo, 1820,  iii.  24. 

Palomino,  J.  A.,  exped.  to  Nic.,  ii.  262. 
Panaguali,  Cacique,  execution  of,  ii. 
91. 

Panama  (see  also  Castilla  del  Oro), 
audiencias  of,  ii.  57-8,  370-1,  585; 
slavery,  etc.,  in,  ii.  232-3;  com- 
merce, etc.,  in,  ii.  390-3,  587,  594; 
iii.  672-5;  shipping,  ii.  392;  pearl 
fisheries,  ii.  394-5,  585;  mining,  ii. 
395—6,  585-6;  iii.  659-60;  Drake’s 
raids  in,  1572,  ii.  405-17;  Oxenham’s 
exped.,  1575,  ii.  418;  officials  of, 

ii.  471;  smuggling  in,  ii  473-4;  iii. 
491-2;  church  affairs,  i.  500-1,  ii. 
474—80;  iii.  635-7;  Morgan’s  raids 
in,  1668-71,  ii.  483-515;  Indian 
raids  in,  1745-74,  ii.  581-2;  in- 
corporated with  New  Gran.,  1718, 

ii.  584;  revenue,  iii.  490,  686-7; 
industrial  depression  in,  iii.  490; 
population,  etc.,  iii.  490-2,  580-1; 
viceregal  seat  at,  1812,  iii.  494; 
Macgregor’s  invasion  of,  1818-19, 

iii.  498-501;  revolution  in,  1821, 
iii.  602-7;  1831,  iii.  514;  1840,  iii. 
514-15;  1868,  iii.  536-7;  annexed 
to 'Colombia,  1821,  iii.  506-8;  slav- 
ery abolished  in,  iii.  509;  subju- 
gation of,  iii.  515-16;  declared  a 
state,  1855,  iii.  525,  529;  constitu- 
tion of,  iii.  526,  540,  542,  544;  dis- 
turbances in,  1883^4,  iii.  546-8;  a 
national  department,  iii.  559;  boun- 
daries, etc.,  iii.  577-8;  departments. 


70S 


INDEX. 


iii.  578;  cities,  iii.  578-9;  women 
of,  iii.  5S1-2;  education  in,  iii.  583- 
4;  literature,  iii.  584;  amusements, 
iii.  584-5;  epidemics,  etc.,  iii.  585-6; 
administration  of  justice,  iii.  644-5; 
army,  iii.  645-6;  agric.,  iii.  654-5; 
currency,  iii.  675-6;  telegraphs,  iii. 
708-9. 

Panama,  city,  name,  i.  404;  post  es- 
established  on  site  of,  1517,  i.  429; 
founding  of,  1519,  i.  468;  progress, 
etc.,  of,  i.  495-500;  arms  of,  i.  500; 
slave  market  at,  i.  608-9;  Pizarro’s 
exped.,  ii.  1-15;  proposed  removal 
of  site,  1531,  ii.  247;  prosperity, 
etc.,  of,  ii.  249-50;  pillage  of,  ii. 
255;  Hinojosa’s  conquest  of,  1545, 

ii.  255-61;  Gasca  at,  1546-7,  ii. 
269-72;  captured  by  Contreras, 
1550,  ii.  279-SI;  Bermejo’s  defeat 
at,  ii.  284-6;  sickness  at,  ii.  399- 
400;  official  embezzlement  at,  ii. 
401-2;  defences  of,  ii.  402-3;  deca- 
dence of,  1610,  ii.  470;  convent 
establd.  at,  1592-8,  ii.  475-6;  fires 
at,  1644,  ii.  479;  1737-71,  ii.  582; 
prosperity  of,  1645-70,  ii.  480-1; 
descriptions  of,  ii.  502-3;  iii.  578- 
9;  captured  by  Morgan,  ii.  504-7; 
destruction  of,  1671,  ii.  507-8;  site 
of,  removed,  ii.  517-18;  rebuilding 
of,  ii.  517-19;  naval  combat  off, 
1680,  ii.  534-7;  freebooters  defeated 
off,  1685,  ii.  552-3;  revolution  at, 
1821,  iii.  504-8;  gen.  congress  at, 
1826,  iii.  510-12;  disturbances  at, 
1856,  iii.  520-1;  1859-60,  iii.  528-30. 

Panama  Isthmus,  infested  with  crimi- 
nals, iii.  518-19;  guard  of  the,  1854, 

iii.  519;  transit  refused,  iii.  522-3; 
order  restored  at,  iii.  524;  protec- 
tion of  the,  iii.  539-40,  551—8;  dis- 
turbances at,  1885,  iii.  550-7;  canal, 
iii.  698-700,  703-6;  railroad,  iii. 
700-2. 

Panciaco,  story  of  the  South  Sea,  i. 
348;  kindness  to  the  Spaniards,  i. 
383. 

Parada,  J.  G.  de,  bishop  of  Guat., 
1729-36,  ii.  710-11. 

Peredes,  A.  G.  de,  exped.,  etc.,  of, 
1695,  ii.  687-90. 

Paredes,  M.,  president  of  Guat.,  1849, 
iii.  277;  treachery  of,  iii.  277-8. 

Paris,  Cacique,  defeats  Badajoz,  1515, 

i.  415-17;  tomb  of,  plundered,  i.  468. 

Parker,  Capt.  W.,  exped.  of,  1002-3, 

ii.  465-8. 

Pasamonte,  M.  de,  treasurer-general 
at  Santo  Domingo,  1508,  i.  266-7. 

Pasaquina,  battle  of,  1876,  iii.  404. 


Pastora,  F.  F.  de  la,  gov.  of  C.  R., 
1746,  ii.  622. 

Paterson,  W.,  the  Scots’  colony,  1695- 
9,  ii.  570-7. 

Patinamit,  description  of,  i.  655-6: 
Alvarado’s  reception  at,  1524,  i. 
656-7;  abandoned  by  natives,  1524, 
i.  683-4;  sack,  etc.,  of,  1525,  ii.  77; 
battle  of,  1526,  ii.  84. 

Patzicia,  pronunciamiento  at,  1871, 

iii.  420-1. 

Paul  III.,  bull  of,  1531,  ii.  239. 

Pavon,  M.  F.,  minister  of  relations, 
etc.,  1844,  iii.  192;  death  of,  1855, 
iii.  283. 

Paz,  M.  J.,  jefe  of  Guat.,  1838,  iii. 
159. 

Paz,  R. , president  of  Guat.,  1 840-4, 
iii.  266-7. 

Pazaco,  Alvarado  attacked  at,  1524, 
i.  669. 

Pearl  fisheries,  of  Pan.,  ii.  394-5, 
585;  condition  of,  iii.  676. 

Pearl  Islands,  named,  1513,  i.  377-8; 
Morales’  exped.  to,  1515,  i.  408-11; 
Balboa  at,  1517,  i.  445-52;  yield, 
etc.,  of,  iii.  676. 

Pedrarias,  D.,  character,  etc.,  i.  387, 
615-16;  capt. -gen.  of  Castilla  del 
Oro,  1514,  i.  387;  armament,  i.  389; 
retinue,  etc.,  i.  389-91;  instructions 
to,  i.  391-2,  397-9;  voyage,  i.  392; 
landing  at  Antigua,  i.  393-4;  exped. 
to  Centi,  1515,  i.  417;  founds  Acla, 
i.  418;  feud  with  Balboa,  i.  432-3; 
fraud  of,  i.  435-6;  duplicity,  i.  452, 
455;  Balboa’s  trial  and  execution, 
1517,  i.  456-9;  founds  Panama, 
1519,  i.  468;  residencia  of,  i.  474, 
594-6;  resignation,  i.  474;  dispute 
with  Gonzalez,  i.  481-3;  exped. 
against  Urraca,  i.  507-8;  exped.  to 
Nic.,  1526,  i.  587-92;  1528,  i.  605; 
Pizarro’s  exped.,  i.  612-13;  death, 
1530,  i.  614. 

Pedraza,  Licentiate  C'.  de,  arrival  in 
Hond.,  1538,  ii.  292;  intercession 
of,  ii.  298;  bishop,  ii.  299;  admin- 
istr.,  ii.  299-308. 

Peinado,  J.  M.,  intendente  of  San 
Salv.,  ii.,  13-14. 

Pelaez,  F.  de  P.  G.,  ‘ Memorias,  ’ ii. 
732-3,  737;  archbishop  of  Guat., 
iii.  630. 

Pelham,  C.,  ‘The  World,’ ii.  751. 

Pefialver  y Cardenas,  L.,  archbishop 
of  Guat.,  iii.  29. 

Peralta,  F.  de,  naval  combat  off  Pan., 
1680,  ii.  535-7. 

Peraza,  Friar  V.  de,  bishop  of  Pan., 
i.  501;  ii.  59. 


INDEX. 


769 


Perez,  A.,  insurrection  of,  1512,  i. 

355-6;  captures  Nata,  1515,  i.  414. 
Perez,  B. , viceroy  of  New  Gran.,  1812, 
iii.  494-5. 

Perez,  J.,  works  of,  iii.  345-6. 

Perez,  M.,  director  of  Nic.,  1843,  iii. 
239. 

Perie,  J.,  gov.  of  C.  R.,  1779,  ii.  622. 
Perks,  W.,  command,  etc.,  of,  iii.  93 
-4. 

Peru,  Pizarro’s  conquest  of,  ii.  1-42; 
map,  ii.  9;  traditions,  ii.  16-17; 
annals,  ii.  17-18;  Alvarado’s  exped. 
to,  ii.  38-9,  122-30;  rebellion  in, 
1544-7,  ii.  252-73. 

Peten,  capture  of,  1697,  ii.  692-3. 
Peten,  lake,  Cortes  at,  i.  559-61. 
Piedrahita,  Bishop  L.  F.,  works  of, 

ii.  62. 

Pierzon,  Col  J.,  operations  of,  1826, 

iii.  148-9;  execution,  iii.  150. 

Pineda,  D.  de,  juez  de  comision,  ii. 

178. 

Pineda,  Gen.  J.  L.,  director  of  Nic., 
1851-3,  iii.  256;  revolt  against,  iii. 
256;  defeat  of,  1855,  iii.  332. 

Pineda  y Zaldana,  T.  M.,  bishop  of 
Salv.,  iii.  632. 

Pinelo,  A.  de  L.,  works  of,  i.  287-8; 

ii.  762. 

Pinkerton,  J.,  works  of,  ii.  755-6. 
Pinol  y Aycinena,  B.,  archbishop  of 
Guat.,  1868,  iii.  630. 

‘Pinta,’  voyage  of  the,  1492-3,  i. 
159-64. 

Pinta,  A.,  capture  of  San  Jose,  1842, 

iii.  219-20;  biog.,  iii.  219;  execution 
of  Morazan,  iii.  222;  comand.-gen., 

111.  224;  dismissal,  iii.  225-6. 

Pinto,  J.  A.,  vice-president  of  C.  R., 

1872,  iii.  381-2. 

Pinzon,  M.  A.,  voyage,  etc.,  of,  1492-3, 
i.  158-63. 

Pinzon,  V.  Y.,  voyage  of,  1492-3,  i. 

112,  158-63;  1499,  i.  186;  1506,  i. 
122,  289. 

Pisa,  A.  de,  captures  Dururua,  ii.  68; 

exped.  to  C.  R.,  ii.  192-9. 

Pizarro,  F.,  joins  Ojedas’  exped.,  1509, 

i.  298;  at  San  Sabastian,  i.  321-3; 
defeats  Cemaeo,  i.  344;  Balboa’s 
exped.,  1514,  i.  376;  Tabira’s,  i.  407; 
exped.  to  the  Pearl  Islands,  1515,  i. 
408-11;  arrests  Balboa,  1517,  i. 
452-3;  exped.  against  Urraca,  i. 
504-5;  character,  etc.,  ii.  1-3;  con- 
quest of  Peru,  ii.  3-38;  commission, 

ii.  13;  assassination  of,  ii.  40-2.  | 

Pizarro,  G.,  conquest  of  Peru,  ii.  13: 

gov,  of  Quito,  ii.  251 ; revolt  of,  I 
1544,  ii.  252-4;  conquest  of  Pan.. 
IIist.  Cent.  Am.,  Voi..  III.  4J 


ii.  254-61;  defeat  of,  ii.  272;  execu- 
tion, ii.  273. 

Pizarro,  H.,  conquest  of  Peru,  ii.  22- 
40;  death,  ii.  40. 

Pizarro,  J.,  conquest  of  Peru,  ii.  13. 
Pizarro,  Friar  J.,  martyrdom  of,  1586, 
ii.  433. 

Pizarro  y Orellana,  F.,  works  of,  ii. 
273. 

Pocoa,  Cacique,  attack  on  Nata,  etc., 
1527,  i.  510. 

I’ocorosa,  Cacique,  meeting  with  Bal- 
boa, etc.,  1513,  i.  381-2;  captures 
Santa  Cruz,  1515,  i.  403;  attacks 
Guzman,  i.  405-6. 

Ponca,  Cacique,  exped.  against,  1512, 
i.  346;  welcomes  Balboa,  i.  361-3. 
Ponce,  Gen.  F.,  president  of  Pan., 
1868,  iii.  536. 

Poncra,  Cacique,  Balboa’s  cruelty  to, 
i.  379-80. 

Pontaz,  Friar,  labors  of,  ii.  133. 
Pontaza,  Friar  F.  M.  de,  hermitage 
establ.  by,  1524,  i.  638. 

Porque,  Cacique,  defeat  of,  1513,  i. 
363-4. 

Portobello,  Columbus  at,  1502,  i.  216; 
Nicuesa  at,  1510,  i.  307;  fair,  etc., 
at,  ii.  48-9;  site  of  Nombre  de  Dios 
removed  to,  1597,  ii.  399;  captured 
by  Parker,  1602,  ii.  466-8;  descrip- 
tion of,  ii.  468-70;  treasure  fleet 
at,  ii.  468-9;  captured  by  Morgan, 
1668,  ii.  483-9;  sacked  by  pirates, 

1679,  ii.  519;  captured  by  Vernon, 
1739,  ii.  588-91;  by  MacGregor, 
1819,  iii.  498-9;  recaptured,  iii.  501. 

Poveda,  A.,  gov.  of  Nic.,  1722,  ii. 
607. 

Prado,  M.,  vice-president,  Cent. 
Amer.  republic,  1830,  iii.  112-13; 
jefe  of  Salv.,  1832-4,  iii.  122,  167; 
rule,  iii.  167-8. 

Prescott,  W.  H.,  works  of,  i.  242-6. 
Press,  freedom  of,  established,  iii.  44-5. 
Prestan,  P.,  outrages  of,  1885,  iii. 
551-3. 

Prevost,  Abbe  A.  F.,  works  of,  ii. 
746-8. 

Prior,  P. , ‘ Informe,’ ii.  762. 

‘ Provineias  Unidas  del  Centro  de 
America,’  established,  1823,  iii. 
68;  debt  of,  iii.  667-8. 

Ptolemy,  maps  of,  i.  130,  147. 

Pueblo  Nuevo,  pirates  defeated  at, 

1680,  ii.  539;  1686,  ii.  557. 

Pueblo  Viejo,  captured  by  freebooters, 

1686,  ii.  556. 

Puente,  A.  de  la,  treasurer  at  Anti- 
gua, 1514,  i.  390. 

Puerta,  C'.  M.  de  la,  labors  of,  in 


770 


INDEX. 


Tegucigalpa,  ii.  042;  martyrdom  of, 
ii.  043. 

Puerto  de  Caballos,  Alvarado  at,  1539, 
ii.  204;  raids  on,  1595-6,  ii.  639; 
1603,  ii.  650;  site  of,  removed,  ii. 
650. 

Puerto  Dulce,  founding  of,  ii.  651. 
Puerto  Principe,  captured  by  Morgan, 
ii.  483. 

Puertocarrero,  P.,  battle  of  Xelahuli, 
1524,  i.  639;  character,  ii.  S7-S; 
exped.  to  Zacatepec,  ii.  88-91;  cap- 
ture of  Sinacam’s  stronghold,  ii. 
93-5;  invasion  of  Chiap.,  1526,  ii. 
227-8. 

Purchas,  S.,  works  of,  ii.  742-4. 


Q. 

Qat,  King,  Alvarado’s  embassy  to,  i. 
622-3.  ' 

Quadra,  V.,  president  of  Nic.,  1S71-5, 
iii.  475-81. 

Quarequa,  Balboa  at,  1513,  i.  363-4. 
Quauhtemotzin,  King,  execution  of, 
1524,  i.  551-4. 

Quema,  Cacique,  capture,  etc.,  of, 
1516,  i.  426. 

Quesada,  Dr  A.  R.  de,  president  of 
the  audiencia  of  the  Coniines,  1555, 

ii.  358;  administr.,  ii.  358-60. 
Quevedo,  J.  de,  bishop  of  Darien,  1514, 

i.  390;  mediation,  etc.,  of,  i.  436-9; 
departure  for  Spain,  i.  461 ; dispute 
with  Las  Casas,  i.  462-3;  memorials 
of,  i.  463;  death,  i.  463. 

Quezada,  convention  of,  1844,  iii.  193. 
Quezaltenango,  founding  of,  1524,  i. 
638;  riot  at,  iii.  88-9;  state  congress 
at,  1826,  iii.  148;  captured  by  Picr- 
zon,  iii.  149;  revolt  at,  iii.  283; 
affair  at,  1871,  iii.  422. 

Quiche,  power,  etc.,  of,  i.  620-2;  map 
of,  i.  629;  conquest  of,  i.  634-6, 
643-51. 

Quiiano,  Lieut-col,  protest,  etc.,  of, 

iii.  250. 

Quinones,  F.,  revolt  at  Leon,  1812,  iii. 
14. 

Quintana,  works,  etc.,  of,  ii.  42. 
Quiroga,  M.  de,  gov.  of  Nic.,  17S0,  ii. 
608. 


R 

Rabago,  J.  de  E.,  exped.  of,  ii.  425-6. 
Rada,  J.  de,  assassination  of  Pizarro, 
ii.  40-1. 

Radroads  in  Cent.  Amer.,  iii.  700-2, 
706-8. 


j Ramirez,  D.,  mission  to  Chiap.,  1543, 
j ii.  338. 

Ramirez,  Friar  H.,  bishop  of  Pan., 
1644,  ii.  479. 

Ramirez,  J.,  bishop  of  Guat.,  1600,  ii. 
381. 

Ramirez,  M.,  director  of  Nic.,  1S49, 

I iii.  256. 

1 Ramirez,  N.,  jefe  of  Salv.,  1841,  iii. 
286. 

Ramirez,  P.,  exped.  to  Lacandon, 
1559,  ii.  363-5. 

Raon,  J.,  gov.  of  Pan.,  1762,  ii.  584. 
Raoul,  N.,  commander  of  artillery, 
etc.,  1825,  iii.  83;  arrest,  iii.  85-6. 
Reactionists,  Gnat.,  choice  of  presi- 
dent, 1848,  iii.  274;  efforts  of,  1872, 
iii.  427-9;  1873,  iii.  433. 

Realejo,  the  Contreras  revolt,  1550,  ii. 
277;  piratical  raid  on,  1684,  ii.  548; 
1685,  ii.  555;  1686,  ii.  560;  block- 
ade of,  1846,  iii.  240. 

‘ Recopilacion  de  Leyes  de  las  Iudias,  ’ 
i.  257-8. 

‘Recueil  de  Voiages  an  Nord,  ’ ii. 
749-50. 

Regent  of  Audiencias, office  of, created, 

| 1776,  ii.  714-15. 

Remesal,  Friar  A.  de,  works  of,  ii. 

! 339-10,  736-7. 

! Repartimiento,  system,  description 
of,  i.  262-6. 

j ‘Republica  de  Colombia,’  name 
adopted,  iii.  558. 

| Residencia,  explanation  of  term,  i. 

| 250. 

Revenue,  of  Cent.  Amer.  states,  iii. 
677-S7. 

Revolutions,  Carrera’s  Guat.,  1837- 
40,  iii.  127-44;  Alfaro’s  C.  R.,  iii. 
219-22;  against  Carrera,  1847-8, 
iii.  271-3;  Menendez’,  1885,  iii.  411; 
Granados-Barrios,  1871,  iii.  419-24; 
in  Pan.,  1821,  iii.  502-7;  1S40,  iii. 
515-16;  1868,  iii.  536-7;  1S75,  iii. 
541-2. 

Ribera,  Dr,  defeats  Verdugo,  ii.  263— 
4. 

Ribera,  Duque  de,  bishop  of  Pan., 
1594,  ii.  475. 

Ribera,  P.  E.  de,  bishop  of  Guat., 
1359-G8,  ii.  G67-S. 

Ribero,  D.  de,  Nicuesa’s  exped  , 1509 
-10,  i.  302-4. 

Richardson,  J.,  ‘Polar  Regions,’  iii. 
709. 

Rincon,  Gen.  B.  T.  M.  del,  president 
of  Guat.,  1789-94,  ii.  728. 

Ringrose,  B.,  adventure  of,  1680,  ii. 
5.30-2;  naval  combat  off  Pan.,  ii. 
535-7;  works,  etc.,  of,  ii.  568. 


INDEX. 


771 


Rios,  P.  de  los,  gov.  of  Castilla  del 
Oro,  1526,  i.  592-3;  rule,  i.  593-4; 
exped.  to  Nic.,  i.  C02  4;  Pizarro’s 
conquest,  ii.  G-8,  12;  character,  etc., 

ii.  44—5;  usurpation,  of,  ii.  177-8. 
Riotte,  Gen.  C.  N.,  intervention  of, 

18G9,  iii.  474. 

Rivas,  Friar,  mission  to  Lacandon, 
1685,  ii.  GSO-1. 

Rivas,  F.  R.  dc,  president  of  Guat., 
1716-24,  ii.  70G. 

Rivas,  President  P.,  denounces  Walk- 
er, iii.  349;  govt  of  recognized, 

iii.  350;  colonization  decree  of,  1855, 
iii.  592. 

Rivas,  city,  Walker’s  defeat  at,  1856, 
iii.  344-5;  siege  of,  1S57,  iii.  358-60. 
Roads,  in  Pan.,  1541-56,  ii.  247-8;  in 
Hond.,  1539-47,  ii.  293-4;  of  Cent. 
Amer.,  iii.  669. 

Roatan,  island,  captured  by  pirates; 
etc.,  ii.  647-8;  restored,  iii.  113; 
British  seizure  of,  iii.  319. 

Roberta,  0.  W.,  ‘Narrative  of  Voy- 
ages,’ iii.  247-8. 

Robertson,  W.,  works  of,  i.  196-7. 
Robles,  Dr,  exped.  to  El  Desaguadero, 
ii.  176;  gov.  of  Castilla  del  Oro,  ii. 
245;  oidor,  1538,  ii.  245;  residencia 
of,  ii.  245-G. 

Rodriguez,  J.  M.,  revolt  of,  1811,  iii. 
13. 

Rojas,  D.  de,  capture,  etc.,  of,  1530, 

ii.  113. 

Rojas,  G.  de,  in  charge  at  Acla,  1515, 
i.  418;  exped.  of,  1525,  i.  577-8; 
1526,  i.  589-92. 

Ruano,  Capt.  J.,  mention  of,  i.  536. 
Rueda,  P.  M.  da,  president  of  Guat., 
1589-03,  ii.  3S2. 

Ruiz,  Pilot  B.,  exped.  to  Peru,  ii.  5-8. 
Runnels,  R.,  chief  of  isthmus  guard, 

iii.  519. 

Ruscelli,  map  of,  1544,  i.  148. 

Ruysch,  J.,  map  of,  1508,  i.  126. 


S 

Saavedra,  H.,  capt. -gen.  of  Hond., 
1525,  i.  574,  582;  Pedrarias’  exped. 
against,  1526,  i.  589-92. 

Sacasa,  Col  C.,  general  order  of,  iii. 
47;  comand.-gen.  of  Nic.,  iii.  48; 
measures,  iii.  48-9. 

Sacasa,  J.,  deputy  to  cortes,  iii.  26. 
Sahquiab,  Cacique,  defeat  of,  1525,  i. 
699-700. 

Salaya,  H.  de,  death  of,  i.  501. 

Salaya,  Licentiate  S.  de,  alcalde  mayor 
of  Antigua,  1522,  i.  475. 


Salazar,  A.  de,  the  Zacatepec  revolt, 
1525,  i.  694. 

Salazar,  Gen.  C.,  revolt  at  Leon,  1812, 
iii.  14;  biog.  iii.  131-2;  victory  at 
Villanueva,  1838,  iii.  135-6. 

Salazar,  Factor  G.  de,  proceedings  of, 
1530,  ii.  16;  usurpation,  etc.,  of,  ii. 
75-6. 

Salazar,  L.,  pronunciamiento  of,  1868, 
iii.  378. 

Salcedo,  D.  L.  de,  gov.  of  Hond., 
1525,  i.  598;  rule,  i.  599-600;  ex- 
ped. to  Nic.,  i.  600-5;  imprison- 
ment, etc.,  of,  i.  605-7;  return  to 
Trujillo,  1529,  ii.  145;  death,  ii.  146. 

Salguero,  R.,  the  Contreras  revolt, 
1550,  ii.  274-86;  death,  ii.  286. 

Salinas,  Minister,  suggestions  to  Nic. 
assembly,  1847,  iii.  243-4. 

Salvador,  Alvarado’s  invasion  of,  i. 
669-76;  independence  proclaimed 
in,  1821,  iii.  45;  protest  of,  1822, 
iii.  57;  war  with  Guat.,  iii.  57- 
8,  90-100,  27S-S0,  401-f,  409- 
10;  with  Mex.,  1822-3,  iii.  62-4; 
secession  of,  iii.  116-17,  168;  de- 
partments, iii.  165;  state  govt  or- 
ganized, 1824,  iii.  165-6;  church 
affairs  in,  iii.  166,  632;  maps  of,  iii. 
191,  205;  war  with  Nic.,  1S44,  iii. 
196-200;  with  Hond.,  iii.  202-6, 
393-9,  428,  455-62;  union  with  Nic. 
and  Hond.,  iii.  209-11;  assembly, 
iii.  285-7,  397-8,  407;  constitution, 
iii.  286,  308,  397-8,  407-9;  invasion 
of,  iii.  295;  difficulty  with  England, 
1849,  iii.  297-8;  declared  a repub- 
lic, iii.  300-1;  seal  of,  iii.  301; 
Walker’s  exped.,  iii.  350-61;  earth- 
quake in,  1873,  iii.  399-400;  pros- 
perity of,  1874,  iii.  400;  disturb- 
ances in,  1875,  iii.  400-1;  revolu- 
tion in,  1885,  iii.  411-12;  bounda- 
ries, etc.,  iii.  571-2;  polit.  divisions, 
iii.  572;  govt,  iii.  572-3;  cities,  iii. 
573-4;  population,  etc.,  iii.  588, 
604-6;  immigration,  iii.  591;  dress, 
iii.  606;  mode  of  life,  iii.  606-7; 
education  in,  iii.  624;  administr.  of 
justice,  iii.  611;  army,  iii.  647-8; 
agric.,  iii.  652;  mining,  iii.  658; 
manufaet.,  iii.  661;  revenue,  etc., 
iii.  681;  debt,  iii.  681-2;  railroads, 
iii.  707-8. 

‘ Salvador,  ’ ship,  case  of  the,  1864,  iii. 
522. 

Samano,  viceroy  of  New  Gran.,  1821- 
2,  iii.  503. 

Sainayoa,  J.  M.,  minister  of  war, 
Guat.,  1876,  iii.  402;  exile  of,  iii. 
419. 


INDEX. 


San  Bartolome  Island,  capture  of, 
1780,  ii.  609-10. 

San  Buenaventura,  Father  J.  de, 
mission  of,  1695,  ii.  690. 

San  Carlos,  fort,  capture  of,  1665,  ii. 
441;  1812,  iii.  14;  attack  on,  1769, 

ii.  608-9. 

San  Cristobal,  freebooters  at,  1625,  ii. 
453-4. 

San  Fernando,  seat  of  Nic.  govt  at, 

iii.  240. 

San  Fernando  de  Omoa,  fort,  build- 
ing of,  ii.  645;  captured  by  English, 
1779,  ii.  646;  recaptured,  ii.  647. 
San  Gil  de  Buenavista,  site  of,  trans- 
ferred, i.  565. 

San  Jorge  de  Olancho,  founding  of, 
1530,  ii.  121. 

San  Jose,  Morazan  besieged  at,  1842, 
iii.  219-20;  treaty  of,  1858,  iii.  232- 
3;  pronunciamiento  at,  1868,  iii. 
378;  emeute  at,  1870,  iii.  379. 

San  Juan,  J.  N.,  deputy  to  cortes,  iii. 
26. 

San  Juan  de  Puerto  Rico,  Drake  de- 
feated at,  1595,  ii.  422. 

San  Juan  del  Norte,  British  aggression 
at,  iii.  249-52;  bombardment  of, 
1S54,  iii.  254-5. 

San  Juan,  fort,  capture  of,  1780,  ii. 
611. 

San  Juan  River,  exploration  of,  1528, 

i.  607-8. 

San  Lorenzo,  fortifications  of,  ii.  494; 
captured  by  Bradley,  1670,  ii.  494- 
6;  castle,  etc.,  of,  destroyed,  ii.  514; 
captured  by  Vernon,  1740,  ii.  59. 
San  Lucas,  affair  at,  1871,  iii.  423. 

San  Miguel,  federal  defeat  at,  1828, 
iii.  95;  sack,  etc.,  of,  1875,  iii.  400- 
1;  occupied  by  Solares,  1876,  iii. 
404;  description  of,  iii.  574. 

San  Miguel,  gulf  of,  named  by  Bal- 
boa, 1513,  i.  373. 

San  Martin,  J.  M.  de,  president  of 
Salv. , iii.  299. 

San  Pedro,  L’Olonnois’  raid  on,  ii. 
458-9. 

San  Salvador,  revolt  at,  1811,  iii.  13- 
14;  1814,  iii.  20;  1844-5,  iii.  200-1; 
junta  at,  1821,  iii.  45;  Arzu’s  attack 
on,  1822,  iii.  60-1;  1828,  iii.  94; 
Filisola’s  exped.  against,  iii.  62-4; 
aid  sought  from  U.  S.,  iii.  64;  Arce’s 
repulse  at,  1827,  iii.  91;  captured  by  [ 
Morazan,  1832,  iii.  117-18;  a federal 
district,  1835,  iii.  120;  convention 
at,  1840,  iii.  143-4;  seat  of  federal 
govt,  iii.  152,  loS-9;  earthquake  at, 
1854,  iii.  300;  siege  of,  1863,  iii.  306; 
description  of,  iii.  573-4. 


San  Sebastian,  founding  of,  1510,  i. 
299-300;  abandoned,  i.  321-5;  re- 
built, ii.  50. 

Sanabria,  Alcalde,  mention  of,  ii.  71-2. 
Sanchez,  Pilot  B.,  in  Verag.,  1503,  i. 
225-6. 

Sande,  Dr  F.,  president  of  Guat., 
1593-6,  ii.  382;  gov.  of  Nueva  Gali- 
cia, 1596,  ii.  382-3. 

Sandoval,  J.  L.,  director  of  Nio., 
1845-7,  iii.  240-2. 

Santa  Ana,  captured  by  Arce,  1826, 
iii.  92;  affair  at,  1827,  iii.  93;  battle 
of,  1871,  iii.  395-6;  treaty  of,  1876, 
iii.  406. 

Santa  Catarina,  buccaneer  colony  at, 

i.  461-3;  captured  by  Morgan,  1670, 

ii.  493,  496. 

Santa  Clara,  B.  de,  treasurer  at  Santo 
Domingo,  i.  267. 

Santa  Coloma,  Gen.  P.,  president  of 
Pan.,  1863,  iii.  533. 

Santa  Cruz,  settlement  of,  founded, 
1514,  i.  400;  destroyed,  1515,  i.  403. 
Santa  Fe  de  Bogota,  revolt  at,  1810, 

iii.  493. 

Santa  Marla,  piratical  raid  on,  1680, 

ii.  520-8. 

‘Santa  Marla,’  voyage  of  the,  1492, 

i.  159-62. 

Santa  Marta,  viceregal  scat  at,  1813, 

iii.  495. 

Santa  Rosa,  insurrection  in,  1871,  iii. 
424-5. 

Santa  Tecla,  insurrection  at,  1883, 
iii.  408. 

Santiago,  city  (see  also  Guatemala, 
city),  founding  of,  1524,  i 678-8J ; 
site  of,  removed,  1527-8,  ii.  96-9; 
1542,  ii.  321-2;  disorders  in,  1530, 

ii.  1 18—19;  distress  at,  ii.  120; 
church  affairs  at,  ii.  136;  cathedral 
of,  ii.  137-8,  341-2,  668;  flood,  etc., 
at,  1541,  ii.  314^18;  decree  of  ca- 
biido,  1543,  ii.  323;  prosperity  of, 
1650-1700,  ii.  653;  Gage's  sketch  of, 
ii.  654^5;  office-holding  in,  ii.  655-6; 
ayuntamiento  of,  ii.  657;  convents, 
etc.,  of,  ii.  645;  earthquakes  at, 
1702-17,  ii.  707-8. 

Santiago  del  Principe,  founding  of. 
1570,  ii.  388. 

Santillan,  Fiscal  P.  de  M.,  imprison- 
ment, etc.,  of,  1669,  ii.  658. 

Santo  Domingo,  founding  of,  i.  179; 
gold-hunting  near,  l.  252;  sovereign 
tribunal  at,  1511,  i.  269;  audiencia 
of,  establd.,  1526,  i.  269-70;  cap- 
tured by  Drake,  1586,  ii.  420. 

Santo  Tomas,  colonization  at,  iii.  589- 
90. 


INDEX. 


773 


Serna,  Capt.  H.  de  la,  explorations  of, 

ii.  246. 

Serviles,  Guat.,  party,  iii.  69;  atti- 
tude of,  iii.  85;  downfall  of,  iii.  100; 
plot  of,  1831,  iii.  113-14;  disturb- 
ances created  by,  iii.  123-4;  league 
with  Carrera,  iii.  140-1 ; elections, 

iii.  150-1;  persecution  of,  iii.  152-3. 
Sharp,  Capt.  B.,  raid  on  Santa  Maria, 

1680,  ii.  520-8;  further  operations, 
ii.  533,  541-2;  trial  of,  ii.  542. 

Silva,  Dona  B.  de,  mention  of,  ii. 
344. 

Simon,  P.,  works  of,  ii.  61. 

Sinacam,  King,  Alvarado’s  meeting 
, with,  1524,  i.  652-3;  capture,  etc., 
of,  i.  661-2;  ii.  92-5. 

Sinibaldi,  A.,  provis.  president  of 
Guat.,  18S5,  iii.  449-50. 

Santo  Tomas  de  Castilla,  founding  of, 

ii.  650;  Dutch  raid  on,  1607,  ii. 
651;  abandoned,  ii.  651. 

Saravia,  J.  M.,  minister  of  state,  1S42, 

iii.  217;  capture  of,  iii.  219-20; 
death,  iii.  220-1;  biog.,  iii.  221. 

Sawkins,  Capt.,  raid  on  Santa  Maria, 
1680,  ii.  523-5;  naval  combat  off 
Pan.,  ii.  535-7;  reply  to  gov.,  ii. 
538-9;  death  of,  ii.  539. 

Schlessinger,  L. , envoy  to  C.  R. , 1 855, 
iii.  342;  defeat  of,  1856,  iii.  343-4. 
Sehoner,  J.,  map  of,  1520,  i.  137. 
Scots’  Colony,  the,  1695-1700,  ii. 
570-9. 

Seals,  Cent.  Amer.,  iii.  71;  Salv.,  iii. 
301. 

Segovia,  N.  de,  campaign  of,  1712,  ii. 
703-4. 

Sensenti,  treaty  of,  1S45,  iii.  206. 
Slavery,  Indian  and  African,  i.  253- 
66;  in  Pan.,  ii.  232-3;  in  Hond.,  ii. 
233—4,  302;  in  Guat.,  ii.  234-6;  in 
Vera  Paz,  ii.  355. 

Soberanis,  R.  de,  gov.  of  Yuc.,  etc., 
1695,  ii.  688,  691. 

Society,  mediaeval,  in  Spain,  i.  15-57. 
Soconuscans,  subjugation  of,  1524,  i. 
628. 

Socunusco,  church  affairs  in,  ii.  335, 
372. 

Solares,  Gen.  G.,  invasion  of  Salv., 
1876,  iii.  403-4;  cooperation  with 
Granados,  iii.  420-2. 

Solis,  J.  D.  de,  voyages  of,  i.  131,  2S9. 
Soltero,  B.  G.,  bishop  of  Guat.,  1650, 
ii.  664-5. 

Sosa,  J.  de,  exped.  to  Veragua,  1535- 
6,  ii.  65-73. 

Sosa,  Lope  de,  capt.  -gen.  of  Castilla  , 
del  Oro,  1517,  i.  460;  arrival  at  An- 
tigua, i 472;  death,  1520,  i.  472-3.  ) 


Soto,  B.,  president  of  C.  R.,  1885,  iii. 

390-1;  biog.,  iii.  390. 

Soto,  F.  de,  exped.  of,  1538,  i.  151. 
Soto,  H.  de,  joins  Pedrarias’  exped., 
1514,  i.  391;  exped.  against  Urraca, 

i.  504;  encounter  with  Gonzalez,  i. 
519-20;  dispute  with  Cordoba,  i. 
586;  journey  to  Nata,  i.  586-7;  con- 
quest of  Peru,  ii.  20-5. 

Soto,  M.  A.,  president  of  Hond.,  1876 
-83,  iii.  463-8;  quarrel  with  Bar- 
rios, 1883,  iii.  467-8. 

Sotomayor,  A.  de,  gov.  of  Pan.,  1601, 

ii.  464. 

Soto-Mayor,  V.,  works  of,  ii.  761. 
South  Sea,  discov.  of,  1513,  i.  364-8; 
Balboa  takes  possession  of,  i.  370- 

3. 

Spain,  origin  of  inhabitants,  i.  5-7 ; 
the  Iberian  element  in,  i.  5-6,  15- 
16;  the  Celtic,  i.  5-6,  15-17;  the 
Phoenician,  i.  5-6,  16-17;  the 

Roman,  i.  6-7,  15-16;  the  Gothic, 
etc.,  i.  6-7,  16-18;  the  Moorish,  i. 
7-10,  16-19;  language  of,  i.  7-9; 
greatness  of,  1474-1516,  i.  11;  de- 
cadence, i.  11-12;  climate,  i.  14-15; 
inquisition  in,  i.  32;  slavery  in,  i.  33; 
sumptuary  laws,  i.  55-7;  voyages 
of  Columbus,  i.  157-82;  title  to 
new  world,  i.  166-8;  extension  of 
new  world  privileges,  i.  183-4;  cur- 
rency of,  1475-1525,  i.  192-3;  ad- 
ministr.  of  the  Indies,  1492-1526, 

i.  247-85;  colonization  of  Tierra 
Firme,  i.  290-2;  effect  of  Balboa’s 
discov.,  i.  386;  colonial  policy,  i. 
514—15,  597-8;  ii.  251-2;  commer- 
cial policy,  ii.  391-3;  war  with  Eng- 
land, 1739^44;  ii.  588-93;  1769-80, 

ii.  608-1 1 ; treaties  with  England, 
1670-1721,  ii.  598-600;  1783,  ii. 
606;  affairs  in,  iii.  1-4;  measures  for 
protection  against,  iii.  105-6;  C.  R. 
boundary  question,  iii.  235-6;  treaty 
with  Nic.,  iii.  253;  exped.  of,  1815, 

iii.  496-7. 

Spaniards,  race  elements  and  evolu- 
tion, i.  15-19;  character,  i.  12-24, 
29-32,  57-8;  castes,  etc.,  i.  25-6; 
occupations,  i.  26-7;  pastimes,  i. 
34-5,  49-50;  dwellings,  i.  35-9; 
markets,  etc.,  i.  37;  women,  i.  39, 
51-4;  dress,  i.  39-45;  religion,  i. 
45;  food,  etc.,  i.  45-8;  hospitality, 
i.  49;  treatment,  etc.,  of  women,  i. 
51-4. 

Sauier,  E.  G.,  biog..  iii.  261-2:  works 
oi,  m.  261-L 

Sterling,  Vice-admiral  C.,  mention  oi, 

iii.  494-5. 


774 


INDEX. 


Stevens,  H.,  ' Historical  and  Geo- 
graphical Notes,’  i.  70. 

Stout,  P.  F.,  ‘Nicaragua,’  iii.  247. 

Strangeways,  T.,  ‘ Sketch  of  the  Mos- 
quito Shore,’  iii.  247. 

Swan,  Capt. , raids  off  coast  of  South  j 
Arner. , 1684-5,  ii.  549-50;  capture 
of  Leon,  ii.  554. 


T 

Tabira,  J.  de,  factor  at  Antigua,  1514, 

i.  390;  exped.  of,  1515,  i.  407. 
Tobaga,  island,  Pedrarias  at,  1519,  i. 

487;  pirates  at,  1880,  ii.  538. 
Tacuxcalco,  battle  of,  1524,  i.  073-4. 
Tacuylula,  Alvarado  at,  1524,  i.  687. 
Tafur,  Licentiate,  mention  of,  ii.  7. 
Talamauca,  revolt  in,  1610,  ii.  445- 
6;  Maldonado’s  exped.  to,  1660,  ii. 
446;  Franciscans  in,  ii.  447;  at- 
tempted subjugation  of,  ii.  617-20. 
Talavera,  B.  de,  piracy  of,  i.  300;  exa-, 
cution,  1510,  i.  301. 

Tapia,  G.  de,  capture,  etc.,  of,  1550, 

ii.  2S2. 

Tarragona,  Maestre  de  Campo,  execu- 
tion of,  1554,  ii.  425. 

Tatahuitlapan,  Cortes  at,  1524,  i.  544- 
5. 

Tataracherubi,  Cacique,  Badajoz’  deal- 
ings with,  1515,  i.  413-14. 

Tayasal,  pueblo,  Cortes  at,  i.  559-61. 
Tecum  Uman,  King,  defeat  of,  1524, 

i.  639^41. 

Tegucigalpa,  missionary  labors  in,  ii. 
642-3. 

Tegucicalpa,  city,  capital  of  Hond., 
1880,  hi.  485;  description  of,  iii. 
571. 

Tehuantepec,  city,  Alvarado's  recep- 
tion at,  1524,  i.  627. 

Tehuantepec,  isthmus,  project  for  ca- 
nal, iii.  693-4. 

Telegraphs,  in  Cent.  Amer.,  iii.  708- 
9. 

T mango,  captured  by  Tzendaies,  1712, 

ii.  698. 

Tenciz,  pueblo,  Cortes  at,  1525,  i. 
534. 

Teoca,  Cacique,  encounter  with  Bal- 
boa, 1513,  i.  378. 

Teotilac,  Cortes  at,  1524,  i.  550-7. 
Terci,  J.,  gov.  of  C.  R.,  1785,  ii.  622. 
Terminos,  bay  of,  buccaneer  settle- 
ment at,  ii.  623. 

lernaux-Compans,  II.,  works  of,  i. 
230;  ii.  759.” 

Tetlepanquetzal,  execution  of,  1524,  i. 
551-4 


Thevenot,  M.,  ‘Relation  de  Divers 
Voyages,’  ii.  744. 

Thevet,  A.,  works  of,  ii.  233. 

Thiel,  Bishop,  mention  of,  iii.  389; 
expulsion,  etc.,  of,  iii  635. 

I Tiac,  Cortes  at,  1524,  i.  558. 

Tierra  Firtne,  name,  i.  290-1 ; proposed 
colonization  of,  i 290-2;  partition 
of,  i.  294;  subject  to  viceroy  of 
Peru,  1571,  ii  400-1. 

Tiger  Island,  British  seizure  of,  1849, 
iii.  318. 

Tizapetlan,  Cortes  at,  1524,  i.  549-50. 
Tlascaltecs,  enslavement  of,  ii.  234. 
Toledo,  M.  de,  claim  of,  ii.  64. 
Tologalpa,  missionary  labors  in,  ii. 
447-50. 

Tolosa,  Father  D.  de,  martyrdom  of, 
1549,  ii.  356. 

Tonala,  battle  of,  1524,  i.  628. 

Torre,  Friar  T.  de  la,  mention  of,  ii. 

345;  provincial,  ii.  376. 

Torres,  Friar  J.  de,  mention  of,  ii.  133. 
Tortuga,  freebooters  at,  ii.  453—4. 
Totonagua,  Cacique,  surprised  by  Ba- 
dajaz,  1515,  i.  413. 

Totonicapan,  natives  muster  at,  1524, 

i.  633. 

Townley,  Capt.,  joins  Davis’  free- 
booters, 1685,  ii.  550-1;  capture  of 
Leon,  ii.  554;  of  Granada,  1686,  ii. 
557-9;  surprise  of  Los  Santos,  ii. 
561;  defeat  of,  ii.  561;  death,  ii.  561. 
Treasure  fleet,  regulations,  etc.,  for, 

ii.  468-9,  473. 

Treaties,  Anglo-Spanish,  1670-1721, 

ii.  598-600;  1783,  ii.  603;  1786,  ii. 
632-4;  of  Zacota,  1844,  iii.  196-7; 
Chinameca,  1845,  iii.  203-4;  Sen- 
senti,  1845,  iii.  206;  San  Jose,  1858, 

iii.  232-3;  Clayton-Bulwer,  1850, 
iii.  252;  Zeledon-Wyke,  1860,  iii. 
253;  of  Santa  Ana,  1876,  iii.  406. 

Triana,  R.  de,  mention  of,  i.  160. 
Triunfo  de  la  Cruz,  founding  of,  1524, 
i.  520,  527. 

Trota,  Cacique,  exped.  against,  1527, 

i.  509-10. 

Trujillo,  founding  of,  1525,  i.  535;  Cor- 
tes at,  1525-6,  i.  571-82;  Mendez’ 
revolt  at,  1531,  ii.  150-3;  destitution 
at,  ii.  155-6;  partial  abandonment 
of,  ii.  158,  289;  demands  of  colonists, 

ii.  159-60;  raid  on,  1596,  ii.  639; 
1643,  1797,  ii.  645;  description  of, 
ii.  639;  capture  of,  1S20,  iii.  24-5; 
British  occupation  of,  1849,  iii. 
317. 

Tubanami,,  Cacique,  captured  by  Bal- 
boa, 1513,  i.  381-2. 

Tuero,  J.  N.,  deputy  to  cortes,  26. 


INDEX. 


775 


Tumaco,  Cacique,  meeting  with  Bal- 
boa, 1513,  i.  375-7. 

Tumbez,  Pizarro  at,  1532,  ii.  18. 
Tuxpan,  Cort6s  at,  1522,  i.  624. 
Tuzulutlan,  see  Vera  Paz. 

Tzendales,  revolt  of  the,  1712-13,  ii. 
696-705. 

U 

Ubilla,  Don  F.  A.  de,  bishop  of  Chiap., 
1592,  ii.  373. 

Ugarte  y Saravia,  A.  de,  bishop  of 
Guat.,  1630-41,  ii.  664. 

Ulloa,  A.  de,  ‘Noticias  Americanas,’ 

ii.  760-1. 

Ulloa,  F.  de,  exped.  of,  1539,  i.  152. 
United  States,  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty, 
1850,  iii.  252;  difficulty  with  Nic., 

iii.  254-5;  with  New  Gran.,  1855, 
iii.  519;  1856-7,  iii.  520-2;  treaty 
with  New  Gran.,  1846,  iii.  700-1. 

United  States  of  Colombia,  organized, 
1860,  iii.  529;  govt  of,  centralized, 
1885,  iii.  558. 

Uraga,  Gen.  L.,  operations  of,  1876, 
iii.  403. 

Urbina,  Col  J.  de  M.,  gov.  of  Pan., 
1803,  iii.  489. 

Urraca,  Cacique,  exped.  against,  i. 
504-5;  attack  on  Nata,  i.  506;  con- 
flict with  Pedrarias,  i.  507-8;  cap- 
ture, etc.,  of,  509;  death,  510. 
Urrdtia,  C.,  capt.-gen.,  1818,  iii.  23; 
rule,  iii.  23-32. 

Ursua,  M.,  enterprise  of,  1692,  ii.  681- 
2;  Soberanis’  opposition  to,  ii.  688, 
691;  campaigns  of,  1697-9,  ii.  691-5. 
Ursua,  P.  de,  campaign  of,  ii.  387-8. 
Uspantan,  exped.  against,  1529,  ii. 

108-10;  capture  of,  1530,  ii.  112-30. 
Utatlan,  description  of,  i.  643-5; 
burning  of,  1524,  i.  649-50. 


V 

Vaena,  J.,  labors  of,  in  Tegucigalpa, 
ii.  642-3;  martyrdom  of,  ii.  643. 
Valarino,  J.,  biog.,  iii.  513. 

Valderas,  Friar,  mission  to  Spain,  ii. 
346. 

V alderribano,  A.  de,  execution  of, 
1517,  i.  457-9. 

Valderrama,  F.  de,  gov.  of  C.  R.,  ii. 
621. 

Valdivia,  Regidor,  mission  to  Es- 
panola,  1511,  i.  342;  fate  of,  i.  349- 
50. 

Valdivieso,  A.  de,  bishop  of  Nic., 
1544,  ii.  179-80;  biog.,  ii.  179;  feud 


with  Contreras,  ii.  180-3;  dispute 
with  the  audiencia  of  the  Confines, 
1545,  ii.  303-7;  assassination  of, 
1550,  ii.  276. 

Valencia,  Capt.-gen.  P.  de  0.,  cam- 
paign of,  ii.  388. 

Valenzuela,  joins  Espinosa,  i.  425;  ex- 
ped. of,  1516,  i.  426. 

Valladolid,  junta  at,  1541,  ii.  239-40. 
Valle,  J.  del,  leader  of  gazistas,  iii. 

26;  biog.,  iii.  26-7;  death  of,  iii.  121. 
Valtonado,  B.,  bishop  of  Nic.,  1621,  ii. 
443. 

Val verde,  G.  de,  president  of  Guat., 
1578-89,  ii.  380-1. 

Valverde,  V.  de,  conquest  of  Peru,  ii. 
27-9,  37-8. 

Vara,  R.  de  la,  archbishop  of  Guat., 
iii.  29. 

Vargas,  Capt.  A de,  exped.  of,  1527, 

i.  509-10. 

Varnhagen,  F.  A.  de,  ‘Le  Premier 
Voyage  de  Amerigo  Vespucci,  ’ i.  70. 
Vasco  y Orosco,  J.,  gov.  of  Pan.,  1764, 

ii.  584. 

Vasconcelos,  D.,  defeat  of,  1850,  iii. 

279-80;  president  of  Salv.,  iii.  294-9. 
Vazquez,  F.,  works  of,  ii.  142-3, 
736-7. 

Vela,  Viceroy  V.  N.,  measures  of,  in 
Pan.,  1544,  ii.  242-3;  arrival  in 
Peru,  1544,  ii.  252;  revolt  against, 

ii.  252-3;  death  of,  1546,  ii.  254. 
Velasco,  D.  F.  de,  gov.  of  Castilla  del 

Oro,  1616,  ii.  471. 

Velasco,  J.  D.  de,  exped.  of,  1695,  ii. 

682-5;  1696,  ii.  686. 

Vera  Paz,  pacification  of,  ii.  348-54; 
slavery,  etc.,  in,  ii.,  355;  church  af- 
fairs in,  ii.  374;  colonization  in,  iii. 
122-3,  589. 

Vera  y Villaquiran,  D.  0.  de,  exped. 

of,  1646-8,  ii.  977-9. 

Veragua,  Columbus’  explorations,  etc., 
in,  1503,  i.  218-31;  quibian  of,  i. 
219-28;  colony  founded  in,  i.  221-2; 
abandoned,  i.  229-30;  Nicuesa’s  ex- 
ped. to,  1509-10,  i.  302-8;  descrip- 
tion of,  ii.  63;  Gutierrez’  exped.  to, 
1535-6,  ii.  65-73;  secession  of,  1840, 

iii.  515. 

Verdelete,  E.,  labors  in  Tologalpa,  ii. 

448-50;  martyrdom,  1612,  ii.  450. 
Verdugo,  M.,  arrest,  etc.,  of,  ii.  261-2; 
invasion  of  Pan.,  1545,  ii.  262-3; 
defeat  of,  ii.  263-4;  rebuked  by 
Gasca,  ii.  269. 

Vernon,  Capt.  E.,  exped.  of,  1739-42, 
ii.  588-93. 

Verrazano,  G.,  exped.  of,  1524,  i.  140- 

1. 


77G 


INDEX. 


Verveer,  Gen.,  mediation  of,  iii.  9S. 

Vespucci,  A.,  voyages  of,  i.  99-107, 
.12-13,  117-18. 

Vetatcur,  Don  R.  V.,  gov.  of  Yuc.,  ii. 
631;  exped.  to  Belize,  ii.  631-2. 

Vetancur,  Father  de  S.  J.,  founds 
Bethlehemite  order  in  Guat.,  ii.  666. 

Vila,  Gen.  R.  S.,  president  of  Pan., 
1885,  iii.  549-50,  559. 

Villa  Hermosa,  Marques  de,  gov.  of 
Pan.,  1730-5,  ii.  583-4. 

Villa  de  Nicaragua,  revolt  at,  1812, 
iii.  14. 

Villa  Real,  see  Ciudad  Real. 

Villa  Rocha,  Marques  de,  gov.  of  Pan., 
1708,  ii.  582. 

Villacorta,  J.  V.,  jefe  of  Salv.,  1824, 
iii.  166-7. 

Villalpando,  B.  de,  bishop  of  Guat., 
1564,  ii.  375-8. 

Villanueva,  battle  of,  1838,  iii.  135-6. 

Villar,  A.  del,  prosecution  of  conspir- 
ators, iii.  18-19. 

Villasenor,  Col  V.,  defection  of, 
1842,  iii.  216-17;  execution,  iii. 
221-2. 

Villasis,  Friar  8.  de,  mission  of,  1646, 
ii.  677-8. 

Viteri,  Bishop,  mention  of,  iii.  190, 
193,  202;  revolution  of,  1842,  iii. 
2S9;  intrigues  of,  iii.  291-3. 

Vivero,  R.  de,  gov.  of  Castilla  del 
Oro,  ii.  472. 

Votan,  tradition  of,  ii.  213. 

‘ Voyage  Pittoresque,  ’ ii.  754-5. 

‘Voyages  round  the  World, ’ii.  752. 

‘Voyages  and  Adventures  of  Capt. 
Barth.  Sharp,’  ii.  568. 

Voyages  of  discovery,  early,  i.  68-154. 


W 

Wafer,  ‘A  New  Voyage,’  ii.  569. 

Walckenaer,  C.  A.,  works  of,  ii.  749. 

Walker,  W.,  campaign  in  Nic.,  1855- 
6,  iii.  328-46;  bir.g.,  iii.  329;  plan 
of  exped.,  iii.  343;  president  of 
Nic.,  iii.  350;  surrender,  iii.  360-1; 
second  exped.  to  Nic.,  iii.  363; 
exped.  to  Hond.,  iii.  363;  execu- 
tion, 1860,  iii.  364. 

Wappaus,  J.  G.,  ‘ Geographic  und 
Statestif,  ’ iii.  709. 

Warner,  T.,  exped.  of,  1625,  ii.  453. 

Weatherhead,  W.  D.,  works  of,  iii. 
502. 

Wells,  W.  V.,  works  of,  iii.  323. 

Wheeler,  Amer.  minister,  relations 
with,  discontinued,  1855,  iii.  340. 

‘ World  Displayed,’  ii.  250. 


X 

Xalpatlahua,  Penol,  capture,  ii.  82-3. 

Xatruch,  Gen.,  invasion  of  Hond., 
1871,  iii.  455-6. 

Xelahuh,  city,  Alvarado’s  occupation 
of,  1524,  i.  638;  battle  of,  i.  639-41. 

Xequiquel,  river,  named,  1524,  i.  636. 

Xicaques,  missionary  labors  among 
the,  1667-98,  ii.  643-4. 

Xumay,  outbreak  at,  1529,  ii.  107-8. 

Y 

Yucatan,  Valdivia’s  shipwreck,  etc., 
off,  1512,  i.  350;  buccaneers  in,  ii. 
622-3;  British  usurpation  in,  iii. 
315;  population,  iii.  316;  products, 
iii.  316-17. 

Z 

Zacaha,  fortifications  of,  i.  633. 

Zacatepecs,  revolt  of  tli3,  152,  i. 
692-5;  1527,  ii.  88-91. 

Zacatula,  ship-building  at,  1522,  i.  623. 

Zaclunes,  revolt  of  the,  1624,  ii.  676. 

Zacota,  treaty  of,  1844,  iii.  196-7. 

Zakuleu,  capture  of,  1525,  i.  700-2. 

Zaldlvar,  R.,  president  of  Salv.,  1876- 
84,  iii.  406-11;  biog.,  iii.  406-7; 
negotiations  with  Barrios,  iii.  446-7. 

Zamora,  A.  C.,  bishop  of  C.  R.,  1884, 
iii.  635. 

Zamora,  J.,  revolt  of,  1826,  iii.  179-80. 

Zamudio,  M.,  gov.  of  Castilla  del  Oro, 
1511,  i.  335;  cruelty  to  Nicuesa,  i. 
335-6;  outdone  by  Balboa,  i.  339-40. 

Zapata  y Sandoval,  J.,  bishop  of 
Guat.,  1621-30,  ii.  664. 

Zapotitlan,  capture  of,  1524,  i.  629-31. 

Zavala,  Gen.  J.,  president  of  Nic., 
1879-83,  iii.  482-5. 

Zavala,  Gen.  V.,  operations  of,  1856, 
iii.  353-6;  disturbances  caused  by, 
iii.  361-2;  revolt  in  favor  of,  1869, 
iii.  416-17. 

Zelaya,  G.,  jefe  of  Hond.,  1827,  iii. 
162. 

Zeldon-Wyke  treaty,  1860,  iii.  253. 

Zeno,  chart  of,  1390,  i.  82. 

Zepeda,  Father,  explorations  of,  1750- 
1,  ii.  613-14. 

Zepeda,  J.,  jefe  of  Nic.,  1835,  iii.  177. 

Zipangu,  fabled  realm  of,  i.  160-1. 

Zorita,  Oidor,  measures  of,  in  Guat., 
1555,  ii.  359. 

Zuazo,  Licentiate,  despatch  to  Cortes, 
i.  572-3. 

Zubiaur,  P.  dc,  exped.  of,  1695,  ii.  690. 

Zutugils,  subjugation,  1524,  i.  657-60 


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